["Medical Journal of India, 7 (5), 1994: 213. Wintle, C. \u2018Diplomacy and the design school: The Ford Foundation and India\u2019s National Institute of Design\u2019. Design and Culture, 9 (2), 2017: 207\u201324.","Grassroots Technologies and Movements By the 1970s, India had a well-developed network of national research laboratories, higher education institutions, research councils, agriculture universities and so on. A feeling had started growing that all these institutions in the formal sector were not fully geared to meet the needs of the common man. Civil society activists and some scientists in the formal sector also felt the need for technologies specifically targeting rural people. Around the same time came the \u2018oil shock\u2019 which brought the focus on the efficient use of fossil fuels. The improved chulha and Nutan wick stove represent this new focus. Two women\u2019s movements \u2013 Lijjat papad and the Self-Employed Women\u2019s Association \u2013 though born under different circumstances were innovative responses to empower women by making use of their skills and labour. Another initiative to spot and nurture innovators in rural areas in the 1990s became a movement and has helped disseminate grassroots innovations and ideas to wider communities. It connected innovators in the informal sector with formal systems and markets. Ten such innovations have been discussed, besides the pad-making machine that has attracted global attention. In the field of marketing, the sachet has caused a quiet revolution in selling fast-moving consumer goods (FMCG) like \u2018chota recharge\u2019 did for the mobile phone business.","72. Improved Chulha Woodburning earthen stoves or chulhas are a common sight in rural India. A chulha is not just a means of cooking food but is also a symbol of a joint family staying together. Among women of the household, access and control of the chulha and associated chores like the collection of biomass for cooking signify a certain order and hierarchy. Yet, the use of the chulha has also raised health and environmental concerns. Keeping the hearth going means a lot of drudgery for women as they have to spend long hours collecting firewood. Then, within the home, incomplete combustion of the fuel used in open-fire stoves \u2013 wood, cow dung cakes, farm residue \u2013 causes indoor air pollution. The smoke affects the health of women and children, resulting in lung diseases over time. The smoke from the chulhas contributes to outdoor pollution as well, leading to the degradation of the local environment. Forests get depleted because of cutting down of trees to get wood needed for the stoves. While the reach of modern fuels like liquefied petroleum gas and electricity in rural areas is limited as well as more expensive, technological improvements in the traditional chulha have helped mitigate problems associated with wood-burning stoves to a great extent. The improved chulha developed by Indian scientists in the 1980s has helped boost its efficiency and make households almost smoke-free. The technological innovations in improving the chulha (sometimes also called the smokeless chulha though it does not fully eliminate smoke) focus on better combustion of wood through improved air supply. The airflow is ensured without obstruction by ash and embers, while the flame gets redirected towards the cooking vessel. Heating loss is made even less by reducing the size of the opening for fuel insertion and by preventing the overloading of fuel. The improved chulha developed by scientists at the Application of Science and Technology to Rural Areas (ASTRA) Centre at the IISc, Bangalore, consisted of a chimney so that smoke due to burning fuel could be released outside. Called Astra Ole, the three-pan improved stove has a firebox with a metal door at the side for loading the fuel. Its fuel utilization efficiency was over 40 per cent. Astra Ole triggered large-scale dissemination of the technology first in Karnataka and then led to the launch of the National Programme on Improved Chulhas in 1983. The cost of the stove was subsidized for the poor. Subsequently, several different models of improved wood stoves made of mud and steel components became popular in different states. Between 1984 and 2001, it is estimated that over 34 million such stoves were produced and disseminated in rural areas under government programmes and initiatives of non-governmental organizations (NGOs). Later, cement stoves with a lifespan of five years were promoted by the Ministry of New and Renewable Energy (MNRE). Despite problems relating to social and cultural acceptance of the stove in parts of the country, the Astra stove served as a model for the development of rural technologies by several other institutes and helped place rural technologies on the national planning agenda. Key People The idea of an initiative on rural technologies emerged at the IISc during discussions in the 1970s. Amulya Kumar N. Reddy (1930\u20132006), who was a professor of electrochemistry at the IISc, proposed that India needed alternative technologies for rural areas as the mainstream scientific research in post-Independence India had become aligned with the \u2018elitist pattern of industrialization\u2019. He wanted Indian science to devote itself to the","\u2018generation of an alternative pattern of capital-saving labour-intensive technologies of relevance to the rural poor\u2019. Reddy gave up his two-decade-long research career in electrochemistry to translate his ideas into action by establishing a centre for rural technologies. He chose the acronym ASTRA, which in Sanskrit means weapon, and wished to position the centre as a weapon against rural poverty. The centre developed several technologies in energy, low-cost housing, drinking water and agro-processing. Reddy was also instrumental in the formation of the Karnataka State Council for Science and Technology to disseminate science and technology for development in rural areas. The council played a key role in popularizing the improved stove, biomass gasifier and other technologies developed at ASTRA. 73. Nutan Wick Stove The use of commercial fuels such as electricity, coal and kerosene for lighting, cooking and water heating purposes in Indian homes was very low when India became independent. In 1953\u201354, these fuels accounted for just 7.4 per cent of domestic fuel consumption, with the rest of fuel needs being met by non-commercial sources, such as biomass, firewood, cow dung cakes, among others. Kerosene was mostly used for lighting lamps as households in rural areas did not have access to electricity and supplies in cities were erratic. In the 1970s, the share of commercial fuel for domestic use had risen to 20 per cent and was projected to grow gradually. While the rising consumption of commercial fuel was an indicator of better standards of living, it also became a cause of worry for the government as it meant a greater foreign exchange burden. Globally, prices of petroleum products had risen due to the Oil Shock of 1973. The domestic production of superior kerosene oil was not sufficient to meet the growing demand, forcing the government to import huge quantities of kerosene. To ease the situation, the focus shifted to the promotion of energy efficiency as well as new technologies like solar cooking. These efforts gave rise to an innovative cooking technology for Indian kitchens \u2013 the energy-efficient wick stove called Nutan. Nutan was a gravity-fed kerosene wick stove in which the fuel reached the burner employing a gravity head and not by pressure as it did in pump stoves which were in use until then. A thick cotton fabric covered with removable wire gauge or interwoven with metallic fibre was used for lighting wicks. Its specially designed burner assembly had a perforated area on its upper surface to supply additional air for the complete combustion of kerosene, while the outer burner casing had three walls for supplying preheated secondary air for combustion. Other novel features of the stove included a flame deflecting ring, an oil level indicator and a fuel tank with a capacity of 2.24 litres to reduce the number of fillings required (and reduce wastage during filling). The design was tailormade for Indian cooking needs and vessel sizes. The adjustable vessel support allowed Nutan to handle a wide range of vessels for any purpose, from boiling large volumes of water to melting small portions of butter. The stove gave out a blue flame, just like liquefied petroleum gas (LPG), and its thermal efficiency was 60 per cent. It was the first branded stove and was marketed through the Indian Oil Corporation (IOC). Nutan became an instant success in the 1970s and several lakh units were sold, resulting in huge foreign exchange savings. It was followed by other energy-efficient devices for lighting \u2013 Nutan Deep Wick Lamp and Nutan Jyoti Hurricane Lantern. Nutan was not only a technological innovation but a pioneering effort in energy conservation. The stove was in production until 2013. Key People","The energy-efficient stove was developed at the research and development centre of IOC in Faridabad. The development team consisted of Dr R.K. Gupta (head of the division), R.K. Paulastya (research officer) and A.K. Mehta (scientific assistant). The three inventors were awarded the World Intellectual Property Organization (WIPO) Gold Medal, for their work. The Indian Institute of Petroleum, Dehradun, was involved in conducting tests and suggesting improvements, while Singanapalli Balaram, an industrial designer and faculty member at the NID Ahmedabad, designed the stove. 74. Sachet Revolution The market for FMCGs is one of the largest in the Indian economy, with household and personal care products accounting for half of it. FMCG products include packaged foods, toiletries, beverages and other non-durable household items. The rate of growth in this sector has been higher in semi-urban and rural areas compared with cities. In addition to factors like the rise in disposable incomes and rising aspirations in rural areas, one of the key factors for FMCG growth in rural areas is what is sometimes called \u2018sachetization\u2019 of the market. It refers to the phenomenon of companies marketing their products in small-sized packs and sachets instead of standard- sized bottles and large unit sizes. Small packs make products more affordable, convenient and attractive for price-conscious consumers in rural as well as urban areas. The practice started with shampoo sachets launched by a small company in Tamil Nadu\u2019s Cuddalore town in the 1970s. Eventually, the idea spread to other southern states and the rest of the country in the 1980s and the 1990s to a range of personal care products and other product categories. This triggered the sachet revolution, which has transformed rural marketing in India forever. The concept has been embraced in services too, as reflected in \u2018chota recharge\u2019 for talk time and tiny data packs. The idea of marketing a product in a micro pack was first tried out by tea companies \u2013 Lipton and Brooke Bond \u2013 in the 1950s. These companies introduced \u2018paisa packs\u2019 of tea leaves sufficient for making two cups of tea, mainly targeted at daily wage earners. In the late 1970s, an entrepreneur, Chinni Krishnan, started packing a liquid product \u2013 shampoo \u2013 in sachets and marketed it under the brand name \u2018Velvet\u2019 in Tamil Nadu. At that time, hair care products like shampoo were considered premium products aimed at high-end urban consumers only. The use of baby soap (which is supposed to be softer) for hair washing was a prevalent practice in rural areas. After his death, his son C.K. Ranganathan broke away from his brothers and started his own shampoo business under the brand name, CHIK India (later renamed CavinKare). The company adopted novel marketing practices such as the live demonstration at public places of using shampoo, distributing samples to people and selling the shampoo sachets through roadside kiosks and small kirana shops. The biggest USP was the price \u2013 the sachets sold for 50 paise initially and then Re 1. In this way, a premium product like shampoo suddenly became accessible to the rural masses. Then CavinKare expanded its portfolio of sachets to include other personal care products like talcum powder, shikakai powder, hair oil and so on. The dramatic success of CavinKare with its sachets opened up the eyes of multinational and Indian personal care companies, and the market got flooded with sachet versions of all leading brands of shampoo. With four billion sachets sold a year, sachets account for almost 90 per cent of shampoos sold in India. The sachet revolution has led to the opening up of new market segments and an increase in volumes for consumer goods companies, while for consumers it has meant the increased frequency of use, affordability, ease of storage and portability. The sachet or small pack trend has grown to include biscuits, cold drinks, mineral water, ice cream, namkeen (savoury snacks), detergents, soaps, chocolates, tea, coffee, toothpaste, hair dyes,","nail polish, mouth fresheners, ready-mixes and noodles. The sachet has brought a decisive shift in FMCG marketing in India. It also led to the concept of \u2018coinage pricing\u2019 in which prices are set at a coin value like `2, `5 and `10, which are attractive price points and also help retailers overcome the problem of change. Of late, the sachet segment has also attracted criticism because the unit cost of products like shampoo in sachets is working out to be higher than larger packs. Key People Selling consumables in small packs for the benefit of consumers in rural areas was the brainchild of Chinni Krishnan, who used to run a small packaging business in Cuddalore in the 1970s. He started with small packs of talcum powder and Epsom salt in the beginning but with little success. His idea was to make personal care products affordable for the common man. He then took to making small packs of a liquid product \u2013 shampoo, which till then used to be sold only in big bottles. This sowed the idea of the shampoo sachet in the mind of his son C.K. Ranganathan who started a small packaging unit after Krishnan\u2019s death, naming his shampoo product \u2018CHIK\u2019 which stands for his father\u2019s initials. In the first month, 20,000 sachets got sold. Unlike shampoo bottles that were sold through fancy stores in cities, sachets were marketed through small shops and neighbourhood grocery stores. This changed the marketing paradigm for FMCGs. 75. Sanitary Pad-making Machine In 2018, the Bollywood film, Pad Man, featuring Akshay Kumar, Sonam Kapoor and Radhika Apte, became a box office hit and also earned critical acclaim. The film brought into focus the taboo subject of menstrual health and the work of a grassroots innovator. It was based on the life of Arunachalam Muruganantham, who has developed the world\u2019s first low-cost sanitary pad-making machine. The dissemination of this innovation has made sanitary napkins affordable to millions of women in India and several other developing countries. Menstrual health has remained a neglected subject in India for long, although only 12 per cent of Indian women use sanitary napkins during their periods. The majority of Indian women are forced to use unhygienic means, such as old cloth, dried leaves or husk packs, leading to reproductive tract infections and even cervical cancers. Women use harmful alternatives because they can\u2019t afford to buy sanitary pads available in cities and towns. When Muruganantham, a school dropout, noticed this in his own home, he decided to do something about it. In the late 1990s, he started dissecting different brands of pads being sold by big companies, and even used ones, in his backyard workshop to explore if he could make a cheaper version. After several trials and errors, he figured out that the absorbing material used in the pads was pinewood cellulose derived from tree bark, and that it was compressed and packed in cotton covering. Being in Coimbatore \u2013 which is a hub for the textile industry \u2013 he could get the raw material needed for making pads but the machine to do so was very costly. This is when he decided to redesign an industrially manufactured pad-making machine as the high cost of this machine was resulting in the high cost of pads. Muruganantham broke down the manufacturing process and developed separate machines for all the steps performed in the fully automated versions. In the first stage, a simple machine chops wood, using a powerful motor. The pulp is then compressed into a napkin shape in the core-forming unit. This is done manually, by using a foot pedal. Each napkin is wrapped with a piece of nonwoven fabric and sealed with another pedal unit. In the","last stage, napkins are sterilized in an ultraviolet chamber, trimmed and strips are fixed. This brought down the cost of the basic manufacturing unit to about `65,000 compared to `3.5 crore for the commercially available pad-making unit. The quality of pads is comparable to those marketed by multinational companies. A single unit can produce 1,500 pads in a day \u2013 the whole process is mechanical and does not use any chemicals. Besides the cost, the operation of the machine is so simple it does not require workers with technical training or skill. Since Muruganantham\u2019s objective was to help women, he decided to market his invention by directly selling the machine to women\u2019s cooperatives and self-help groups, eliminating intermediaries. In this way, the machine is not only making sanitary napkins affordable to women but is employing thousands of women. It is a unique combination of engineering innovation and social entrepreneurship. Jayaashree Industries, established by Muruganantham in 2006, has supplied over 5,000 machines in several states in India, and in several developing countries in Asia and Africa. 