of nations that claims to be inherently truthful. The counter narrations will not be creating new nations memory, but rather serving as a distraction for made up narrations of the countries. They could then be known as supplementing of counter narrations which keeps recalling past which is rewritten many times. It provides functioning of balancing the narrations though they are compensating for the origins. (Bhabha NN, 305).This form of supplementing becomes capable to speak for the country to redefining its countries memories. Bhabha has shown that “The presence of people history, which is then in practice, causes destruction of principles in attempting to bring back the dark past. “The built nations based on narratives, having their traditions, causes problems for voices outside, maybe from migrants, in exile or in colonization, can be more destabilization since the inception of the native population, who have been removed from their own nations. The narratives challenge the myths of countries memories, questioning the authorities. In coming together of the Palestine villager going against the armed Israelis, such movies creates confusion for the viewers. There is always an existence of fears as well as anxiousness on both the sides by challenges the memories of countries. In order to address the anxieties, the role of the person colonizing is taken for considering a better nations memory. It is definitely not become an obligation to be forgotten as history, it is the building of a disconnect on the society which is performing as the problem in the nations good. The strange time of remembering to forget is a place of partially identifying the electoral population to find the dissenting voices among them. For the country to have cohesiveness as well as unity, a country must share a good will and overcome the dissent. His analysis of the country’s aims in this “The aims of the cultural differences is to bring together the knowledge from perspectives of single authority that getting resistance as a whole, the repetition that will not be the same, by reducing the origins of politics as well as discursive strategy where adding to it does not disturb the powers, knowledge and its significance. It is with his examinations of the colonizing as well as western world where he shows that western countries are in more trouble than the eastern countries. These force the west for explaining his identity as well as justify its rationally good self-imaging. Western civilizations are not simply unique, but superiority is not getting assertions where civilization has similarities. He exposes the similarities of the East as well as the west, even though the west is troubling with anxieties about the same and it is not capable of admitting itself superiority. The similar anxieties are present within relationships between the two parties, such as relations between Israel and the Palestine. Israelis authority as well as settling intrusion on the West Bank, is written with anxieties, the walls being a reminder for the anxieties. Fear of borders disputes as well as angers from the Palestinian sides, Israel found it important to surround its nation with physical barriers, reclaiming its own claims on history with application of force. 101 CU IDOL SELF LEARNING MATERIAL (SLM)
The Western countries reassure themselves with history that increases the anxieties of the person colonizing. It helps in ensuring that voices of the people colonized are unheard. When the total forceof the memory of the nation overtakes a smaller population of people, they are small group which is sometimes asked to be silent. The colonizer dissent is surrounded by the key points of what do the colonizer want. The answer is just colonization. The domination is depending on asserting of the differences, colonized being weaker than the colonizers. Somehow the authorities know it there is reality being same even for the whole population. The knowledge of the population denies them responsibilities, similar to recognising them. The tensions between living in illusions and realities will lead to anxieties. He emphasises that the total power of the country over the others. When the others form community within the country, either social in nature as well as in literature, there will be emergence of voices of persons speaking who will be getting the dissent in the minority population talking between place and time. Similar to the Palestinian in the West Bank where the powers are unevenly distributed. The voices of the lowest classes are capable of displacing the power Centres, keeping people in the circles so as to rewrite the histories and fictions of the country. The voices of dissent are capable of causing disruptions in the narrations exposed by the colonizer. One of the way in which dissenting gains ground is by mimicking. It functions as a measure of countering narratives, being an interaction between the parties concerned as there is displacing of people as well as affording the persons colonized affording the people voice as well as agencies. It explains nation’s identity, exposing the assumptions and forcing reassessing of identities. It will become anti-national in such way as it