76. Honey Bee Network Technology and management experts often talk about developing and disseminating appropriate technologies and innovations among the poor who belong to the so-called Bottom of the Pyramid. This approach, however, ignores the capacity of the poor to innovate to solve their problems. The poor may at the bottom of the economic pyramid but are not necessarily knowledgepoor. They are a rich depository of frugal, sustainable and affordable innovations and wisdom. In the absence of linkages with formal systems of knowledge, resources and materials, grassroots innovations remain alienated and unrecognized. This understanding led to the formation of a unique experiment in 1989 called the Honey Bee Network (HBN), to bring together creative individuals and communities at the grassroots level on a single platform. HBN began its work with traditional knowledge and practices in agriculture, gradually expanding to embrace other sectors. Together with its offshoots \u2013 the Society for Research and Initiatives for Sustainable Technologies and Institutions (SRISTI) established in 1993 and the National Innovation Foundation (NIF) in 2000 \u2013 HBN has been systematically scouting grassroots innovations. Another body, the Grassroots Innovations Augmentation Network (GIAN), helps innovators to market their grassroots ideas. The three bodies hunt for potential grassroots innovators, document their work, provide them technical and design support, reward the best ones, protect their intellectual property rights (IPR) and help disseminate these innovations. The result is a massive database of 310,000 ideas, innovations and traditional knowledge practices. About 1,000 grassroots innovators have been awarded at the national levels. Most of them are school dropouts, women, roadside mechanics, artisans, teachers, farmers and students. Nearly 100 patents have been granted to grassroots innovators in India and elsewhere, and plant varieties developed by them have been registered with the Protection of Plant Varieties and Farmers\u2019 Rights Authority. Over 230 innovation-based companies have been incubated and several innovations have reached the market in India and countries in Asia and Africa. The following are ten such grassroots innovations that are in various stages of getting to the market. Mitti Cool: Using a mataka or an earthen pot for keeping drinking water cool during summer is a traditional practice in India. Millions of people cannot afford to buy refrigerators, which are also difficult to run due to a lack of electricity. Mansukh Bhai Prajapati, a traditional potter from Wankaner in","Gujarat, has addressed the problem with a natural refrigerator entirely made of clay. It\u2019s cheap and requires no electricity to run. The fridge, named Mitti Cool, uses the principle of evaporation to keep vegetables, fruits and milk fresh for two to three days. The upper chamber is used to store water, while two shelves in the lower chamber can be used to store foodstuffs. Water dripping from the upper chamber gets evaporated, taking away heat from the inside chambers. Prajapati\u2019s innovation has been a commercial success, with several thousand units sold in India and other countries. Tree Climber: Tree climbing is a skill much in demand in coconut and palm growing states, but few people are taking to it because of occupational risks involved. To address this problem, two innovators developed tree climbing machines that facilitate climbing coconut, palm, teak, rubber, silver oak trees. The climber, developed by D.N. Venkat, an agriculturist from Coimbatore, consists of a seat and two frames. The upper frame is operated by hand while the lower one is operated by the leg. The user can sit on the seat and climb a tree by the \u2018up and down\u2019 movement of upper and lower frames. The locking system enables the climber to work without fear at any height. One can climb up to 40 feet in five minutes. Another tree climber, developed by M.J. Joseph of Kannur in Kerala, is more suited for coconut trees. Several hundred units of both the devices have been sold in the southern states and also exported to countries in South Asia. Bicycle with Induced Transmission: Kanak Das, an innovator from Assam, had a bicycle that needed a lot of effort to ride because of bumpy roads in rural areas. He purchased a new one with a shock absorber in which he noticed that the energy absorbed by the shock absorber was getting wasted. This triggered an idea in his mind of utilizing the energy that was getting wasted in shock absorbers for propelling the rear wheel so it could supplement the pedal function. When a cycle bumps on an uneven road or undulating terrain, the force induced by the bump and rider\u2019s weight is stored in a battery of six springs attached under the pedal. The cycle developed by Kanak Das does not slow down after bumps but gets accelerated because of its ability to convert vertical movement (due to bumps) into horizontal propulsion. The technology can be incorporated into commercially available bicycles. Vanraj 10 HP: A tractor is one of the most common agricultural machines available, yet most small farmers find it difficult to own one because of its unsuitability for small plots. Bhanjibhai Mathukia, a farmer in Gujarat, has come up with a mini-tractor of 10 horsepower (hp. It is also a \u2018convertible\u2019 as it can be used as a three-wheeled machine or four-wheeled one depending on the application). The mini- tractor is cost-effective and provides improved manoeuvrability to farmers. Besides interchangeability from three to four wheels, it has an adjustable wheelbase to facilitate interculture farming. The innovation has been studied at formal institutions for standardization of design, testing and certification. Multipurpose Food Processors: Fruits, vegetables and medicinal plants get wasted in large quantities due to the non-availability of processing facilities in rural areas and lack of access to processing plants. Processing involves several steps like mixing, heating, extraction of pulp or juice, all of which need costly machines. Dharambir Kamboj, an innovator from Yamunanagar in Haryana, has developed a multipurpose food processing machine capable of processing different fruits, vegetables, herbs and seeds. The machine has become a source of employment generation in rural and tribal areas where people are using it to make value-added products like juices, jams and paste, with locally grown fruits and vegetables as ingredients. The innovation has attracted attention in several countries in Africa too.","Condensate Heat Recovery System: While playing in a field in his village, Subhash Ola, son of a dairy farmer in a village near Alwar in Rajasthan, noticed that steam coming out of the diesel-run water pump was hot. This got him wondering why the heat from the steam was not used as it was just getting wasted. Being in the milk business, Subhash used to supply milk for factories making dairy and sweet products like mawa (milk solid) and the sweet called rasagulla. Here too, he found huge amounts of hot steam getting wasted and too much wood being burnt. Seeing this wastage, he decided to tap waste heat from steam. After years of trials and errors, he was able to re-engineer a boiler to make the steam return to it after transferring heat for a useful purpose like making mawa. By recycling steam, rather than allowing its condensation, he could achieve massive savings in fuel and water. The invention has found application in diverse and large industries such as textiles, food, pharmaceuticals, power and plywood, resulting in multicrore businesses. Natural Water Cooler: Arvindbhai Patel of Ahmedabad has developed a low-cost, energy-efficient, environment-friendly water cooler based on the principle of heat exchange. It cools water naturally, based on external temperature and humidity. Water passes through copper coils covered with cotton string, which are continually moistened by a dripper. A small DC fan powered through a solar panel mounted on a rooftop facilitates air circulation and evaporation of water from the cotton string on the coil, cooling the water. The external casing of the copper coil is made of steel with sufficient ventilation. Walnut Cracker: Walnut is a major fruit crop in hilly regions like Jammu and Kashmir and Himachal Pradesh. Processing units buy walnuts in-shell and then crack, grade, and package them for marketing. Nuts are either cracked manually or using some crude handheld cutters, such methods often proving dangerous for users as small pieces of cracked shells may hit the eyes of users. Mushtaq Ahmed Dar of Anantnag in Jammu and Kashmir has found a solution with a walnut cracking unit that can handle all types of walnut. The fruits are placed in a hopper that automatically passes them through the cracking unit, which has twin rollers with specific geometries to grip the walnut and deliver an impact action to crack the walnut. Bullet Santi: A multipurpose motorcycle-operated ploughing machine, Bullet Santi gets its name from the Bullet motorcycle used for retrofitting the machine. Developed by Mansukhbhai Jagani, a farmer in Amreli, Gujarat, it is smaller than tillers and tractors but more powerful than draft animals. It can perform multiple farming operations \u2013 field cultivation, sowing, interculturing, sowing with seed drill and spraying. Because of its lightweight, Santi prevents soil compaction and can be used for orchards and plantations crops as well. The innovation has been patented in India and the US but farmers are allowed to copy and adapt it, following the \u2018technology commons\u2019 principle. Several thousand units of Santi and its variations are in use in Gujarat and other states. Aaruni (tilting bullock cart): The technology of the bullock cart has remained unchanged for centuries. It has two large wheels and the bulk of the load is borne by animals on their shoulders and neck, making it difficult for the animals to negotiate sharps bends and curves because of the harness. Realizing this, Amrutbhai Agrawat has made the cart four-wheeled for better balancing of the load. He has also added a tilting mechanism for easy unloading of material like manure and soil, to reduce drudgery and manual labour. Tilting was done first through a rope and pulley system but was replaced with a jack system and later a gear system. The cart can be tilted by a lever located alongside the cart driver. The tilting feature can also be incorporated into traditional carts.","Key People The HBN was founded by Anil Gupta, a professor at the IIM, Ahmedabad in 1989 to recognize traditional knowledge and practices and build bridges between informal and formal systems of knowledge. He developed an innovative way for scouting traditional knowledge in rural areas, called the shodh yatra. It is a walking journey in an identified area to meet people who solve their problems through their wisdom and to document such knowledge. Innovators identified through such journeys are then networked with experts and institutions for further development of their ideas and prototypes. The week-long yatra is organized twice every year and since its inception in 1998, forty-five such innovation marches have been held across the country, resulting in the identification of thousands of innovators. Building upon the experience of HBN and SRISTI, the National Innovation Foundation was formed in 2000 with the help of the Department of Science and Technology. Dr R.A. Mashelkar, then director-general of CSIR guided the effort as its chairman. President A.P.J. Abdul Kalam nurtured the work of NIF by inviting grassroots innovators selected for awards to the Rashtrapati Bhawan to showcase their work. Vipin Kumar, director and chief innovation officer at NIF, played a critical role in arranging microfinance for innovators and also connecting them with the industry set-up. 77. Lijjat Papad Every traditional Indian food platter or thali has one common food item \u2013 papad, either fried or roasted. It is a simple snack or side item prepared with ground pulses and spices like pepper available in Indian kitchens. Earlier when women had time at hand and lived in joint families, making a variety of papads at home was a routine affair. With changing lifestyles and increased urbanization, people now prefer to buy ready-made papads from food stores. Among papad brands available in the market, Lijjat stands out as one of the oldest and trusted ones. Its trademark \u2013 a tiny tot and a puppet rabbit holding a papad \u2013 and its television commercial with the jingle \u2018Karram Kurram Kurram Karram\u2019 have had had a high brand recall in the 1990s. Few would, however, know that Lijjat papads \u2013 though packed and marketed like any other factorymade processed food \u2013 are still rolled in homes with manually prepared and kneaded dough by thousands of women across the country. Behind the success of this brand is an innovative business model pioneered by semi-literate women way back in 1959. Shri Mahila Griha Udyog Lijjat Papad, with an annual turnover of `800 crore, is India\u2019s largest cooperative of women and solely run by women. It remains the most successful example of the economic empowerment of women in Independent India. The innovation in Lijjat was not technology-led but a unique business and management model designed to leverage the culinary skills of women. The organization is registered as a trust \u2013 and not a company \u2013 that admits only women as members. All members have an equal stake and all profits (as well as losses) are shared equally. Women are paid based on the number of papads they roll out every day. Lijjat began as a collective of only seven women in Bombay in 1959. Now it has about eighty branches all over the country with over 43,000 members, each branch functioning as an independent profit centre but following product standards set by the central office. It has its supply chain for procuring key raw material needed to make papads \u2013 lentils and spices \u2013 to meet the needs of all the branches. Lijjat has diversified into other food items such as spices and ready- mixes, and exports the products to several dozen countries.","The business model of Lijjat is based on the principles of trusteeship propagated by Mahatma Gandhi and Sarvodaya leader Vinoba Bhave, and its management objective is self-help of women and economic upliftment of the society. Lijjat supports women from deprived and disadvantaged classes and encourages them to educate themselves as well as their children. The organization strongly believes in remaining financially independent and does not accept donations or charity of any kind. It follows the basic commercial philosophy of producing quality products and selling them at reasonable prices. Right from its inception, Lijjat has followed a system of daily accounting and preparing the monthly balance sheet of profit and loss. This practice helps the organization take corrective measures in time. Lijjat\u2019s business model takes advantage of lower overheads, flexibility for members to choose their hours of work, the scope for expansion of membership, increased productivity, and personal accountability for production. Lijjat has promoted a kind of sisterhood among its members and welcomes members of all religions and castes. The model also attracted criticism because it reinforces the traditional role of women working in the kitchen and deprives them of benefits that a normal factory worker would get. Notwithstanding such criticism, Lijjat has served as an inspiration and role model for self-help groups of women across the country and helped women with no formal education to acquire new business and management skills. Key People When the Shri Mahila Griha Udyog Lijjat Papad began as an informal collective on 15 March 1959, seven women in their twenties formed it \u2013 Jaswanti Popat, Parvatiben Thodani, Ujamben Kundalia, Banuben Tanna, Laguben Gokani, Jayaben Vithaalani and Chutadben. The women lived in a building complex called Lohana Niwas in Girgaum in Bombay and belonged to the Lohana community hailing from Gujarat. A small-time businessman in the neighbourhood attempted to start a papad business but had failed. The group decided to take over this venture that in any case was running in losses. The women pooled all the raw material and started rolling papads, and supplying them in plastic wraps to nearby grocery stores. Soon the numbers picked up and the group was formalized and registered as a trust in 1966. Chhaganlal Karamshi Parekh, an elder of the Lohana community guided the women to run the organization as a business entity by standardizing papad production to maintain consistent quality and by keeping proper accounts. He also guided them to retain their financial independence by not accepting any donations. Another community elder, Purushottam Damodar Dattani, guided the organization in its expansion and diversification into products beyond papads. 78. SEWA Microfinance Model India has a large workforce, with women constituting almost a third of it. According to 2011 census data, 150 million women in India are working, the bulk of them in the unorganized or informal sector. A majority of women earn their living through small businesses or work as daily wage earners, farm labour or domestic workers. In some parts of the country, they do heavy manual jobs such as carrying headloads or pulling cycle rickshaws. Despite various government agencies fixing minimum wages for different types of work, women do not get paid fully and remain economically poor. Since they do not have steady incomes, they can\u2019t access credit or avail services from formal banking systems. A novel idea to organize self-employed women into a trade union and make them bankable has helped change the situation to a great extent for millions of Indian women in the past half a century. The idea was microfinance pioneered by the Self Employed Women\u2019s Association (SEWA) in 1973. It became famous as the SEWA model and unleashed a wave of microfinance and women-led banking for poor women.","SEWA was formed in1972 as a spinoff of a union of textile workers called the Textile Labour Association (TLA). Earlier, the association had a women\u2019s wing, mainly to train women from families of mill workers in vocations such as sewing, spinning and typing. In 1971, a group of women who pulled carts in markets in Ahmedabad approached the women\u2019s wing for help. These women were not being paid proper wages for their work. Elaben R. Bhatt, who headed the women\u2019s wing, raised the issue in media and also took it up with traders. She organized a meeting of all women working in the garment market to discuss their problem. At this meeting one of them suggested the formation of an association of their own. This resulted in the birth of SEWA as India\u2019s first trade union of self-employed and informal sector workers. Arvind Buch, who was president of TLA, helped with this task. Most members of the association were poor, illiterate and had no access to government schemes. Formal banks refused to lend them even small amounts of money. In 1973, SEWA members came up with an innovative solution \u2013 their bank. Four thousand of them contributed `10 each as the share capital for the bank. A year later a cooperative bank \u2013 the Sewa Sahakari Bank Limited \u2013 was floated. It was a unique financial institution where poor women were owners, users and managers. Small amounts were disbursed as loans for needs, such as buying a cart or repairing a roof or building a toilet. The bank became a great success. In 2020, it had about half a million members with a working capital of about 500 crore and deposits of about 300 crore. Over the years, SEWA launched a string of institutions helping women in different sectors, and it has snowballed into a movement for the empowerment of self-employed women in India and several other countries in Asia and Africa. Key People The idea of organizing self-employed workers was a brainchild of Ela Bhatt who began her career as a labour lawyer with the textile trade unions in Ahmedabad. The conventional trade unions did not recognize women engaged in informal activities for their livelihood as workers. Bhatt realized this while working with families of textile workers who had lost their jobs as factories closed down in 1968. Women working in the informal sector have no rights despite being engaged in economic activity. Unlike mainstream trade unions that are formed to counter mill managements, Bhatt felt that women had to come together for themselves. Instead of calling such women informal or unorganized workers, she proposed that they should be called \u2018self-employed\u2019. Chandaben, who sold steel utensils in exchange for old clothes, became an early ally of Bhatt and introduced her to several self-employed women. When Bhatt saw that most of the women she met were in debt, she thought of the microfinance model as a solution. The idea took concrete shape with inputs and help from an economist couple, Devaki and L.C. Jain as well as social scientist Kamla Chowdhary, social activist Renana Jhabvala and others. References Balaram, Singanapalli. Thinking Design. New Delhi: SAGE Publications India, 2011. Barnes, Douglas F., Priti Kumar, and Keith Openshaw. Cleaner Hearths, Better Homes: New Stoves for India and the Developing World. New Delhi: Oxford University Press and World Bank, 2012.","Bhatt, Ela. We Are Poor But So Many: The Story of Self-Employed Women in India. New Delhi: Oxford University Press, 2007. Choi, Nia, and Satyajit Majumdar. Technology and Innovation for Social Change. New Delhi: Springer, 2015. Gupta, R.K., and A.K. Mehta, \u2018Fuels and efficiency of utilization\u2019. Transactions of the Indian Ceramic Society, 38 (1), 1979: 26\u201330. Kashyap, Pradeep. Rural Marketing. Noida: Pearson Education India, 2016. Kyriakidou, Niki, Anita P. Bobade, and Stefanos Nachmias. \u2018Conceptual review of the role of self-help groups (SHGs) in women entrepreneurship: the case of Shri Mahila Griha Udyog Lijjat Papad (SMGULP).\u2019 Women\u2019s Voices in Management (2015): 272\u201389. Lemire, Beverly, Ruth Pearson, and Gail Campbell (eds). Women and Credit: Researching the past, refiguring the future. New York: Berg, 2001. Ramanathan, Malathi. \u2018Women and empowerment: Shri Mahila Griha Udyog Lijjat Papad\u2019. Economic and Political Weekly, 39 (17), 2004: 1689\u201397. Reddy, Amulya K.N. \u2018Science and technology for rural India\u2019. Current Science, 87 (7), 2004: 889\u201398. Rose, Kalima. Where Women Are Leaders: The SEWA Movement in India. London: Zed Books, 1992. Roy, Achinto, and Lahiri-Roy, Reshmi. \u2018The story of Lijjat: Women\u2019s entrepreneurship and empowerment in India\u2019. The International Journal of Knowledge, Culture and Change Management, 9 (12), 2010: 39\u201347. Singh, Ramendra, Rodolfo P. Ang, and Joseph A. Sy-Changco. \u2018Buying less, more often: An evaluation of sachet marketing strategy in an emerging market\u2019. The Marketing Review, 9 (1), 2009: 3\u201317. \u2018The Right Package\u2019. India Today, 31 December 2007. Venugopal, Vasanti, and Shinu Abhi, \u2018A new white revolution: Case study of a social entrepreneur\u2019. South Asian Journal of Management, 20 (4), 2013: 144.","","Art, Culture, Cinema, Architecture, Sports India is a potpourri of traditional, folk and modern art forms, religions and cultures. Many ingredients of this amalgamation have become India\u2019s cultural exports and at various points in time, innovative ideas and trends have shaped this journey. For instance, the most popular form of entertainment \u2013 the Hindi film song \u2013 is a product of an innovation called playback singing. The domination of film music on radio and television is a legacy of an innovative marketing programme called Binaca Geet Mala. The innovation of Indipop broke the monopoly of film-based entertainment for a while but was eventually subsumed in mainstream cinema. Indian classical music became accessible to the youth and general audiences through a novel partnership that brought together artists, patrons and audiences. In the field of fashion, the resurrection of the handspun khadi as a designer fabric became possible with an innovative khadi-only fashion show. A new way of building Brand India became possible with Festivals of India held overseas that integrated tradition and modernity in an immersive style, while the craft stalls of Dilli Haat do the same on home ground.","79. Playback Singing Hindi film songs are an inseparable part of life in India. Whatever be the occasion or mood \u2013 a wedding, festival, sadness, love, pleasant weather, loss of dear ones \u2013 one can hum a film song or dance to its tunes. Film music is nearly as old as the modern film industry itself. Music and dance have always been a part of Indian culture in one form or the other, be it folk forms or classical styles. Music also featured in the Parsi theatre in the early twentieth century. The style was adapted in films when moving pictures started replacing theatre. It was natural for Hindi films to take to music and songs as soon as sound technology enabled filmmakers to do so. While filmmakers everywhere added sound and music to their films, Indian filmmakers innovated and gave birth to a new creative pursuit which came to be known as playback singing. The trend revolutionized the entertainment industry in India forever. In the silent era of films, some filmmakers tried \u2018adding\u2019 music by having a live performance by harmonium and tabla players who would sit in an orchestra pit in the theatre. Sometimes they would narrate dialogues of important characters by \u2018lip-synching\u2019, besides playing \u2018background\u2019 music. The practice was short-lived, and could not be replicated for every screening as the number of theatres multiplied. The introduction of sound technology, which allowed recording both visuals and sounds on the same strip of film, inaugurated the era of song-and-dance sequences in Hindi movies. The first talkie \u2013 Alam Ara \u2013 released in 1931 included seven songs. Talking movies that followed had up to one dozen. A mythological film of 1932, Indrasabha, apparently had as many as sixty-nine songs. Sound in movies gave rise to singing actors, besides lyricists, music composers and orchestras. The technology was still rudimentary \u2013 songs and music had to be recorded along with visuals, which meant that actors had to sing with musicians accompanying them in the frame. The music had to be loud to suppress ambient sound while shooting. Ashok Kumar, Kundan Lal Saigal, Suraiya, Devika Rani and Noorjehan were the singing stars of this era. In the next wave of technology, film studios could separate recording of pictures and sounds and then sync the two. Songs were recorded in advance and \u2018played back\u2019 during the recording of visuals, when actors had to move their lips in synchronization with the lyrics being played. The technology was used for singing stars, to begin with \u2013 actors would record songs in studios and lip-sync their voice while shooting for visuals. Eventually, songs began to be sung by trained singers and not actors. This meant filmmakers could hire actors for their looks and acting qualities without bothering about their singing abilities. It paved the way for playback singing \u2013 separate recording of songs and music \u2013 and the rise of star singers in the 1940s and the 1950s. Music director Raichand C. Boral is widely credited for introducing playback singing in the film Dhoop Chaon in 1935. Playback singing transformed the film business in the 1950s and beyond. Songs were used to market films. LP record sales, as well as popularity of film songs on the radio, determined the success of new films. Playback singers became stars in their own right, unlike Hollywood where dubbing and sound artists remained anonymous. Over the next few decades, a handful of playback singers, such as Lata Mangeshkar, Asha Bhonsle, Mukesh, Mohammed Rafi, Kishore Kumar and Talat Mehmood, became superstars, rendering their voice to thousands of songs which became a part of popular culture.","80. Binaca Geet Mala The All India Radio (AIR) is one of the largest public broadcasters in the world, with a network of over 400 radio stations beaming in multiple languages and frequencies. The radio stations include forty-one centres that offer commercial broadcasting services under the brand name \u2013 Vividh Bharati. It focuses on film songs and film-based entertainment programmes sponsored by advertisers. The hugely popular Vividh Bharati was launched in 1957, and the credit for it goes to the popularity of a programme featuring Hindi film songs broadcast by a foreign radio station \u2013 the Sri Lanka Broadcasting Corporation (popularly known as Radio Ceylon). The programme was Binaca Geet Mala, which not only triggered the birth of commercial broadcasting in India but also spurred a new genre of radio programming. Arguably, it also gave Indian listeners their first radio jockey \u2013 Ameen Sayani, whose baritone voice and peppy presentation style became synonymous with Geet Mala (meaning string of songs). India had a robust film industry at the time of Independence, with several new banners and stars becoming popular in the 1950s. Hindi films songs were popular and often played on the radio \u2013 which was the only mass media with a wide reach. Television was still to make a debut. After the first general elections in 1952, B.V. Keskar, a Sanskrit teacher and classical music purist, was made the minister for information and broadcasting and he put a stop to airing film songs on radios. In his view, Hindi film songs were vulgar and promoted Western culture, and that mentioning the name of the film along with a song played on radio amounted to advertising. So, he banned film music from AIR and instead started promoting classical Indian music. At that time, Radio Ceylon, which had the benefit of powerful shortwave transmitters of the World War II era in Colombo, already had an All-Asia service. It was a familiar name in India as it played Hindi as well as Western music programmes. In 1951, Radio Ceylon hired the services of an agency in Bombay \u2013 Radio Advertising Services \u2013 to garner more advertising and also produce Hindi programmes. It was here in this agency that a commercial film song-based programme \u2013 Geet Mala, sponsored by toothpaste maker, Ciba- Geigy, was conceived. The agency then was already producing sponsored programmes for Radio Ceylon such as \u2018Ovaltine Phulwari\u2019 compered by film star Manmohan Krishna. The Geet Mala started as a weekly Hindi music rating show with a competition for listeners. The producer had to select eight songs, weave them into an interesting narrative and ask listeners to arrange the songs in the chronological order of their release. The top entry would get a prize of 100. The first programme broadcast on 3 December 1952, got 9,000 letters from all over the country. The number of letters kept rising and within a few months, it was 65,000 letters a week, indicating the huge popularity and reach of the show. When it became difficult for the agency to handle the competition, the format was changed to a weekly hit-parade of one-hour duration. For this, sales data was collected by Ciba teams from forty music shops across the country. This data was used to decide the countdown of songs. To channelize audience response, the programme encouraged listeners to form audience clubs and send their preferences for the countdown. At peak the of its popularity, the Geet Mala had 400 radio listeners club in different cities and towns. When some people alleged rigging in deciding the countdown, the Geet Mala appointed an ombudsman to audit the selection process and vet weekly countdowns. The programme was on air every Wednesday from 8 p.m. to 9 p.m., when streets would be empty as people were glued to their radio sets. Responding to such a massive shift in audiences from AIR to Radio Ceylon due to Geet Mala and other film-based programmes, the public broadcaster in 1957 launched a commercial broadcasting service focused on \u2018light music\u2019 and film songs were back on AIR.","The Geet Mala and other film-based programmes were so popular that the Bombay film industry depended on them for the success of new releases. All leading film stars and music directors were frequent visitors to the Radio Ceylon studios in Colaba, Bombay. Another commercial innovation of Radio Ceylon was the pre- and post-release publicity of new movies featuring songs as well as dialogue tracks \u2013 a concept later copied by Vividh Bharati. The Geet Mala itself shifted to Vividh Bharati in 1989 and continued to air until 1994. The format of weekly film songs was also imitated on the government-run television, Doordarshan in programmes like Chitrahaar and Superhit Muqabla, among others. The film song genre and elements of interactivity and audience participation pioneered by the Binaca Geet Mala remains a turning point in Indian broadcasting. Key People The agency that pioneered film-based and sponsored programmes was Radio Advertising Services founded by Daniel Molina, an American who had settled in Bombay. Molina recruited Hamid Sayani, a senior broadcaster and advertising professional, as the programme director for producing programmes for Radio Ceylon. The team produced programmes in English, Hindi and Urdu \u2013 and also recorded radio jingles \u2013 which were sent by air to Colombo every week for broadcasts. Radio Ceylon had a weekly countdown show for Western music sponsored by Ciba Geigy and proposed a similar one for Hindi film songs. Hamid\u2019s younger brother, Ameen, was an amateur radio broadcaster who had earlier been rejected for a job in AIR. He had done a couple of commercials for Molina\u2019s agency and volunteered to do the Hindi film programme which was named Geet Mala. Sayani had an impressive radio voice and a unique presentation style of putting extra stress on every word he spoke. He deliberately chose Hindustani for his show as opposed to pure Hindi promoted by AIR, bringing an air of informality and pep to radio shows. Sayani presented the show in its various avatars from 1952 to 1994. 81. Indipop For almost a half-century after Independence, India\u2019s popular cultural landscape was dominated by film music, more specifically Hindi film music. The song-and-dance sequence with its variations in regional cinema became the main identifier of the entertainment industry through its different epochs. It was reflected in the popularity of film music-based programmes like Binaca Geet Mala and those on Vividh Bharti in the 1950s and the \u201960s. Hindi film music became a great cultural influence in countries of Central Asia and Russia, with stars like Raj Kapoor gaining tremendous popularity, turning Hindi films into India\u2019s national cultural identity. The supremacy of film-based entertainment continued on state-run television, Doordarshan, as well in the 1970s and the \u201980s. The economic liberalization policies unveiled in 1991 impacted the entertainment world as well. The monopoly of state-run television broadcasting was broken with more colourful satellite television beaming straight into Indian homes. Indian audiences discovered non-film music and were introduced to dedicated music channels like MTV and Channel V. Amid this churning emerged a disruptor \u2013 Indipop or Indian pop music. It was Indian music but not film music nor did it derive anything from classical forms. It was new and peppy, breaking away from the mould of \u2018playback singing\u2019 that had dominated the entertainment industry for so many decades. New stars were born and became popular on satellite television and private albums (as opposed to film song albums) turned into a rage. Indipop became a symbol of the so-called new and neoliberal India, breaking from the","shackles of the old order. Media scholars explain that while Bollywood film music represented a collective experience, Indipop was a more individualistic one. Technically and musically, Indipop was designed for individual experience \u2013 headphones and personal stereos \u2013 rather than cinema theatres. Indipop music was unorthodox and symbolized the aspirations of the new generation. Here the singer became a performing star and was not just a playback singer. The music was not orchestrabased and did not draw from classical ragas or dance forms like Bollywood songs did. It combined different styles, yet could not be labelled as merely a fusion between Indian and Western styles. In every aspect \u2013 the form, style, presentation, lyrics, musical instruments used \u2013 Indipop was different from Hindi film music. Music was freed from the limitations of \u2018picturization\u2019. Within a few years, however, Bollywood filmmakers and music directors adapted the Indipop style in terms of new voices, vocal techniques and sound production techniques. As a result of these and commercial factors, Indipop stars started singing for films. Bollywood came up with a hybrid form called \u2018item number\u2019 \u2013 a music and dance sequence which would look like a music video and had nothing to do with the film\u2019s storyline. Another offshoot of Indipop in Bollywood is a remix \u2013 a potpourri of old film song lyrics with new music as well as other dance forms like Western, Indian classical, folk and so on. Key People Arguably the first Indipop numbers was \u2018Aap Jaise koi Meri Zindagi me aaye\u2019, sung by the Pakistani sibling duo \u2013 Nazia and Zoheb Hassan \u2013 for the film Qurbani in 1981. Though it broke from the traditional Bollywood mould, it was considered more in the genre of disco music of the 1970s. Moreover, it was sung for a film and not as an independent album. It was picturized on reigning star, Zeenat Aman. The stars of the Indipop wave of the 1990s included Baba Sehgal, Lucky Ali, Alisha Chinai, Lez Lewis and Hariharan of Colonial Cousins, Shaan, Daler Mehndi, Adnan Sami and so on. Chinai\u2019s \u2018Made in India\u2019 number released in 1995 became an iconic song of the period. It reportedly sold three million copies in India and international markets. The lyrics, in a way, described the arrival of India on the global stage and reflected the new mood of globalization prevailing in the country. Chinai instantly became the first global superstar of Indipop, winning several international awards. Music television channels and international music companies like Magnasound, Sony, Universal played a critical role in making Indipop big. 82. SPIC-MACAY Indian classical music systems are part of the Indian heritage dating back centuries. The two main traditions \u2013 Hindustani classical music and Carnatic classical music \u2013 have survived through oral tradition practised under guru-shishya parampara and gharanas. Vocal and instrumental music systems as