makes mockery of expectations of culture. Mimicking is exaggerating or copying the language, cultures, manners and its idea. Exaggeration implies repetition with differences, showing that it is colonized. In his work he says, mimicking serves as a method to respond as well as evidence to people. In his whole work, there is emphasizing on the agency of colonizing, it is an evidence that there is possibility for being colony. Mimicry brings out the hybridity of culture. It is repetitive and always visible, but actually by being colonized, it exposes the differences between the two of them. It is an exaggeration to produce comical effects so as to get different results for similar actions as well as behaviour of colonizers, carried out through actions of people colonized. He argues for three different ways in which mimicking can produce results: purposive parody of imitating, honesty while imitating and ignorance type of imitating. Mimicking is just a strategy to reclaim power. He believes that the act is affordable, it functions as critic of the colonizers. It helps to reclaims powers for persons being suppressed. It allows people to expose the oppressive nature of colonizer. It functions as a mirror which creates difference elements along with displacement. It is creating differences between the others, even if the people are termed as parrots of the colonizers, the same actions or behaviours gives a 102 CU IDOL SELF LEARNING MATERIAL (SLM)
different meanings. Huddart emphasized that “The comical qualities of mimicry is important as colonial disagreement is a serious as well as solemn matter. “All situations, ones of enslavement and repercussion, allowing exposure of its meanings. The displacing allowing more attention to be given to strange nature of mimicry acts or behaviours. The repetitions of mimicking expose the fragmenting in the normal situations, creating a newer and better version of the normal that looks similar. It happens when both the parties are doing the similar actions, exposing the loopholes which are buried around the assumption of identities: it allows the within as well as hybridity to gain visibility. He has written “Mimicking in colonizing is desiring to be reformed and recognised, other than subjects of differences are not quite as similar, dissent in the mimicry is built around the lower classes, in order to be continuing order to produce, in excess, its differences. “It exposes the false nature of the colonizers as it exposes the loopholes in the dissenting voices of the lowest classes. It is through mimicry; identity is shown as something more fluid as well as imaginative than the discoursing in colonizing. In such ways, it is empowering the hybridity of cultures that he has given in his theory. Its major concepts informs each other. National identities, built through memories, in the forms narrations and its counter narrations are challenged by counter narratives. Hybridity enables giving counter narrations as he has written when faced with hybrid situations of object, power presence is revealing something other than asserting. The pedagogy narration explains the powers of colonial dissenting so as to fix it in due course of time. Anxieties underlying the strict pedagogy narration that is claiming to define, providing the opportunity of those dissenting voices to expose the fragile nature of the narrations. Whatever we emphasize is huge and limited picture of the country with which it began in a particular atmosphere that keeps haunting the ideas of nations, languages of those writing and people living in it. It is emerging from the awareness in uncertain times with which historians talk about the originity of countries showing signs of modern society, temporary cultures of the country showing a transition in societies. Anderson who imagined community has given way to analyse the nations, expressing its nature for getting more clarity. .The century of enlightening the rational secular nature, bought with it modernity of the dark. There are lesser things suiting to one end than ideas of the nations. When states are considered in a wider perspective to be new as well historical, the countries demand for political expressions looming out from the pasts and guide into unbounding future. What is proposed is nationalism is understood by alignment in itself conscious yet political ideology, but in large systems of culture that were before it, out of which some came into existence. The countries existence is the system of significance of culture, as representing social lives rather than disciplines of social policies, emphasizing these instabilities of knowledge. For 103 CU IDOL SELF LEARNING MATERIAL (SLM)