well as various classical dance forms are codified in complex ragas and taals. Classical music is not only difficult to master but is considered difficult to appreciate. In earlier times, classical musicians were patronized by kings and nobles, so they performed in royal darbars (courts). A feeling of classical forms being elite has lingered on though musicians and their contemporary patrons have made efforts to make classical music accessible to the masses. The music","programmes of All India Radio launched in the early years of Independence are a prime example of such efforts. Attracting youth to classical musical forms has been particularly challenging in the face of other influences like Bollywood and Western music. Against this backdrop, a unique movement to connect youth with Indian music has become a landmark in the promotion of classical music in India and the world. Since it was launched in 1977, the SPIC-MACAY (Society for the Promotion of Indian Classical Music and Culture Amongst Youth) has introduced Indian classical music to millions of school and college-going youth across the country. The unique model of music promotion and appreciation also allowed general audiences to listen to musical maestros without any barriers such as highly priced ticketing fees. The model brings together musicians, audiences (youth and the general public), patrons or sponsors (governments and corporates) and volunteers. All leading musicians, dancers and artists perform without charging a commercial fee, while their concerts organized by the Society are kept free for students as well as the general public. Government organizations and private sponsors take care of expenses for venue, performer\u2019s travel and other arrangements, while students and volunteers shoulder the responsibility of logistics and management. This coordinated effort results in top-class artists performing in colleges, schools and other public places in cities and towns across the country. The Society has also pioneered the lecture demonstration format to demystify classical art forms and make them accessible to young students. Every year, about 7,500 programmes are organized in about 1,500 institutions across India and abroad. With over 800 chapters in India and over 100 in Europe and North America, and about one million volunteers, the Society has become the largest such effort anywhere for the promotion of Indian music and culture. Key People SPIC-MACAY is the brainchild of Dr Kiran Seth, who is now professor-emeritus at IIT Delhi. The idea occurred to him in the early 1970s when he was pursuing his doctoral studies after finishing an engineering course from IIT Kharagpur. It was when he attended a dhrupad concert by Ustad Nasir Aminuddin Dagar and Ustad Zia Fariduddin Dagar at the Brooklyn Academy of Music in New York that the music he heard touched his heart and left a lasting impression. He got involved with a student group, India Club, at Columbia University, and started organizing small concerts of Indian artists visiting the New York region. He continued to keep his interest alive in Indian music while working at Bell Labs and then subsequently moving to IIT Delhi as a member of faculty in 1976. Seth found that students at IIT were bright but did not know anything about Indian music or musicians. This thought \u2013 and his earlier experience in the US \u2013 made Seth join hands with like- minded peers to launch SPIC-MACAY. Arjun Malhotra (co-founder of HCL), Mahendra Malu (from Columbia University) and Babi Barua were part of this group. Pursuing top musicians to perform for a new entity was difficult in the beginning, but Seth could successfully get legends to perform under the SPIC-MACAY banner. This list includes Ustad Nasir Aminuddin Dagar, Ustad Zia Fariduddin Dagar, Pandit Ravi Shankar, Professor T.N. Krishnan, Pandit Birju Maharaj, Malavika Sarukkai, Sonal Mansingh, Ustad Asad Ali Khan, Ustad Munnawar Ali Khan, Ustad Zia Mohiuddin Dagar, Ustad Bismilla Khan and Pandit Bhimsen Joshi. 83. Nehru Jacket","During India\u2019s freedom struggle, khadi became a symbol of nationalism and economic self-reliance. Its biggest proponent, of course, was Mahatma Gandhi who always wore his trademark homespun loincloth and shawl. Khadi was his attire for all occasions, formal and informal. This encouraged leaders and their followers to take to clothes stitched with khadi, giving up milled cloth as well as Western outfits like three-piece suits. Male politicians wore kurta, pyjama, dhoti, sherwanis, jackets and coats made out of khadi, while women leaders chose khadi and handloom saris. In the process, many leaders developed their distinct styles such as the short khadi jacket worn by Jawaharlal Nehru, and the long one by Sardar Patel. The jacket Nehru preferred was sleeveless, had a short standup collar (also known as a Mandarin collar), a long row of buttons and was hip-length. The colours were white and cream. On the other hand, Sardar Patel wore dark coloured jackets, with no collar and slightly longer. Nehru did not invent the jacket he wore. It was a sort of adaptation of the traditional Indian upper dress of bandhgala or Jodhpuri. Since he wore the jacket all through the freedom movement and popularized it, the attire came to be known as the Nehru jacket. As prime minister, Nehru mostly wore a more formal dress, the achkan and churidar pyjama, and not the khadi jacket. Western fashion commentators referred to the achkan also as the Nehru jacket. It was in the 1960s that the Nehru jacket became a fashion statement and popular in the West. The credit for this should go to the Beatles who were influenced by Indian culture and spirituality. The four members of the group wore long jackets with buttons in the front, just like the achkan, during their performance at the Shea Stadium in New York on 15 August 1965. Fashion magazines described the new attire as a Nehru jacket, as something that gave men \u2018close to the body shape\u2019 and made them \u2018feel and look slimmer\u2019, contributing to it becoming a rage among the youth. With their minimalist cuts, Nehru jackets symbolized simplicity and sophistication, according to fashion commentators of the era. The jacket also figured in American popular culture, in comic books and films. It was the period when the \u2018Mao suit\u2019 worn by the Chinese leader Mao Zedong also gained popularity. The Nehru jacket and its variants in different colours, shades and styles have continued to attract fashion designers and Indian consumers even in the twenty-first century. The achkan-style Nehru jacket was included in the top ten fashion statements of global politicians by Time magazine in 2012. A slight variant of the Nehru jacket, worn by Prime Minister Narendra Modi, has now come to be referred to as the Modi vest. 84. Designer Khadi Khadi is a unique fabric. It has travelled a long journey \u2013 from being a symbol of nationalism, self-reliance and protest in the early part of the twentieth century to becoming a fashion fabric that stands for sustainability and empowerment in the twenty-first century. In India\u2019s freedom struggle, Mahatma Gandhi encouraged his followers to weave and wear attire made from the cloth they wove to protest against the British government which encouraged cotton mills in Britain to import cotton from India and export milled cotton back to India. For Gandhi, spinning the charkha and weaving khadi was also a means of encouraging Indian artisans and help India achieve economic self-reliance. The Congress and Gandhi established and nurtured bodies like the All India Khaddar Board and All India Spinners Association to boost the production and sale of khadi.","After Independence, the Khadi and Village Industries Commission (KVIC) established in 1957 took up the task of promoting khadi through outlets known as Khadi Bhandars. Over the next few decades, the fabric remained on the margins mainly because it was identified with the political class who continued to patronize it. This was despite numerous improvements in quality and other features of the handspun cloth since the days of Gandhi. A single event \u2013 the Khadi fashion show \u2013 in 1989 changed this perception and projected khadi as a modern, comfortable fabric that lent itself to the latest fashion designs. The fashion show organized by KVIC in Mumbai featured eighty-five khadi creations of designer Devika Bhojwani. It opened up the eyes of fashion experts and designers not only in India but elsewhere. The show took place at a time when an organized fashion industry was still taking shape in India. The winds of economic liberalization were blowing and the first National Institute of Fashion Technology (NIFT) had been opened in 1986. The Mumbai show was followed by a khadi-inspired collection, Tree of Life, by another leading designer, Ritu Beri, in 1990. More big names in the fashion industry like Rohit Bal, Sabyasachi Mukherjee and Wendell Rodricks featured khadi creations in the 1990s as the Indian economy liberalized and new fashion labels emerged. Khadi fashion also made a big splash at the annual event, the Lakme Fashion Week. The Khadi Bhandar retail stores and other khadi associations started marketing both ready-to-wear and high fashion garments made out of khadi, which became popular with new buyers. Overall, the fashion show led to the revival of khadi and its new positioning as a fashion fabric. Key People Devika Bhojwani who had studied textile designing at the Sir JJ School of Art was among the first Indian designers to launch a khadi label \u2013 Swadeshi \u2013 in 1985 and it was distributed through a few khadi emporia in the country. In 1989, she collaborated with the Khadi and Village Industries Association, which runs the country\u2019s oldest Khadi Bhandar in Mumbai, for the fashion show. Subsequently, as khadi became fashionable in the 1990s, KVIC hired leading designers to help it create a new range and brand of clothing with khadi. The Indian National Trust for Art and Cultural Heritage (INTACH) and Swiss organization, Volkart Foundation, also teamed up to promote khadi. Major retail chains like FabIndia launched khadi wear, expanding the market a great deal. 85. Festivals of India For a long time after Independence, the very mention of India evoked stereotypical images of mystic saints, famines and the Kumbh Mela in the minds of the general public in the West. This was despite significant strides the country had made in the fields of science and technology, industrial production and education in the early decades following the freedom. Indian maestros such as Pandit Ravi Shankar and Ustad Alla Rakha had acquired a great following in North America and Europe in the 1950s and 1960s. Yet the popular perception about India did not reflect this change. In diplomacy and trade, India was seen more aligned towards the Soviets in the 1970s. A massive cultural exercise \u2013 the Festival of India held in Britain in 1982 helped showcase contemporary India to the world and gave birth to a new template in cultural diplomacy globally. Subsequently, India took the idea of the Festival of India to several other countries, laying the foundation for building \u2018Brand India\u2019 in the 1990s and later. Many countries also replicated the idea in the following decades.","India had made an early foray into international cultural cooperation in 1950 with the establishment of the Indian Council of Cultural Relations (ICCR) under the Ministry of Education and Culture, with Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru as its first president. The council provided scholarships and fellowships to international students, funded Indian cultural centres abroad, supported chairs of Indian studies in foreign universities, arranged cultural exchanges and organized cultural events and exhibitions. In 1970, the administration of the council was shifted to the Ministry of External Affairs. Still, India\u2019s cultural diplomatic efforts were mostly confined to country pavilions at world trade fairs and bilateral cultural events. Exhibitions and concerts abroad were targeted at elite audiences and not at the general public. In 1977, the UK, concerned over India\u2019s close ties with the USSR and a decline in its trade relations with India, proposed a blockbuster Indian cultural event in Britain. Discussions and negotiations over the next three years resulted in the \u2018Festival of India\u2019 in Britain. Breaking away from the traditional moulds of cultural cooperation \u2013 exhibitions, performances and exchange of cultural troupes \u2013 the Festival of India presented Indian tradition and heritage woven with modernity in an integrated fashion and form accessible to common people. It was the most ambitious attempt ever made to showcase the cultural achievements of one country to the general public of another. The festival was spread over almost every performance and cultural space in London from March to November 1982. Exhibitions of art and other material in museums and galleries were augmented by a range of concerts, dance and theatre performances, film shows, commercial promotions, lectures and seminars. The exhibits in key events were global. For instance, \u2018The Indian Heritage\u2019 exhibition at the Victoria and Albert Museum included many loaned items from Europe and the US, in addition to those from India and Britain. The festival in Britain was followed by one in America where it ran for eighteen months and involved 500 events in ninety cities during 1985\u201386. The Washington component was mounted in collaboration with the Smithsonian Institution and had two mega exhibitions, \u2018Aditi: The Living Arts of India\u2019 at the National Museum of Natural History and \u2018Mela! An Indian Fair\u2019 at Washington\u2019s Mall. Both attracted millions of visitors. Festivals were organized in countries important to India, economically, politically, culturally or strategically \u2013 France, Sweden, Switzerland, Mauritius, the USSR, Japan, Germany, China and Thailand between 1985 and 1995. Reciprocal festivals in India were held by many of these countries, showcasing India and helping it to redefine itself as a trade and tourist destination as the winds of liberalization blew in the 1980s and early \u201990s. In 2007, similar festivals were organized to mark sixty years of India\u2019s Independence, such as \u2018India Now\u2019 in London, \u2018Incredible India@60\u2019 in New York, \u2018India Calling\u2019 in Hollywood and others in Singapore, China and Russia. Key People The idea of a blockbuster event focusing on India was first suggested by the British High Commissioner in India, Sir John Thompson, triggered by an Indian exhibition held in Paris in the mid-1970s. This idea grew into a full-fledged multievent Festival of India. From the Indian side, it was pursued by Dr Kapila Vatsyayan, who was then joint secretary in the Ministry of Education. Pupul Jayakar, the chairperson of the Handloom and Handicrafts Export Promotion Council, was named by Prime Minister Indira Gandhi to head the Indian National Advisory Committee for the 1982 Festival. Rajiv Gandhi, who succeeded his mother as the prime minister in 1984, replicated the idea in America and other countries in the 1980s with Jayakar continuing in the advisory panel. Art designer, curator and scenographer Rajeev Sethi curated \u2018Aditi\u2019, the exhibition on traditional crafts of India, and other shows during","the festivals of India. \u2018Aditi\u2019 displayed 2,000 objects and forty live artisans and performers from different parts of India. Various exhibitions were curated by several leading art designers and curators. 86. Palace on Wheels India attracts a great number of tourists from all over the world, particularly Europe and North America. The total number of foreign tourist arrivals in the country was over 10 million during 2018, resulting in foreign exchange revenue worth 27 billion dollars. Foreign tourists come to India to see popular destinations like the Taj Mahal as well as beaches in Kerala and forts and palaces in Rajasthan. The rich heritage and diversity of cultures and food are of great interest among visitors. Most foreign tourists travel within the country via air or by road. Many tourist spots are also connected by intercity express trains and for those using the Indian Railways\u2019 network, the train journey itself can turn out to be an experience by itself. For example, mountain rail journeys in \u2018toy train\u2019 bogies enthral many travellers. Over the years, a new segment of luxury travellers from Europe has also developed. They prefer staying in five- star hotels, luxury resorts and travel to heritage tourist spots like Udaipur, Jaipur and Agra by airconditioned coaches. The question then arose: could a special train journey be added to this list to make the experience more luxurious? This thinking led to an innovative tourism concept called Palace on Wheels \u2013 a luxury train tour to important destinations where the train coaches double up as five-star hotel rooms. Palace on Wheels is a unique combination of pre-arranged group sightseeing by train with the comforts of a luxury hotel. Like the luxury cruises that move from one destination to another across the sea, the Palace on Wheels is a special train that moves from one tourist place to another at night and allows passengers sightseeing opportunities during the day. The idea of a luxury train emanated from a BBC documentary series \u2013 The Great Railway Journeys of the World \u2013 telecast in 1980. One of its episodes had featured a train journey from Bombay to Cochin and evoked a great deal of media interest in the West. Modern Western audiences were introduced to the size and variety of the Indian Railways, including some metre-gauge trains that were still using steam engines. This set the Ministry of Railways thinking and it started exploring possibilities of including train journeys in the itineraries of tourists, particularly from the UK. A series of consultations in India and with agencies in Britain about the market potential, the ministries of railways and tourism proposed a hotel on wheels that would connect important destinations and travel during nights while remaining stationed during the day at a tourist city. Since Rajasthan offered many such places that could be connected, it was decided to launch the tour package from Delhi to cities in Rajasthan (also including Agra for the Taj Mahal). The search for coaches suitable for the metre-gauge (the railway network in the state then was mostly in this gauge) led to several luxury coaches that were lying idle with former princely states in Rajasthan and elsewhere. Such coaches were acquired and refurbished for the special train, making them part of a \u2018Palace on Wheels\u2019 in place of a \u2018Hotel on Wheels\u2019 as originally planned. In January 1982, the train was launched jointly by the Indian Railways and the Rajasthan Tourism Development Corporation. It had thirteen custom-built personal saloons of former royals, all sumptuously furnished. In subsequent years, as metre gauge and steam engines were phased out, diesel engines replaced steam engines and new coaches were built while retaining elements of the rich d\u00e9cor of the original royal saloons.","The success of Palace on Wheels led to more such ventures by the Indian Railways and tourism development corporations of different states. These special trains are the Maharajas\u2019 Express (which covers cities in Rajasthan, Khajuraho and Agra); the Deccan Odyssey (linking tourist cities in Maharashtra and Gujarat); the Golden Chariot (from Bangalore to several destinations in Karnataka); the Majestic Rajasthan Tourist Train (Rajasthan and Agra); and the Buddhist Circuit Train (covering Buddhist sites in Bihar). 87. Dilli Haat After India gained Independence, many projects were initiated to revive and boost rural industries and traditional crafts. These included the All India Handicrafts and Handloom Board, the KVIC, the Central Cottage Industries Emporia, the Crafts Council of India and so on. These programmes were steered by champions like Kamaladevi Chattopadhyay and Pupul Jayakar. The effort was to promote rural crafts and art by providing necessary help to artisans and by making their work vibrantly visible in cities. The larger goal was to highlight cultural contributions to the making of India which then was witnessing large-scale institution building and development activities. Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru wanted craft production to be a means of social and economic development of rural societies. The handicraft products made by rural artisans from different parts of the country were displayed in exhibitions in India and abroad and were on sale in government-run emporia, a model that remained in place for decades, with several central and state bodies involved in the chain. Later, a new model emerged in the 1990s as economic liberalization set in. This was Dilli Haat \u2013 a modern open space for craftspeople to put up stalls in that retained the flavour of a rural bazaar or haat. It brought new energy to the otherwise fatigued emporia model of promoting handicraft products. Unlike state handicraft emporia where the craftsmen and women remained invisible, the Dilli Haat, which opened in 1994, made them visible. Here craftspeople themselves sell their ware and hold a live demonstration of their art. People can buy products as well as appreciate the traditional skills of artisans from nooks and corners of India. Along with handicrafts, visitors can also savour regional cuisines and enjoy live shows such as puppetry, folk music and dance and so on. Dilli Haat thus provides a combo package for urban consumers. It has also created a new urban space (the site was a disused opendrain), a tourist spot where one can find something new each time one visits. This haat has a permanent location (unlike trade fairs and other exhibitions) but a rotating group of craftspeople. Another novelty is its ownership \u2013 the idea is a combined effort of government and non-government agencies, such as the Dastkari Haat Samiti, Ministry of Tourism, Ministry of Textiles, Delhi Tourism Development Corporation and New Delhi Municipal Council. Key People The idea of the Dilli Haat was conceptualized by Jaya Jaitly, founder of the Dastkari Haat Samiti and a prot\u00e9g\u00e9 of Kamala Chattopadhyay. Jaitly believes that handicrafts are not mere objects of decoration and ornamentation but utility products for everyday use. Dilli Haat is based on this approach. Having worked for the Gurjari emporium of Gujarat State Handicrafts Corporation and the handicraft division of the UP Export Corporation, Jaitly realized that such government ventures could not give craftspersons a fair deal. So she first began with a weekly haat or crafts bazaar in an open space near Hanuman Mandir in Connaught Place and formed Dastkari Haat Samiti, a national association of craftpersons, in 1986. This experience made Jaitly think of a permanent marketplace for craftspeople from all over the country. When she proposed the concept to Prime Minister V.P.","Singh, he immediately approved it in 1990 and directed the Delhi Tourism and Transportation Development Corporation and the Ministry of Textiles to facilitate it. The Haat opened in March 1994. The Samiti also pioneered the idea of developing handicraft maps for each Indian state, which culminated in the Crafts Atlas of India launched in 2012. The idea was inspired by a hand-painted map, \u2018Markets of Bangkok\u2019, that Jaitly had seen in a visit to Thailand. 88. Birla Mandir Religion, it is said, is a way of life in India. Places of worship, such as temples, mosques, gurdwaras and churches, are an integral part of Indian cities and towns, many of them depicting different architectural styles. Most ancient Hindu temples are located in centres of pilgrimage such as Puri, Haridwar, Tirupati, Dwarka and Kedarnath and are visited by millions of people every year. Each temple is known by the deity it is dedicated to such as the Venkateswara temple of Tirupati or Jagannath temple of Puri. Bucking this trend is a set of temples that are known by the family that promoted them rather than their presiding deities. Birla Mandirs \u2013 as they are collectively referred to \u2013 have been promoted by generations of the Birlas, one of the most well-known industrial houses of Independent India. Barring a couple of these temples, all nineteen Birla Mandirs have been constructed after 1947 with modern construction materials and techniques, but reflect different traditional architectural styles. Most of them are located in cities and towns which are not traditional centres of pilgrimage. Instead, they are situated in modern cities, industrial towns and the vicinity of centres of education. Several reasons make Birla Mandirs stand apart from regular places of worship, the main feature being that they were conceived and developed to serve more than just religious functions. They are centres of recreational, educational and cultural activities as well; for example, Birla temples in Jaipur, Hyderabad and Kolkata are in the same location as planetariums and science museums, while the ones in Pilani and Varanasi are situated in educational campuses. Some of the temples also have amphitheatres to serve as cultural spaces, while those in industrial townships include landscaped area and recreational facilities for children. Besides a distinct architectural style that is a blend of different traditional and ancient forms such as the Khajuraho or the Tirumala temples, each temple is associated with a different deity, not \u2018mainstream\u2019 gods like Rama or Krishna or Durga. The choice of the main deity dictated by regional concerns and local traditions. This explains Vithoba being the main deity in the Birla Mandir at Shahad in Maharashtra, Venkateswara in Hyderabad and Shiva in Varanasi. The Gwalior temple is devoted to Surya and the one in Pilani is a temple of Saraswati, the goddess of knowledge and learning, as Pilani also houses the technology college founded by the Birlas. Scholars see this diversity as an attempt to promote religious inclusivism. In addition to reflecting different Hindu traditions, Birla temples also present motifs and symbols from Buddhism, Jainism, Sikhism and other religious traditions. Temple walls in Jaipur and Hyderabad, depict Jesus Christ, Virgin Mary, Zoroaster, Confucius and Guru Nanak. Key People","The history of the house of Birlas is interwoven with the history of the freedom movement and post-1947 economic and industrial activity. The family\u2019s philanthropic activities centred around the development of education and science, religious and spirituality endeavours like construction of temples, and community work such as funding health facilities. Philanthropic activities, including the construction of temples, were started in the 1930s by Jugal Kishore Birla and were continued by Ghanshyam Das Birla and other members of the family. 89. Chandigarh India\u2019s great tradition of architecture dates back to centuries, and is reflected in a wide range of ancient and historical buildings. A \u2018modern Indian architecture movement\u2019 had taken roots in the 1930s, more in response to prevalent trends of the colonial period such as international modernism and Art Deco. Some architects incorporated elements of Indian styles in Art Deco, a style that came to be referred to as Indo-Deco. The design and construction of New Delhi as well as precincts like the Ballard Estate in Bombay during this period signified the trend of multiple styles of architecture. On the other hand, the Indian architectural movement was not modernist, but more revivalist, seeking to foster design elements of ancient temples and towns. After Independence, however, modernists gained prominence and attention, with the government supporting them in a big way. Presenting a break from the colonial past, the modernist style resulted in an extraordinary exploration of modernist architecture in the country, beginning with the development of a new city \u2013 Chandigarh. After the partition of India, Punjab needed a new capital since Lahore, which was the capital of undivided Punjab, had become a part of Pakistan. No other existing town in Punjab was thought to be fit to serve as the capital of the new Indian state. Prime Minister Nehru took this as an opportunity to initiate a unique experiment in urban planning geared to developing a new capital city. The proposed new city was not only to serve as the city of administration but also as a residence for refugees who had crossed over from West Punjab. It was seen as a project for building a symbol of new and modern India, just like the construction of big dams and factories. Swiss-French architect\u2010planner Le Corbusier was hired for the job. He, along with a bunch of young foreign and Indian architects, provided a new planning model and architectural design for Chandigarh. The city was planned on the \u2018garden city\u2019 principles just like Radburn, New Jersey and Greenbelt in America. Chandigarh was created as a low-density horizontal city, with government buildings and housing for employees and workers. The Capital Complex was the core design, consisting of the High Court, the secretariat, the state assembly and the Museum of Knowledge. Le Corbusier also designed other monuments, such as the Martyr\u2019s Memorial and Open Hand, in the complex. The rest of the city was divided into sectors and consisted of housing for several categories of employees, each sector self-independent with shopping, health and school facilities. These buildings were constructed with local brick and stone, using local design elements such as jaalis (lacework in stone), and features in tune with the local climate. These formed the basis of what came to be known as the \u2018Chandigarh style\u2019. In effect, Chandigarh became a training school for Indian town planners and architects. Gandhinagar, the new capital of Gujarat state, was planned by H.K. Mewada and Prakash M. Apte who had trained under Le Corbusier in the Chandigarh project. In the same way, another new capital, Bhubaneswar, came up in Orissa as a modern city distinct from the old Bhubaneswar, dotted with ancient temples and monuments. Its chief architect was, Otto H. Koenigsberger, a German architect who had been the chief architect and planner of the princely Mysore state. In addition to new capitals, industrial townships were developed in Bhilai, Durgapur, Barauni and Sindri around public sector industries there, on the lines of steel cities in the USSR. Another such city was","Faridabad, developed to accommodate refugees coming from Punjab. By 1971, a total of 112 new towns had been built across the country. The success of the Chandigarh project and the national attention it got brought a new identity to the profession of architecture. The influence of Le Corbusier was visible in several important buildings that came up in the 1960s and the \u201970s. 90. Laurie Baker Architecture In the years after the Independence, there was a conscious effort to break away from the past in the field of architecture. A great deal of building activity was initiated with the government funding large projects, such as the building of Chandigarh and buildings to house new institutions such as the IITs. The thrust was on modernist architecture and rejection of the colonial style as well as the revivalist movement for ancient Indian architecture. Le Corbusier, the architect who designed Chandigarh, influenced a great many Indian architects in their pursuit of modernist style. This influence is apparent in many buildings designed and built in the 1960s. Large government and institutional buildings in Chandigarh and elsewhere left an imprint and made a statement. In contrast, a British-born architect, Laurie Baker, pioneered a new architectural style more suited to ordinary Indians, using locally available materials and taking local climatic conditions into consideration. This earned him the sobriquet of the \u2018poor man\u2019s architect\u2019. Baker\u2019s designs were need-based and the materials he used were available locally, even waste material. He spent sixteen years in the Himalayan town of Pithoragarh, observing people build houses using materials such as rock, mud, laterite and cow dung. He imbibed these skills and worked with local masons and craftsmen to build schools, hospitals and community centres. Later, he moved to Kerala and designed several buildings, employing basic raw bricks as the minimum material, with the emphasis on functionality and sustainability. Among the institutional buildings that he built in Trivandrum are the Centre for Development Studies and the State Institute of Languages. He also built low-cost group housing societies and individual houses. In all these structures, the construction was simple and minimal, making use of only those materials that are essential. He did not shy away from using old doors, window frames and even used glass bottles in his creations. All this made Laurie Baker\u2019s architecture functional, aesthetic as well as low-cost. Baker described his cost-reduction methods in detail in a manual published in 1972 by the Centre for Science and Technology for Rural Development. The Housing and Urban Development Corporation (HUDCO) promoted his ideas and technology, and established the Laurie Baker Mud Foundation, while the Laurie Baker Centre for Habitat Studies in Kerala promotes an alternative paradigm in architecture and building technology marked with simplicity. 91. Indian Premier League Cricket in India for its fans is akin to religion for devotees. The advent of live telecast of cricket matches made it a big business, the high penetration of satellite television and expanding consumer markets in the post- liberalization era further expanding its reach and commercial appeal. Commercial considerations took over the game slowly, the schedule and time duration of matches gradually being tailormade for satellite television and sponsoring companies. Even new formats were evolved to garner a larger number of spectators and television audiences. The Twenty20 (T20) format launched in 2003 made a cricket match almost like an entertainment","show or a movie. Traditional formats \u2013 five-day Test cricket and one day international (ODI) matches \u2013 lost their sheen. All this helped attract new fans but still did not fundamentally alter the dynamics of world cricket. Cricket playing countries followed the system of bilateral series and the World Cup tournament organized by the International Cricket Council. In 2008, a new idea \u2013 the Indian Premier League (IPL) \u2013 disrupted the cricketing world globally and made India a hub of international cricket. The IPL model was completely different from traditional cricket. It was not to be a game between teams of two countries or a tournament of all cricket playing countries, but a soccerlike league among teams made up of Indian and international players. Instead of national or state level teams competing, the concept of city teams was introduced. These teams, to be owned by commercial franchises, were formed from a pool of Indian and foreign players based on the auction. Eight city teams were formed with players drawn from an open auction. In April and May 2008, a total of fifty-nine matches were played over forty-four days, with each team playing each other twice in a league following the round-robin format. Teams qualified for semi-finals and finals based on points they earned in their respective leagues. IPL introduced shorter games (Twenty20), auctionbased salaries, city franchises, revenue from broadcasting and entertainment elements in stadia and television studios. The presence of celebrity owners like Bollywood star, Shah Rukh Khan, brought in more fans as spectators. Overall, IPL provided a unique blending of sport and entertainment \u2013 both on and off the ground. The league was a tremendous success and a profitable venture for the organizers, franchisees, broadcasters and the cricket board. The second season of the IPL had to be hosted in South Africa as it coincided with the general elections in India. It was a success and helped India showcase its new cricket brand to the world. The success of IPL gave rise to a similar commoditized approach and entertainment-focused sports programming to other games as well. The Pro Kabaddi League, Indian Badminton League, Indian Super League (for football), Indian Volley League, are all inspired by the IPL model. This trend has helped nurture sporting talent, attract new audiences and bring sponsorships to games. Key People The idea of IPL was proposed by Lalit Modi to the Board of Cricket Control in India (BCCI) in 2007. Faced with a dwindling number of spectators in stadia and a challenge posed by a competing league started by a broadcasting company, the BCCI decided to give a free hand to Modi to implement his radical idea. The rival league, the Indian Cricket League (ICL), had been launched by Subhash Chandra of Zee Television when he was denied broadcasting rights by the BCCI. It wanted to position itself as a competitor to official cricket \u2013 much like Kerry Packer of Channel Nine did in Australia in the 1970s \u2013 but the BCCI did not allow the use of stadia owned by its affiliates and banned Indian players who had signed up with ICL. Modi seized the opportunity and convinced the board about his idea of a much broader league modelled after the National Football League. Modi was removed from IPL following charges of financial irregularities and misconduct, after the third edition of IPL in 2010. References","Anantharaman, Ganesh. Bollywood Melodies: A History of the Hindi Film Song. New Delhi: Penguin Books India, 2008. Bhatia, Gautam. Laurie Baker: Life, Work, Writings. New Delhi: Penguin Books India, 1994. Brown, Rebecca M. Displaying Time: The Many Temporalities of the Festival of India. Washington: University of Washington Press, 2017. Chakrabarti, Mahua. \u2018\u201cRadio Ceylon\u201d: The cultural landscape in India during the twentieth century: A brief note\u2019. South Asia Culture, History and Heritage, International Association for Asian Heritage (IAAH) and Centre for Asian Studies, University of Kelaniya, Sri Lanka, 2015. Diettrich, Brian, Jayson Beaster-Jones, Jane Freeman Moulin, and Michael Hugh Webb. Bollywood Sounds: The Cosmopolitan Mediations of Hindi Film Song. New Delhi: Oxford University Press, 2011. Durrans, Brian. \u2018Competitive pragmatism: Organising the 1982 festival of India in Britain\u2019. History and Anthropology, 6 (1), 1992: 23\u201345. Hannam, Kevin, and Anya Diekmann. Tourism and India: A Critical Introduction. New Delhi: Routledge, 2010. Hazarika, Sanjoy. \u2018India\u2019s homespun gets the designer look\u2019. New York Times, 22 January 1986. Isar, Yudhishthir Raj. \u2018Cultural diplomacy: India does it differently\u2019. International Journal of Cultural Policy, 23 (6), 2017: 705\u201316. Jaitly, Jaya. Crafts Atlas of India. New Delhi: Niyogi Books, 2012. Jaitly, Jaya. Life Among the Scorpions: Memoirs of a Woman in Indian Politics. New Delhi: Rupa Publications, 2017. Kohli, Rajeev. \u2018The Launch of the Indian Premier League\u2019. Columbia Case Works, Columbia Business School, 2011.","Kudelska, Marta, Agnieszka Staszczyk, and Agata \u015awierzowska. \u2018Birla Mandirs: The contemporary Hindu temple complexes as an example of modernization by going back to tradition: 2015 fieldwork report\u2019. The Polish Journal of the Arts and Culture. New Series, 3 (1), 2016: 149\u201370. Kudelska, Marta, Dorota Kami\u0144ska-Jones, Agnieszka Staszczyk, and Agata \u015awierzowska. The Temple Road towards a Great India: Birla Mandirs as a Strategy for Reconstructing Nation and Tradition. Krak\u00f3w: Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Jagiello\u0144skiego, 2019. Kvetko, Peter. \u2018Private music: Individualism, authenticity and genre boundaries in the Bombay music industry\u2019. In K. Moti Gokulsing and Wimal Dissanayake, Popular Culture in a Globalised India. New Delhi: Routledge, 2009, 131\u201344. Lang, Jon T. A Concise History of Modern Architecture in India. Hyderabad: Orient Blackswan, 2002. Langkj\u00e6r, Michael Alexander. \u2018From cool to un-cool to re-cool: Nehru and Mao tunics in the sixties and post- sixties West\u2019. In Marie-Louise Nosch, Zhao Feng, and Lotika Varadarajan, Global Textile Encounters, 227\u201336. Oxford: Oxbow Books, 2014, 227\u201336. Lutz, Hazel. \u2018Nehru Jacket\u2019. Love to Know, 2015, https:\/\/fashion-history.lovetoknow.com\/clothing-types- styles\/nehru-jacket (accessed 16 November 2021). Majumdar, Boria. \u2018The Indian Premier League and world cricket\u2019. Anthony Bateman and Jeffrey Hill (eds), The Cambridge Companion to Cricket. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2011, 173\u201386. Malik, Mustafa. \u2018Role of Indian Railways in the promotion of tourism: A case study of \u201cPalace on Wheels\u201d\u2019. PhD diss., Aligarh Muslim University, 2004. Mandell, Hinda (ed.). Crafting Dissent: Handicraft as Protest from the American Revolution to the Pussyhats. Maryland: Rowman & Littlefield Publishers, 2019. Punathambekar, Aswin. \u2018Ameen Sayani and Radio Ceylon: Notes towards a History of Broadcasting and Bombay Cinema. BioScope: South Asian Screen Studies\u2019. Screen 1 (2), 2010: 189\u201397. Roy, Abhijit. \u2018(In)visible publics: Television and participatory culture in India\u2019. In Rana Nayar, Pushpinder Syal, and Akshaya Kumar (eds), Cultural Studies in India. New Delhi: Routledge India, 2017, 201.","Sethi, Cristin McKnight. \u2018Mapping craft in contemporary India: Dilli Haat and Dastkari Haat Samiti\u2019s crafts maps\u2019. The Journal of Modern Craft, 6 (1), 2013: 49\u201377. Shaw, Annapurna. \u2018Town planning in Postcolonial India, 1947\u20131965: Chandigarh re-Examined\u2019. Urban Geography, 30 (8), 2009: 857\u201378. Slobin, Mark. Global Soundtracks: Worlds of Film Music. Connecticut: Wesleyan University Press, 2008.","Environment and People\u2019s Movements Among the undesired side effects of the rapid pace of development in the first two decades of India\u2019s Independence was environmental degradation and the threat to wildlife. India continued to follow British-era policies of extracting forest resources for industries and other sectors. Wild animals continued to be hunted by exroyals and game hunting was promoted to attract foreign tourists in the early decades after Independence. A series of innovative policy interventions and people\u2019s movements in the 1970s brought about a seminal change in the situation. A nationwide conservation project to save the tiger resulted in the development of environmental consciousness, while the Chipko movement led by women in the Himalayan hills helped check the cutting down of forests. The water crisis in dry zones of Rajasthan spurred a movement to revive the traditional water harvesting system of johads, providing a template for reviving dead rivers. In the hills, the revival of dried springs through the scientific rejuvenation of their catchments under the Dhara Vikas initiative has proved successful. In Leh, a retired civil engineer has used snow harvesting to build artificial glaciers that help tide over water shortage in the early summer months. Another grassroots innovation is to train illiterate village women to become barefoot solar engineers so that they can fix and operate solar energy systems in their villages without any external technical help. Most of these innovations are women-centric and exemplify their empowerment. All these innovations are benefiting scores of people in India and across the developing world.","92. Project Tiger The first two decades after Independence witnessed a great deal of industrial and economic activity in India, along with the setting up of new academic and research institutions. Several large steel and fertilizer plants as well as big dams were built and the Green Revolution was pursued aggressively. While all this was largely seen as necessary for the economic development of the newly independent nation, some of these activities resulted in undesirable effects on the environment. Towards the late 1960s, national and international experts had begun pointing out problems like the destruction of forests and wildlife as well as displacement of people. Till then India had no laws for the protection of the environment or wildlife, nor was there a separate ministry for the environment. British-era laws were still in force for governing forests. The country\u2019s first conservation programme \u2013 Project Tiger launched in 1973 \u2013 changed all this. At that time, it was the largest wildlife conservation project in the world and marked the beginning of the conservation and environment protection movement in India. Hunting wild animals like tigers was a favourite pastime for the British elite and Indian princes. The tradition continued after Independence, with commercial hunting being promoted for foreign tourists and former royals, many of whom had joined politics. Foresters who were in charge of protecting forests also took a lenient view of hunting, which went on unabated. It is telling that about 1,000 tiger skins were sold in markets in New Delhi during 1967\u201368, showing how tigers were being slaughtered relentlessly. The continuous loss of habitats of the tiger, uncontrolled hunting as well as poaching that catered to the demand for tiger parts in international markets soon showed adverse effects. The dwindling number of tiger and other wild species caused concern among conservation researchers and some in the forest service. The Bombay Natural History Society (BNHS) and the newly established India chapter of the World Wildlife Fund (WWF) began advocating wildlife protection. A meeting of the International Union for Conservation of Nature (IUCN) in New Delhi in 1969 provided a forum for all such voices. It decided to declare the royal Bengal tiger an endangered species, a move that was staunchly opposed by commercial safari operators. Following the recommendation, the shooting of tigers was banned in July 1970. A national census of the tiger \u2013 the first ever for any wild species \u2013 conducted by the National Wildlife Board (which was attached to the Ministry of Agriculture) found the number to be only about 1,800, down from 40,000 as reported in 1930. The survey helped identify tiger habitats that needed protection. Meanwhile, WWF International launched a global campaign, Operation Tiger, to raise funds for the protection of tigers in the Indian subcontinent. All these efforts culminated in a focused conservation initiative named Project Tiger in 1973. A new law \u2013 the Wildlife (Protection) Act \u2013 was passed to provide the necessary legal framework for the protection of wild species. The Act included a list of endangered and threatened flora and fauna in the country and laid down the criteria for establishing and managing their protection, such as national parks and wildlife sanctuaries. It banned both hunting and poaching of the tiger, along with all trade in tiger parts. At the global level, the Convention on International Trade in Endangered Species of Wild Fauna and Flora (CITES) came up to end the trade in tiger skins. Nine tiger habitats \u2013 Bandipur, Corbett, Kanha, Manas, Melghat, Palamau, Ranthambore, Similipal and Sunderbans \u2013 were declared as tiger reserves for the protection of the species. Mostly old princely hunting grounds, the reserves followed a core-buffer strategy. The core area was given the legal status of a national park or sanctuary where no biomass collection was allowed, while in the buffer or peripheral zone, a limited activity like cattle grazing and cultivation was permitted. The project yielded dramatic results \u2013 by 1979 the number of tigers had risen to 3,015 (almost a 60 per cent increase).","Over the years, the project became controversial with scientists contesting the techniques used for the tiger census, besides questions being raised about the rights of forest dwellers in and around tiger reserves. It also resulted in a \u2018people versus tigers\u2019 debate. Nevertheless, the project led to a conservation consciousness in the country and inspired similar initiatives, such as the Project Elephant. Several countries in Asia started similar conservation projects in the 1980s. In 2018, the number of such reserves under Project Tiger had risen to fifty, which amounts to about 2.21 per cent of India\u2019s geographical area. For various reasons, such as poaching for tiger parts for export markets and extraction of mineral resources near protected areas, the number subsequently fell and was estimated to be 2,967 in 2018. The reserves protect a range of endangered species. Key People A new breed of forest officers keen to protect wildlife was responsible for the idea of Project Tiger. Among them was Kailash Sankahla, who presented a paper entitled \u2018The Vanishing Indian Tiger\u2019 at the 1969 IUCN conference, criticizing the practice of hunting and the need for taking the conservation approach. He was appointed the first director of Project Tiger. M.K. Ranjitsinh, an IAS officer, was central to the drafting of the Wildlife Protection Act. The two had the political support of Prime Minister Indira Gandhi, who had inaugurated the IUCN meeting and shared the concern that flagship species like tiger, elephant and rhinoceros could disappear unless drastic conservation measures were taken. She also ensured support from the state chief minister when Project Tiger was launched. 93. Chipko Movement Women have been at the forefront of popular protests in India, such as the Chipko movement of 1973, which was an organized resistance to the destruction of forests. Almost half a century after it originated in the Himalayas, the simple but powerful idea of protecting trees from getting axed by hugging them continues to inspire generations of Indians fighting to save their environment. It has become a metaphor for popular environmental activism in India. In the history of environmental activism in India and globally, Chipko is seen as a turning point. At the time when Chipko was taking roots in the hills of Garhwal in the 1970s, phrases like \u2018environmental protection\u2019 and \u2018green activism\u2019 were not in vogue. India did not have any laws specifically for environmental protection and there was no Ministry of Environment. The forests in Garhwal Himalayas are the lifeline of people, supporting their needs of food, fodder and fuel, and are important for cultural and religious reasons as well. Commercial exploitation of these forests began during the colonial period for supplying Himalayan teak to Britain and for building the Indian Railways. The extractive policies continued after Independence with the National Forest Policy of 1952 continuing the state\u2019s policy over forests. The emphasis on rapid industrialization also meant using forests as sources of timber and other materials that can be used in industries. Forestry got commercialized with the planting of economically important tree species and the government allowing contractors to use timber and other material. Such policies adversely hit local communities that depended on minor forest produce and medicinal plants for their needs. In addition, the adverse environmental impacts of tree cutting also became apparent in 1970, when the surging waters of the flooded Alaknanda river in the Himalayas caused widespread damage.","It was in this backdrop that local communities decided to oppose the entry of contractors in forests for felling trees. They wanted to assert their right over the forests. Community groups led by Chandi Prasad Bhatt, who had founded the Dashauli Gram Swarajya Sangh (DGSS) in 1964, the cooperative organization to encourage rural industries using local resources, and Sunderlal Bahuguna, who had been part of the Sarvodaya movement for the upliftment of rural people, decided to oppose government policies. DGSS had been working as a cottage industry cooperative that depended on minor forest produce such as resin and timber of Indian ash trees for its activities. In March 1973, Bhatt and DGSS came into confrontation with the state Forest Department over the rights it gave to Symonds, a sports manufacturing firm based in Allahabad, for felling ash trees in the nearby Mandal forests. At a meeting of villagers on 27 March 1973, to discuss the course of action, Bhatt vowed not to let the contractors cut trees and suggested that people should physically hug trees to prevent them from being axed. This was the first time, the word \u2018Chipko\u2019 was used. A resolution was passed and sent to the Forest Department, but it continued to contract private companies for tree felling. People decided to protest against the government and contractors. On 25 March 1974, contractors and their workers moved to the Reni forest overlooking the Alaknanda river with permission to cut 2,500 trees, deliberately selecting a time when all men of the village were away for a meeting with the forest officials in Chamoli. A young girl noticed the approaching team and alerted women in the village. On hearing this, a middleaged lady, Gaura Devi, mustered all women of the village \u2013 twenty-seven of them \u2013 and rushed to the forest area to confront the contractor\u2019s team. They argued with the contractor but he refused to stop workers from going ahead. At this point, Gaura Devi and her team members decided to hug trees and dared the contractor to shoot them before axing the trees. The resistance worked, forcing the contractor to retreat \u2013 and thus Chipko was born. The word soon spread and people began using this tactic wherever tree felling was attempted. This happened in dozens of villages with people led by motivating community heads like Dhum Singh Negi. These efforts saved 10,000 trees being felled in a short period. In 1980, the government was forced to impose a ban on commercial felling. Chipko stands out among people\u2019s movements because it was non-violent, peaceful, completely decentralized and autonomous. The movement was deeply rooted in Gandhian and Sarvodaya values. It was non-political and was blessed by Gandhian leaders like Jayaprakash Narayan and Vinoba Bhave. It was also truly an Indian movement and did not have any external or ideological influence from the West. Chipko\u2019s impact was felt beyond the Garhwal hills as it led to environmental consciousness and forced the government to take steps to address environmental degradation. It inspired many people\u2019s movements in the decades to follow, such as the Appiko movement in Uttara Kannada district in Karnataka, which sought to protect the Western Ghats. Chipko also is a great example of women\u2019s assertion of their environmental rights. The movement also had a fair share of criticism and controversies, particularly relating to the distinct approaches taken by Bhatt and Bahuguna as well as greater media attention garnered by Bahuguna. Key Players Chipko was the brainchild of Chandi Prasad Bhatt, while Sunderlal Bahuguna played a major role in spreading it to more areas and amplifying the message through media. But the two had different approaches to the issue of forest destruction for commercial purposes. Bhatt, who had been running DGSS as a village cooperative since 1964, advocated a rural economy and judicious use of forest resources by villagers. He founded a cooperative that had a small workshop and participated in auctions to get timber for making farm implements. The conflict","with the Forest Department arose when timber merchants began offering higher bids and also indulged in illegal felling of trees. DGSS then took to other produce such as medicinal plants and resins. Bhatt believed in the model of eco-development and sustainable use of natural resources. On the other hand, Bahuguna, who began his public life as a functionary of the Congress party and then took to social work, emphasized the conservationist stance of no felling at all. After Chipko became popular, he articulated the demand for a total ban on felling, including for minor produce and village industry by local communities. Bahuguna emerged as the face of Chipko outside the hills and abroad, for he took highly visible actions like the padayatra and fasts and used folk singers to take home the message. His decision to quit politics in 1956 and join the Sarvodaya movement, according to some accounts, was greatly influenced by his wife Vimla Nautiyal, who was a committed social worker and a disciple of Sarla Behn (Gandhi\u2019s aide, an English social activist). Bhatt, who used to work as a booking clerk in a transport company, was inspired by Bahuguna to become a social worker. 