example, the most interest generating narrations of the ideas in nations were, if they get formed from Tory Rights, the liberals on higher grounds or the newly lefts seemed to coincide with tensions growing in societies. Michael Oakeshott charter of the European nation is the relevant account of the nature of modern countries. The nations area is in his views, given by compelling dispositions of associations as a society with rules and regulations and the universe as whole with its common purposes. In the non-presence of merger into new identities that have survived the competition in society and universe, imposing particular restrictions on institutions of the states and thereby giving specifications of dissents. From point of view of Hannah Arendth,the societies of the nations in the new world is that of being inquisitively hybrid having both private as well as public importance and the two sectors flow in different directions from one another in the whole process. They can be compared to the waves in life. There is no certainty in naming the country as improper developments of capitalists having progressive as well as regressive nature, politically rational as well as irrational in the formation of the country. These facts are in no exceptions in the sense as it is the same statements about nation as it is by nature. It represents the cultures of mixed people of society which is modern which is explored in the novel. The figures of the countries in a problem situation of the transition in past, indeterminant concepts, waver among vocabulary, then what effects it has on its narrative and disconnects that represent nation, its pleasures related, terror of place and races of others, comfort of being socially active, hiding emotions of classes, life customs,politics, social ordering,sensible sexualities,blindful nature of bureaucrats, insights into such institutions,justice quality, common sense of justice, law and paroles to people. The emerging political rationality of the nations as form of narrations both texts, strategical, displacing, sub texting and such strategies has its own past. It has been suggested in Anderson’s viewpoint of time as well as space of modern countries as embodiments in the narrations of culture in a novel as well as exploring the readings of Powell in his post imperial articles based on symbolic neo romantic poetries. In order to encounter the country as it is written, displaying temporary cultures as well as social consciousness more done with partial and over determined process having textual meanings is produced through differences in languages, in keeping with problems of closing which plays important roles in dissents. Such approach stands against traditional authorities of knowledge like traditions, people and their culture. For example-When pedagogy value is relying on the representations of holistic concepts which are located within a narrative of history. History does not take the nations at its own words, but for the most parts, they assume that problems lie within the interpretation of the event that are transparent or are visible. 104 CU IDOL SELF LEARNING MATERIAL (SLM)
In order to study about the nation, through the narratives will not only draw attention to the language and past, but its attempting also to change the concepts itself. If the problems in closing, questioning of countries cultures, then positive values will be lying in displaying the open diffusing with which the constructs of meaning as well as symbols are linked with nations. The particular project takes into consideration the currencies in the forms of critics linked to studies of culture. Apart from the amounts of improvements, there are tendencies about reading about the nations completely, in the simple way of powers of state, conducted in haste, functional reading, more refined versions of emergence of nationalism sentiments in the memories. Volosinov has described, that the ideological signs have different accents and are multi facted.Whereas politics have signs of being silenced. The distinct type of idea is supposed to be taken at face values as well as its meanings are fixed, for example, on a side of the division among the two, this approach is gaining popularity from those who are not known but relevant, in the cultural formation of the nations opposed to groups of persons, from where will be emerging from the youth, new groups formed to make difference in politics. The assignment of new ideas and their directions so as to process the historical changes. The most important development of progress is by different concepts of ideology making arguments of such elements. .In this particular project of the country and its narrations in order to explore the contrasts of lower classes of languages by it for constructing the dissents in the nations. This will get familiarity to God into a figure with two faces that will investigate the country’s space in the processes of articulations of the element, where meaning is partial as histories are not fully made in the whole process of making the cultural identity may be contradictory as it gets caught in uncertain events by the construction of the image of powers. Without proper understanding of the performances of the languages in the narrative of the countries, it will become difficult for understanding as to why Edwards said prescribing the kinds of analytical theory inthe forms of elaborating cultures as agencies of narrations of holding cultures in the productive positions, in forces for subordinating,fracture,diffuse,reproduction as much as production,creation,forcing as well as guiding it. It is from such narratives between the two theories and politics, poetry as well as painting, in the past and present times for nations and their narrations seeks affirming the extent of revolutionizing the nations. National conscious is not nationalising, it is the thing that gives us world dimension. It is this dimension between boundaries of national space as well as in the boundary between the countries and people that the author represents in the essay. The localist nature of nation is not combined in units in the same. The boundary has contradictory feature within or outside the process of hybridity. Incorporating new people in relation to the politics, generates meanings apart from the process of politics, creating new places with no 105 CU IDOL SELF LEARNING MATERIAL (SLM)