94. Revival of Arvari Rajasthan is known for its architectural and historical splendour that attracts people from all over the world. Among its tourist attractions are the vast dunes and desert palaces. But the life for ordinary people in the state is hard, as most of the state is either desert or arid with very little rainfall occurring during the monsoon. The availability of water for farming and other activities is very limited in many parts of the state. The overexploitation of groundwater resources has led to the depletion of water tables. Historically people in the state have practised water harvesting \u2013 collecting rainwater for later use. This is reflected in remnants of old harvesting structures such as step wells and earthen check dams known as johads. In recent times, however, traditional water harvesting systems have fallen in disuse and people have forgotten them. As a result, people are forced to migrate to cities for work and employment. Then came a unique experiment to revive the system of johads, launched in 1985, which helped overcome the water shortage and also saw the rebirth of rivers that were considered dead. The revival of the Arvari river in the Alwar district of Rajasthan by a community organization, Tarun Bharat Sangh (TBS), triggered a movement for rainwater harvesting in the country in the 1990s. The Sangh began its work in Thanagazi, which was one of the four blocks declared as a \u2018dark zone\u2019 for the scant rainfall it received annually. It was not like this always. The region had rivers, rivulets and some forest area \u2013 but over the years, drains that fed rainwater into the rivers got choked or were intercepted for different developmental works. Mining operations led to the denudation of forest areas which are needed to hold water. All these factors dried up the water resources of the region. Keen to rectify the situation, the Sangh members talked to the elderly in the community who told them about the presence of johads in the region. It was decided to revive these water harvesting structures which were semi-circular earthen ponds that collected run-off from small streams and helped charge groundwater in the catchment area. For reviving old johads and constructing a new one, local communities were galvanized to take action. The work began with one johad in Gopalpura. It was desilted and rebuilt, and when rains occurred in the monsoon season, the pond filled up and wells nearby got recharged. Following this success, more johads were built and several villages adopted the technique. In the next ten year, thousands of johads were rejuvenated with many in the catchment area of the Arvari. In 1996, the dead Arvari was seen to come alive, its water flowing","even during peak summer. Four more rivers \u2013 the Bhagani-Teldehe, Jahajwali, Sarsa and Ruparel \u2013 which had been reduced to seasonal rivers, became perennial, benefiting some 250 villages. The forests also got revived \u2013 and the area was declared a \u2018white zone\u2019 soon. Land available for farming grew several folds and new sources of income like fisheries emerged for people. Women did not have to walk long distances to fill containers with drinking water. The revival of the Arvari was not a mere civil engineering innovation. It presented a new model of community involvement for rainwater harvesting using the knowledge, skills and labour of local people. All the johads were built by people, with help from volunteers of the Sangh. Since water is a precious commodity in the region, a new mechanism called the Arvari Sansad or the river parliament was developed to decide on sharing of water and for addressing disputes. It was a unique experiment in grassroots democracy, with seventy-two villages represented in the \u2018parliament\u2019. The idea has been adopted widely in Rajasthan and other states, despite official agencies trying to create stumbling blocks. In 2001, the state Irrigation Department served a notice saying the johads were illegal under the provisions of the Rajasthan Irrigation and Drainage Act. Despite such problems, the Sangh has helped construct over 8,500 johads in 1,000 villages spread over eleven districts since 1985. Key People The man behind TBS is Rajendra Singh, who is often called the waterman of India. He started social work as a 27-year old man in Gopalpura in Alwar district. He had a degree in Ayurvedic medicine and used to practise in the village. While working in the village he realized that water scarcity was a major problem in the region and decided to do something to address it. Interaction with community elders made him realize that the revival of traditional methods of water harvesting could be a solution. This set him on a long journey, resulting in the revival of the Arvari and the birth of a new model of community participation for water conservation. 95. Navdanya Seed Bank India is home to a great diversity of food crops, thousands of varieties of grains, pulses, oilseeds, nuts, fruits, vegetables, medicinal plants, herbs, grasses and so on. They are the source of nutrition and health for millions of people living in different geographical and climatic regions. There are diverse food crops suitable for growing in different agro-climatic zones and soil conditions \u2013 from cold hilly regions to humid and saline coastal belts. The diversity of some staple food crops like rice and millets is truly amazing. At one point, India was believed to possess an estimated 100,000 varieties of rice. In earlier times, diversity was maintained and varieties also kept evolving as farmers freely exchanged seeds over generations. However, the mass adoption of new hybrid HYVs of rice and wheat with the coming of the Green Revolution changed this. Farmers shifted to a handful of varieties of rice, wheat and maize from regional and local diversity of crops. The Green Revolution was necessary to overcome the shortfall in production and end imports of foodgrains, but it made farmers dependent on the market for seeds and chemical fertilizers. As a result, the genetic base of traditional crop varieties narrowed and some of them came close to extinction. The revival of an old practice \u2013 community- based seed banks \u2013 is helping preserve the indigenous crop diversity. The idea of seed banks pioneered by Navdanya, a non-government organization in Uttarakhand has spread to several states in the country.","Seed banks are the repository of food, vegetable and fruit crops grown in a region. Every traditional variety is identified and documented, and seeds are preserved in the bank. This helps in orienting communities towards conserving and cultivating traditional crops with nutritional and health values. Seed banks are managed by farmers, mostly women. They collect, multiply and exchange seeds of locally grown crops and share the associated indigenous knowledge. Navdanya provides the initial supply of seeds collected from farmers who may be already cultivating them in surrounding villages or from existing seed banks in similar agro-climatic regions. Local farmers then start depositing seeds in the bank. Farmers interested in growing traditional varieties are given seeds and also technical knowledge about growing crops, raising seeds and chemical-free pest management. At the end of the season, farmers have to return seeds grown by them, adding 25 per cent more to the quantity they had borrowed. These seeds are then given to others in the next season. Such free exchange is not limited to seeds \u2013 farmers also exchange ideas, knowledge and techniques of how to use the seeds. Local seeds are well adapted to local conditions and are climate-resilient. Saving seeds not only makes farmers self-sufficient in seeds but also saves money which otherwise they would have paid seed companies to buy hybrid seeds. Navdanya has helped start 150 community seed banks across the country in thirty years, benefiting thousands of farmers and saving indigenous crop varieties. Over 4,000 rice varieties, including thirty aromatic ones, have been collected, saved and conserved and dozens of forgotten food crops (millets, pseudo-cereals and pulses) brought back from the brink of extinction. The seed bank movement has brought into focus sustainable agriculture and linked farmers growing crops organically with consumers in cities. Thousands of farmers have benefited from seed banks in drought-affected areas and also in states hit by cyclones and tsunamis. Seed banks in the \u2018suicide\u2019 belts of Vidarbha, Telangana and Karnataka have made farmers realize the sheer biodiversity available in their respective regions, and are helping debt-ridden farmers to cultivate indigenous varieties. Key People Vandana Shiva is the founder of the seed bank movement. She learned her lessons in ecology and the plight of peasant women while serving as a volunteer for the Chipko movement between 1974 and 1981 under Sunderlal Bahuguna. While studying the Green Revolution in Punjab in 1984, she realized that the chemicalbased agriculture model had killed ecological and organic farming. This prompted her to start Navdanya in 1987 for saving seeds, protecting biodiversity and spreading ecological methods of farming. The organization started in Dehradun and work began in the hills where seed banking was traditionally practised. Subsequently, Shiva took the idea to other states, particularly in regions facing farm distress. The model has demonstrated that seed banks are capable of rescuing farmers in times of climate extremes such as droughts, floods and cyclones. 96. Dhara Vikas Springs, small streams and lakes are the lifeline of people living in the hills. They are the only source of drinking water and irrigation for a large number of people in the hilly states of India. But these precious sources of water are drying up as forests get denuded and catchment of areas as well as natural drainage gets disrupted due to the construction of dams, roads and other structures. In addition, climate change is also playing its role. The spread of rainfall has reduced and winters are becoming increasingly dry. Rainfall is now mostly in the form of heavy downpours, which means rainwater gets drained off the hills without much percolation. Providing piped water supply is challenging, particularly in sparsely populated villages. An innovative government","scheme, Dhara Vikas, launched in Sikkim in 2008, has provided an answer. Scores of dried springs and lakes have been rejuvenated, giving hope to water-scarce hill communities in other states in the Indian Himalayan Region (IHR) as well as neighbouring countries. The availability of water in springs depends on the recharge of the groundwater storage with rainwater. In mountainous terrain, it is estimated that less than 15 per cent of rainwater percolates down to recharge springs while the rest flows down as surface water. The thrust of Dhara Vikas schemes is to catch this runoff water and direct it to recharge groundwater. Holding water in the catchment areas on hilltops can revive dried springs down below. This is done by digging trenches at identified locations to hold rainwater so that it percolates down into fine pores and cracks of rocks and flows through underground channels to emerge as spring water on the slopes and villages. The identification of spots for digging trenches requires a sound understanding of rocks and the underlying hydrological system. The earlier practice was to construct a boundary wall around the water source and plant trees around it. This used to help in protecting the source but not in recharging and increasing the discharge. On the other hand, the Dhara Vikas approach is about sustainably developing springsheds to increase the percolation of rainwater so that groundwater gets recharged. The programme is implemented with community participation. Local youth are trained to become parahydrogeologists for identifying the spots where trenches could be dug and artificial groundwater recharge structures constructed. These people develop detailed maps of water resources and shape a springshed development plan for a given area as well as identify catchment areas by using tools like GPS and Google maps. They are also trained to measure and monitor spring discharges. In ten years, the Rural Management and Development Department of the Sikkim government has revived dozens of springs, lakes and streams. The initiative was conceptualized with technical help from the People\u2019s Science Institute, Dehradun and World Wildlife Fund India. In 2018, an expert committee of the Niti Aayog recommended the eight-step methodology of the Dhara Vikas as a model for other states in IHR. The steps in this methodology are comprehensive mapping; data monitoring systems; social, gender and governance aspects; hydrogeological mapping; conceptual hydrogeological layout of springshed; classification of spring types and recharge areas; springshed management protocol and implementation; and measuring hydrogeological and socioeconomic impacts. Key People The revival of springs in hills was based on an in-depth understanding of local hydrology and ecology. The administrative innovation was to use funds available under the Mahatma Gandhi Employment Guarantee Scheme to implement the scheme, and also to ensure the participation of local communities. Among the key people involved in making Dhara Vikas a success was Sandeep Tambe, an officer of the Indian Forest Service. Tambe was the chief conservator of forests and then worked as special secretary in the Rural Management and Development Department, Government of Sikkim. He involved non-governmental agencies like WWF-India, People\u2019s Science Institute and others. Training of barefoot hydrologists and master trainers was conducted by the Pune-based Advance Centre for Water Resources Development and Management under Himanshu Kulkarni. A groundwater expert and advocate of community participation, Kulkarni was chairman of the Working Group on Sustainable Groundwater Management for the twelfth Five Year Plan. Sikkim Chief Minister Pawan Chamling ensured continued government and political support for the project during his long tenure in office.","97. Barefoot Engineers Tapping the solar energy as an alternative to conventional forms of energy has been practised for a long time, yet solar devices like lanterns, cookers and water heaters are not very popular even in areas where commercial electricity is not available. Such devices are often provided under government subsidies to people in rural and remote areas not having access to electricity. However, installation and maintenance of solar devices pose a problem as it requires trained engineers or technicians. Youngsters who get trained in formal technical institutions migrate to cities and prefer to work there. As a result, village people have to wait for help from cities even for small technical help. An innovative solution \u2013 training mothers and grandmothers to become barefoot engineers \u2013 is changing the situation in thousands of villages in Asia and Africa. It is not only helping demystify solar technology but also helping in decentralizing its application in rural areas. In addition, it is a great way to empower women in marginalized communities. The concept of barefoot professionals was pioneered by the Social Work and Research Centre (SWRC) in Tilonia, Rajasthan, which is known as the Barefoot College. In 1971, it began training village women to solve problems related to access to drinking water. The handpumps installed in the village would often malfunction, and women would have to wait for a mechanic to arrive from the city. The Barefoot College started training village women with no formal education as water mistris or mechanics so that they could repair handpumps on their own. These women were also trained in reviving the age-old practice of water rainwater harvesting, besides setting up desalination plants, preparing maps of water resources in their villages and water testing. In the 1980s, when solar technology became popular, the college started training women in the installation, operation and maintenance of solar panels as well as fabricating solar lanterns and solar cookers. With a six-month hands-on training course, semi-literate and unschooled women could become barefoot solar engineers. Some of them become master trainers and spread their skills among other women. This model of training challenges the formal system of technical education and respects traditional knowledge and skills. Over the years, the college has trained thousands of barefoot engineers in India, particularly from remote and hilly regions, and those coming from almost ninety countries in Asia, Africa and Latin America. These women have helped electrify villages using solar energy, besides providing solar-based solutions for cooking and hot water. Since most of them are mothers and grandmothers, they have a nickname, \u2018solar mamas\u2019, in communities. The college admits women who are unschooled, illiterate or semiliterate, and who have no hope of getting even the lowest government job. They are trained as \u2018barefoot\u2019 educators, healers, teachers, engineers, architects, designers, communicators, handpump mechanics and accountants. The idea is to let these women take control of the needs of the community by adopting suitable technologies and skills, the long-term aim being to make them self-reliant by empowering them. Key People The idea of the Barefoot College emerged from the urge of a young man, Sanjit \u2018Bunker\u2019 Roy, to understand rural India and find solutions to basic needs such as water. This quest began in the late 1960s when recurring famines were a major challenge and resulted in the formation of SWRC. Initially, it was a small group of city- bred professionals who were involved in this effort. This included Roy\u2019s wife, Aruna, who quit the IAS to","become part of the Tilonia team, and social scientists Manya Jayaram and Yogavalli Rao from the Tata Institute of Social Sciences (TISS) in Mumbai, among others. The group started with a basic preventive health programme and informal education through night schools. Subsequently, Roy realized that it was critical to enhance the selfconfidence and competence of the poorest of the poor by providing them access to learning. This could enable them to serve their community, thus making them fully self-reliant. This gave birth to the Barefoot College. 98. Artificial Glaciers The cold and arid deserts of Ladakh receive very little rainfall. People depend on streams fed by meltwater from glaciers for all their needs and livelihood. That\u2019s why most villages are located in valleys, very close to water streams. Although only a small area of the Ladakh region is suitable for agriculture due to its high altitude and rugged terrain, people grow several special crops. Over the centuries, they have adopted unique water management and sharing practices for the cultivation of crops using small quantities of water. In recent decades, however, this system of sustenance agriculture is getting disturbed due to climate change. The melt season has changed, resulting in varying availability of water, particularly when summer crops have to be sown. Because of late melting, streams and springs get little water in the early summer months. Developing artificial glaciers \u2013 a novel system to harvest snowmelt in winters for use in early summer \u2013 is helping address water shortage and the unpredictable water supply from natural glaciers. The concept of artificial glaciers which emerged in the mid-1980s builds upon the ancient practice of harvesting snow meltwater. It involves constructing large engineering structures to collect and store snowfield and natural glacier meltwater for use later in the year. These structures make use of gravity flow and freezing winter temperatures to build a seasonal stock of ice. Instead of allowing meltwater from natural glaciers to flow down into the valley, part of it is captured and diverted through channels in identified areas. The water is diverted to shallow pools created with stone embankments in north-facing or heavily shaded areas where sunlight is blocked by a ridge or mountain slope. This helps in freezing the diverted water in pools owing to very low temperatures. Over the winter months, this pool freezes to form a thick mass of ice and becomes an artificial glacier holding millions of litres of frozen water. These glaciers are created upstream of villages. Since these glaciers are at a lower altitude than natural glaciers, they start melting early enough to be used for the timely sowing of cereal crops like wheat. Artificial glaciers melt ahead of natural ones, which are at higher altitude and prevent water shortage during the early summer months. For the rest of the year, meltwater from natural glaciers is available. Earlier, farmers had to grow short-duration and low-yielding crops because they could sow only when natural glacier meltwater became available. The first artificial glacier was formed near Phuksey Phu village in 1987. Since then, more than one dozen artificial glaciers have been developed at different places in Ladakh and the technique is constantly being improvised. In recent years, a new model \u2013 the ice stupa \u2013 has emerged. Instead of a horizontal ice mass as in the case of an artificial glacier, the ice stupa stores ice vertically. This is achieved by freezing water from a melt stream vertically in the form of a conical ice town 30 to 50 metres high. Water is diverted from a stream at higher altitudes into high-density plastic pipes buried in the earth to prevent freezing. The water flows by gravity from the upper stream area to a preferred location where a narrower vertical pipe with a sprinkler, fixed on top, sprays out water like a fountain due to hydrostatic pressure. The water flowing out from the sprinkler freezes in contact with cold air. In this way, a stupa develops during the winter months, and then starts melting in spring. The first ice stupa was developed at Phyang village in 2015.","Key People The idea of artificial glaciers which builds upon ancient water harvesting systems was innovated by Chewang Norphel, a civil engineer working in the government\u2019s Rural Development Department in the 1980s. He designed the first glacier upstream of Phuksey when villages were experiencing water scarcity in the spring and late summer months. The idea worked and people benefited from the timely availability of water for the cultivation of crops. On retirement from the government job, Norphel joined a voluntary agency called Leh Nutrition Project and continued to build more artificial glaciers. This earned him the title of the \u2018Iceman of Ladakh\u2019. The idea of the ice stupa was pioneered by another Ladakhi engineer and environmentalist, Sonam Wangchuk in 2013 as an offshoot of the artificial glacier. He organized a team of volunteers, student interns and consultants for the project, resulting in the first stupa coming up two years later. Wangchuk is popularizing the concept not just as a means of adapting to climate change but for social, cultural and economic reasons too. He has also founded the SECMOL Alternative Institute that shot to instant fame after it was featured in the Bollywood film, Three Idiots. 99. Khabar Lahariya India has a diverse and large media landscape with the newspaper circulation totalling 430 million copies, some 800 news channels and hundreds of radio stations across the country, serving the news and entertainment needs of people in English and multiple Indian languages. The newspaper circulation grew rapidly in the 1990s and the 2000s with rising literacy rates and expanding consumer markets. As internet connectivity and mobile devices became affordable, digital news media began to spread its tentacles. All this makes India one of the largest media markets in the world. Yet there are gaps in its reach and impact, given the vast cultural and linguistic diversity of people as well as issues connected with media ownership and urban bias of mainstream media. It is felt that the news agenda is largely driven by the commercial interests of media owners and advertisers. Subjects of interest to rural India are either ignored in urban-centric media or are covered superficially. Such trends gave rise to alternative media such as community radio and rural newspapers run by media professionals. In the post-liberalization period, civil society groups felt the need to use media as a tool to empower rural people, particularly economically and socially marginalized communities, to own and run media so that they can voice their concerns. Community media became a new weapon in the rights movements while fulfilling the information needs of people. Khabar Lahariya, an eight-page weekly newspaper in Bundeli, Awadhi and Hindi launched in 2002, represents this trend. In about two decades, it has transformed into a digital news service that has an audience of 10 million across platforms in the \u2018media dark\u2019 regions of Uttar Pradesh and Madhya Pradesh. Bundeli and Awadhi are widely spoken but never used in media in written form, while mainstream newspapers are in Hindi. Khabar Lahariya (meaning news waves in Bundeli) changed this. The media outlet is entirely run by women and has reporters and stringers who are embedded in communities and therefore, can feed hyper-local news stories. Its print edition in Bundeli, Awadhi, Hindustani and Bajjika sold 100,000 copies in 600 villages. Khabar Lahariya began as a project of Nirantar, a New Delhi-based resource centre for gender and education, but in 2015 it was spawned as an independent media organization,","Chambal Media. Stories reported by women reporters from remote areas in Khabar Lahariya are also finding space in several mainstream digital outlets. The idea of a hyper-local newspaper in important dialects of the Hindi heartland emerged from Mahila Dakiya, a literacy-cum-empowerment programme Nirantar was running in Banda district in the 1990s, under the Mahila Samakhya initiative of the Uttar Pradesh government. Women learners who were trained in this project expressed the need to continue reading. The available material for new literates was not relevant to them, as it was centrally produced and mostly focused on general moralistic ideas. Nirantar then decided to produce a newsletter highlighting local issues and relevant topics, involving newly literate women in the exercise. They were given basic training in reporting, writing, editing and production. The idea was to sustain their literacy skills and also produce locally relevant news content \u2013 something mainstream media was not doing. The Mahila Dakiya project ended in 1999, but the learnings from it became the foundation of Khabar Lahariya initiated in 2002. The Lahariya template is replicable in different settings and has been recognized as an innovative media model. It started as a print newspaper but has successfully leveraged digital technologies and mobile phones to expand its reach. Key People Nirantar, which conceived the idea of Khabar Lahariya, was founded in 1993 to promote a feminist approach to learning and education. It consisted of professionals in education, gender studies and sociology. Malini Ghose, one of its founder members, designed and implemented innovative education programmes for women such as Mahila Dakiya. Building upon the Banda experience, Ghose trained women in the region to become citizen journalists or \u2018barefoot reporters\u2019 rooted in the local ethos and culture. Ghose was driven by the philosophy that \u2018the production of information and knowledge should be democratized and decentralized\u2019. Ideas such as starting a newspaper like Khabar Lahariya became the means of empowering women and contributed to the process of democratization. Media professionals were engaged in training women in Bundelkhand in news reporting and production techniques. Among several women who were trained and became a part of the movement was Kavita Devi, who is a co-founder of Khabar Lahariya. Based in Banda, she oversees a network of women reporters in dozens of villages and coordinates the news coverage. \u2018The Kavita Show\u2019, anchored by her, is a huge draw on the Lahariya network. Meera Jatav was another key member of the editorial leadership. The Deccan Development Society, founded by a former television producer, P.V. Satheesh, has also pioneered a community radio station run by women in Telangana. The society trains village women to make video films on issues that matter the most to them. Satheesh sees the video as an effective tool for non-literate people to express themselves to the outside world. Films made by rural women have won several national and international awards. A few other initiatives such as Gaon Connection, founded by Neelesh Misra, have focused on targeted news content for rural audiences. 100. MigrantWatch: Citizen Science Many migratory birds that breed in the northern part of Eurasia spend their winter in India every year. Spreading out from the Himalayas and further north to different sites in the country, they return to the northern plains and the peninsula after the breeding season ends. Migratory birds have been a subject of conservation research for a long time, particularly after climate change became a major concern. Environmental factors as well as human activities affect the long-distance migration of birds and reflect in changing migratory patterns. Traditionally,","conservation scientists and birdwatchers have kept an eye on migratory birds to observe changes in migratory patterns. However, such efforts remain dispersed because data needs to be collected from several places over a long time. A group of researchers in 2007 found a novel way of conducting conservation research \u2013 involving laypersons and wildlife enthusiasts to collect data on migratory birds. Leveraging new digital technologies, people in different corners of the country who sight migratory birds could just report the data (place, the bird\u2019s name, date and so on) into a central database via the internet. The collation and analysis of this data provided a bigger picture of migratory patterns. The project started with about 600 birdwatchers, weekend enthusiasts, and researchers in twentynine states, and recording 140 bird species in the first year. In 2019, the database had ten million data points filed by several thousand people from all over the country. The project was housed in the National Centre for Biological Sciences (NCBS), Bangalore, and was implemented in collaboration with the journal Indian Birds. Buoyed with the success of MigrantWatch, NCBS researchers also launched another initiative called SeasonsWatch, in which participants were encouraged to record changes in identified species of trees during different seasons. The data people collect includes flowering, fruiting and leaf flush, along with information such as tree measurement and habitat. These projects gave birth to \u2018citizen science\u2019 in India, and inspired several other projects by different groups involving several thousand citizen scientists. Findings emerging from citizen science projects are published in professional scientific journals. Such projects help scientists get data that otherwise would have been difficult to collect and engage a larger community in the process of doing science. People participating in such projects need not even be students of science. All they need is an inclination towards science and basic knowledge about data collection. In the field of astronomy, the citizen science approach is helping in discovering new celestial objects from the vast amount of data collected by professional astronomers. One such project is RAD@home which lets citizen- astronomers analyse sky survey data collected by the Giant Meterwave Radio Telescope (GMRT) of TIFR in Pune. Under the project launched in 2013, amateur astronomers are trained in data analysis using the social media platform of Facebook, with occasional face to face sessions. These e-astronomers are given access to the database so that they can collaboratively analyse the data. Dozens of e-astronomers have been trained this way and have found new celestial objects like episodic radio galaxies, radio-jet and companion galaxy interaction, radio galaxy bent by a motion of the intra-filament medium in a Megaparsec-scale galaxy filament, among others (a megaparsec represents a distance equal to 3.26 million light-years). Key People The MigrantWatch project was started as a collaboration between NCBS and the journal Indian Birds in July 2007. Dr Suhel Quader, trained in the field of animal behaviour and evolutionary ecology, was working at NCBS when he conceived the project, and later on, moved to the National Conservation Foundation India. He was inspired to launch a crowdsourced data project in India while he participated in the Breeding Bird Survey in the UK where amateur birdwatchers collected data. Along with a small group of birdwatchers and ecologists, Quader decided to launch a similar project in India as vital data about birds in India was lacking. He collaborated with Aasheesh Pittie, an amateur ornithologist based in Hyderabad. Pittie provided the platform of Indian Birds edited by him.","The RAD@home project is the brainchild of Dr Ananda Hota, a radio astronomer at the Centre for Excellence in Basic Sciences (a joint venture of the University of Mumbai and Department of Atomic Energy) in Mumbai. Hota was inspired by the Bollywood film, Anybody Can Dance (ABCD) to coin a similar phrase \u2013 ABCDr or \u2018anybody can do research\u2019. He saw that large radio telescopes like the Giant Metrewave Radio Telescope (GMRT) were collecting huge amounts of data that could take professional astronomers decades to analyse. Usually, scientific organizations make this data available to anyone who could sift through it to discover new objects and events in the cosmos. With little training and good internet connectivity, amateurs could analyse this data just sitting at home. References Clouse, Carey, Naomi Anderson, and Taylor Shippling. \u2018Ladakh\u2019s artificial glaciers: Climate-adaptive design for water scarcity\u2019. Climate and Development, 9 (5), 2017: 428\u201338. Dar, S.R., Chewang Norphel, et al. \u2018Man\u2019s artificial glacier: A way forward toward water harvesting for pre and post sowing irrigation to facilitate early sowing of wheat in cold arid Himalayan deserts of Ladakh\u2019. Renewable Agriculture and Food Systems, 34 (40), 2019: 363\u201372. Ghose, Malini. \u2018Gender, education and empowerment: Nirantar, a resource centre for gender and education, New Delhi, India\u2019. In Barton, David and Uta Papen (eds), Linking Literacy and Numeracy Programmes in Developing Countries and the UK. London: National Research and Development Centre for Adult Literacy and Numeracy, 2005, 74. Guha, Ramachandra. \u2018Chipko: Social History of an \u201cEnvironmental\u201d Movement\u2019. In Ghanshyam Shah (ed.), Social Movements and the State. New Delhi: Sage Publications, 2002, 423\u201354. Jhala, Y.V., Q. Qureshi, and A.K. Nayak (eds). \u2018Status of tigers, copredators and prey in India, 2018. Summary Report\u2019. National Tiger Conservation Authority, Government of India, New Delhi and Wildlife Institute of India, Dehradun, 2019. Kummitha, Rama Krishna Reddy. Social Entrepreneurship and Social Inclusion: Processes, Practices, and Prospects. Singapore: Springer Singapore, 2017. Norphel, Chewang, and Padma Tashi. \u2018Snow water harvesting in the cold desert in Ladakh: An introduction to artificial glacier\u2019. In Hari Krishna and Rajib Shaw (eds), Mountain Hazards and Disaster Risk Reduction. Tokyo: Springer, 2015, 199\u2013210. Rangarajan, Mahesh. India\u2019s Wildlife History: An Introduction. Hyderabad: Orient Blackswan, 2005.","Roy, Bunker, and Jesse Hartigan. \u2018Empowering the rural poor to develop themselves: The barefoot approach (Innovations case narrative: Barefoot college of Tilonia)\u2019. Innovations: Technology, Governance, Globalization, 3 (2), 2008: 67\u201393. Sekhsaria, Pankaj, and Naveen Thayyil. \u2018Citizen science ecology in India: An initial mapping and analysis\u2019. DST Centre for Policy Research, Indian Institute of Technology Delhi, 2019. Sharma, Dinesh C. \u2018Citizen science at work in India\u2019. Frontiers in Ecology and the Environment, 6 (10), 2008: 520. Shiva, Vandana. Staying Alive: Women, Ecology, and Development. Berkeley, California: North Atlantic Books, 2016. Shiva, Vandana, and Jayanta Bandyopadhyay. \u2018The evolution, structure, and impact of the Chipko movement\u2019. Mountain Research and Development, 1986, 133\u201342. Singh, Rajendra. Mewat ka Johad. Delhi: Rajkamal Prakashan, 2012. Sinha, Annapurna, and Kanchan K. Malik. \u2018Reimagining community media: A rhizomatic analysis of Khabar Lahariya in Central India\u2019. Media Asia, 45 (3\u20134), 2018: 102\u201313. Tewari, D.D. \u2018The Chipko: The dialectics of economics and environment\u2019. Dialectical Anthropology, 20 (2), 1995: 133\u201368. Verma, Kunal. \u2018Project Tiger becomes a success story on a national footing\u2019. India Today, 15 December 1983.","About the Author Dinesh C. Sharma is a New Delhi-based award-winning journalist and author with over thirty-five years of professional experience. He has written extensively on science and technology, climate change, health, environment and innovation for national and international media, including The Lancet and The Wire. He has been Science Editor at Mail Today, and Managing Editor at India Science Wire and has been the Jawaharlal Nehru Fellow (2020\u20132021). His book The Outsourcer: The Story of India\u2019s IT Revolution was awarded the Computer History Museum Book Prize in 2016. He has also been a visiting faculty at the Jawaharlal Nehru University, New Delhi and Ateneo de Manila University, Manila. Dinesh C. Sharma tweets at @dineshcsharma",""]
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