opposing of persons in the non-predicting forces of political representation. The address to nation talking about insistence of powers in politics and authority of the culture in which there is excessive of one over the other. The effects emerging of such things do not give a proper picture of boundary and its limits into spaces through culture and political authority to be negotiating. The representation emblems of the books of the Nations aswell as narrations will be giving charming figures of cultures where differences where the anti-national, mixed ideas, spaces of nations becoming cross sections of the new cultures. The other never goes beyond it, emerging with force, where there is discoursing in cultures, which we are thinking of speaking about most in an intimate as well as indigenous manner. What is the spaces in culture is the country and its borders without any interruptions? Each of them answer the questions in different manner but there are exposes by Simon of civil imagination, where he is suggesting it as a part of dominating of the lives and the world in terms of style as well as civilian nature, it is the whole processing of society. These insights have two different concepts where there are readings of Virgina Woolf and Bowlby’s study. Beer takes perceptive of the aeroplane as a waring machine, dream, iconic symbols of poetry, to emphasize on reflection on reflection of races and spaces, in its multiple signification, land aswell as its margin, homes and bodies of individuality, providing reflections in the arguments with top management.Bowlby talks about historical reading, debating about feminine culture of America while giving more complicated integrations of the same. The narrations of freedom of American people, as suggested by her, displaying the same unknown relating to the feminine nature in the texts. Then America will become a dark country, showing the images of Africa and Freud metaphors of sexualities. Harris who was a former slave, left Africa for Siberia Each of the times the questions of differences in culture are emerging as challenges to realistic notion in the diversities of cultures, it reveals the margin of modern society. Where the nation is visible in the phase, as the dark corners in the world, which begins exploring the new places from where histories are created about persons as well as the theories of the narratives. All of sudden, the paranoying systems of reading in English are expressed.Snead in his interrogating views on the ethic as well as studying of western nationalists movements by readings of Reeds who said that there was revision before opting of the culture of blacks, having narrations principles that will be undermining the assumption that bought about the same.Brennan produced a better picture of the history of the western world, from nationalist ideas and their narrations, finally taking his stands with hybrid kinds of writers as Rushdie whose success lies in celebrating English as a language. Just as pointed out by 106 CU IDOL SELF LEARNING MATERIAL (SLM)
Brennan,leading to more awareness about the post colonizing as well as the conditions of authority from where the three where contrasts between the east and west. But the position crossing the frontier in histories,cultures,languages have been explored, as harmful, as it is required for the project.Dicken has balanced the risk of departure from ethics of truth of human experience with advantage of development of knowing the actions of the global systems. Our attentions are suggested, what should be countered with intentional in the practical as well as technical knowledge about rationalising of universal events like maintenance of practice as well as strategies of politics, dealing in a professional way with localizing that are defined by them with limitations. 'From America towards African countries, European nations as well as Asian nations meeting in Australia, margin of the country displacing the centres,persons on the borders returning to writing history again as well as fictions of the countries. The stories of the island told from the aeroplanes becoming the jewels that holds the people in a thrill. The powers of British crumbled at the pictures of migrant worker and factory workers. The great censoring of US is exchanged for a blowing up an installation. Something called Magical reality came after booms in Latin American nations, becoming emerging language around the world. Among the pictures which came into the nation, were that of Africans and Palestinians.The losses of not making our voice heard. The questions as to when did we become people of nation and who is stopping them? Are we in the process of formation of one? What do such relationships talk about the relationship among one another and with other people? It is crossing these borders in both history and pedagogy, in Renan’s essays talks about what a nation is. He generally gives a careful look into the nation’s ideas as it is emerging from the tribal people and interrelationships among the struggles for consolidating the Third World as well as Durkheminian socialist approach.Bhabha includes Renan essays properly in the book named Nation and Narrations. 4.4 ‘WHAT IS A NATION’ Renan is amongst the leaders in the Parsi community who was an intellect in the 19th centuries. He was a historian, scholar, philosopher as well as famous voice of liberation of the French people. He was bought up as a Catholic in the Brittany area, where he was finding himself not able to remake the readings of the Catholic and relating it to science which he had discovered during studying of Hebrew language. His work is a reflection on the history and intellect of Europe at that time. It is his writings, which were parts of literary work as philosophical or historical, even as history is,at the time,portraying with the same mind frame as it was written. Historians are critics of methods, but their revolutionizing conclusion has a deeper impact on the public as well as later in developing other theories and history. 107 CU IDOL SELF LEARNING MATERIAL (SLM)
His early works emphasizing the relevance of doing studies on the origins of religions. He proceeds in stressing about two studies: Histories of Origin of Christianity as well as Histories of People of Israel. In today’s world of people speaking English, he talks about it in his lecture of 1882 asking about What is called as a Nation? As well as defining it as an everyday activity. It talks about what a country means and what the political writing means in English as analogies of Renan as well as his thoughts. Having a selection of his writing from different time periods, mostly not translated, it will be restoring views of Renan to the place as among the liberal thinking people and giving vitality to contexts on his view on nationalising. It shows the characteristic that differentiates the 19th century liberalising of the French from British as well as American people and also becoming part of his legacy. which includes his analysing of colony expansion, his view on Islamic religion as well as Judaism and his roles in these thoughts? It contain important information about his life and his works, as detailed descriptions that are assisting in recovery of money and complex thoughts. In his essay, Renan talks about what a nation means and the things which hold it together. He has described the past, the men and their glories, all of them make the idea of the nation. A country is a bigger scale unity, constituted by sacrificing of the expressions that the person has done in his past as well as for the future. There are others stressing on languages, ethnic identities, scientific ideas of the races. The migrations of persons between the nations and another which challenges the assumption about where one belongs. Renan in his writings on the French Revolution has laid the foundation for studies of nations. He argue going against the teachings of theorist by taking out definition relying on race, customs, beliefs, roots and other divisions. For instance, US is a country not having dynasties. As Renan says, the rights of the different races are narrower than the actual progress made based on national principles of legitimacy. There is no evidence to show scientific evidence of the races. In the same way, language is not a basis of identity of the nation. One country having many languages which is a nation is Switzerland. Besides this, language keeps on moving at great speeds that the basis of definitions will create an unstable country. He further argues that religion cannot be basis of identity of a nation as it comes out from family rights coming from the society and does not influence the lives. As religion was a tool in bringing dynasties together, it will not apply to nations. He says that the geographical location and borders are not sufficient for defining the country as it is open to fluctuations. The country is not made completely on the basis of politics, ethnicity, and geographical limits. There is a method of finding the determinants of the modern nation which is deeper and much vaguer. This is the applicable in fact on countries like Switzerland having 3 languages, 2 religions, 3 or 4 races, is a country, where Tuscany is not a mix of the same. In the same way, United States is referred to as mix of different races. There is no evidence in 108 CU IDOL SELF LEARNING MATERIAL (SLM)
finding out what make it, configuring the nation seems like not spoken. There are traditions and memories attached to selecting them in order to make the identity of the given country as standard. As per him, the unity factor of a country is the principles of spiritual and the outcomes have implications on history. It is a way of creating the bond in the memories of creating a country. He claims that a country is in its memory as to how it was formed. There is selective memory relating to the country which the people of the add to when the country is created. He goes to say that memories are shared only when there is willingness to form the nations building process, the facts of sharing in the history, living with it and going into the future, the suffering, enjoyment as well as hopes are bringing together. The identity of the country is thereby created by memories. An example for the same is the French Revolution when people came together to go against the government and thereby forming their own. It is known as Bastille Day in 1789 where French celebrated the freedom. In the same way, Americans participate in the yearly preparation of delicacies, where there is creation of the nation in the past. Thanksgiving is remembering largely romantic, invented legitimacy that is encouraging people in order to claim the nation’s land as their free land, rather than remembering history of the massacres and their removing. All the countries share the bonding principle as they were built. In consequence, the heart of the nation lies in getting the population together on the basis of their affiliations. The nations birth has been explained as the” process of collectively forgetting about nation. He says that To forget anything I will even be going as far as doing error in history, which is important for creating a country, which is where historic study is always a danger to nationalism”. To make oneself proud of the nation, there is history which comes to haunt the people. The memories are taken selectively, to find definitions of nations so as to encourage nationality. He has written that growth of the nation is through its past glories and the people who made it possible in order to form the formations on the ideas of nation building. In order to have glorious pasts as well as sharing it with the present, helps in doing acts together, doing much more, essentials for formation of the population. The hopes as well as memories become powerful tools for tying people for making citizen, less memories become vital for identifying with nations and making a powerful one. The ways in which countries are recognising their population belonging is by creating them into citizen. Few nations, like US, where all the people who are born there are citizen irrespective of their parental country of origin. Many other nations have various other needs for grants national identity. For people of Germany, it is linked to race and genes. They link communities as well. The ideas were celebrated by the Nazi people as this way they were able to justify the murder of Jew as well as other. The Parliament of Germany then made law allowing that children born the immigrant population could also apply and become citizens 109 CU IDOL SELF LEARNING MATERIAL (SLM)
for residing, working and any other things. In such a way the migrants of Turkey became the citizen of the country. Hope gets the societies to be brought together. Hence will the allowing of migrant population bring change in Germany as a country. Just as the changes in German law of recognising citizens is being looking into, Hans Haake was given an invitation for submitting proposals for projects in the Building of the Parliament called the Reichstag. It echoes the inscriptions mentioned on it “To the people of Germany”, Haacke’s project was named “To the People”. It is his project which later came into debate for citizenship as well as giving identity to the Germans. 4.5 SUMMARY Renan has attempted to define a nation in his essays on what a nation is according to him. He helps to bring definition to the legitimacy of the nations on the revolutions led by various leaders in the year 1848. He has urged citizens to gather together and looking into similar bonding experience that are not interfering in the progressive and unified nature as the difference in races,languages,religions and ofgeographical nature. He might not have stated in explicit, Renan in his first assumption said that all the persons are free and to be treated equally. The other assumptions are based on liberty principle, equalities as well as fraternal nature made by the French people. His argument needs those persons who are willing to become citizens by giving consents. It is so obvious that he believes that persons have freedom, equality and have capability of governing on their own. The supposing will not be taken as presumption as it is carried out nowadays. Assumptions cannot be presumed as nowadays. It needs more attention seeking as history has claimed; it was total revolution of Europe in their dynasties. Factions were to be applied in the creation of new history in causing political uprisings that will shake the framework of the monarchs in Europe. The presumption is present as they were supported by liberal as well as nationalist ideologies who wanted freedom from the old regimes in 1848.Hencethe definition of nation which Renan has offered is legitimacy as it is left on choices of the population. He means that a nation is an aggregate of people, unified by joy, grief, national sacrifices, triumphs, and travails in the past. His second argument implies that the people residing in the country share a similar past. He thinks that a country is a coming together of long years of endeavouring, sacrificing as well as devotions in the solidarity, comprising of the feelings of the sacrifice that one has done in the past\" (Internet Modern History Sourcebook 1. 110 CU IDOL SELF LEARNING MATERIAL (SLM)
His statement is true as larger events that is affecting a particular group of people are in momentum towards bonding and advancing altogether as entities. For instance, for the Jews, the memories of the Holocausts is one shared by all as well as uniting them towards goals of nations coming into being. The result was as Renan had argued, formation of Israel. Renan in his argument says that persons who are willing to living in harmony with one another form the nations. He has said “Having common glories in the past, in the present as well as to do things together, in wishing towards performing more than the necessary condition for being a person.” He says that if persons are consolidating their pasts to get into unity as well as governing done by consenting, then together they become a country. An unfortunate instance in which willing to live with consent done mutually and with cooperation is not visible in Iraq of today. When the other communities like Shias, Sunnis as well as Kurdish are agreeing to living together, then there would have been peace there instead of instability. Renan arguing on the basics of nations with modernity. The argument is true as it lies on the people. His defining of the country is like marriage, where two separate person with their identities agree to come together in love for the rest of their life. In the same way, a nation is an expression of agreement of the inhabitant who are already in the bond to get together in consents. Similar to either of the spouses to slavery to the others or venturing in someone else is not permissible, in the same way, persons will not be unfairly subjected to the others and not allowing others in their territory. 4.6KEYWORDS Culture: Type of symbolic type of communicating, a type of life for the groups whose behaviour, belief, value and symbol are accepted, without looking at, passed on for generations to come. Diaspora: The displacing of communities/cultures into a different geography as well as cultures. Nation State: When a majority of people share similar cultures as well as consciously create the cultural as well as national borders. Nation Hood: The state in which larger groups of people come together with languages, cultures as well as economical activities. National Consciousness: A sharing sense in the nation’s identity and sharing understanding that a group of persons sharing a common culture, language as well as backgrounds are considered as the steps towards creating the nation. 111 CU IDOL SELF LEARNING MATERIAL (SLM)
4.7 LEARNING ACTIVITY 1. How can the ideas of the nation as well as nationhood be taken in the contexts of Partition in India? ……………………………………………………………………………………………. …………………………………………………………………………………………….. 2. Amitav Ghosh in his Shadow Lines asks about the notions ofborder as well as uniqueness in terms of nations building. ……………………………………………………………………………………………. …………………………………………………………………………………………….. 4.8 UNIT END QUESTIONS A. Descriptive Questions Short Questions 1. Briefly write about Ernest Renan and his works. 2. What according to you is the definition of a” nation”? 3. What is causing shifts and changes in the diaspora? 4. How does Anjali Roy explain the diaspora? 5. What is the meaning of consent? Long Questions 1. What is definition of nation given by Renan? What according to him gives nation its identity? 2. How does a nation change his identity over a period of time? 3. What ideas and experiences serve as the social glue for communities? When there is a discussion between nation and its national identities, scholars trying to identify the social glues that is serving as a bonding between various group and people in the nation? 4. What is David Huddart analysis of theory expressed by Bhabha? 5. Discuss any Indian novel, short stories or poem that deal with themes of nation and building of nation. B.Multiple Choice Questions 1. Which thinker has described the understanding of pedagogy as well as performative narrative? 112 CU IDOL SELF LEARNING MATERIAL (SLM)
a. AnjaliRoy b. Gayatri Spivak c. Edward Said d. Leela Gandhi 2. Name the author of “Nation and Narration”? a. Edward Said b. HomiBhabha c. AnjaliRoy d. Vishwanathan 3. Who is the author of essay ‘What is a nation’? a. Benedict Anderson b. HomiBhabha c. Ernest Renan d. Ranajit Guha 4. Which author talks about ‘notion of a nation’ in ‘Imagined Communities’? a. Ranajit Guha b. Gayatri Spivak c. Benedict Anderson. d. Homi Bhabha 5. “When faced with hybrid nature of object, the presence of powers is revealed as other than what the rule are of recognition assertion” was said by a. AnjaliRoy b. Ernest Renan c. HomiBhabha Answers 1-(a), 2-(b), 3-(c), 4-(c), 5-(d) 4.9 REFERENCES Textbooks Bhabha, H. K. (2012). The location of culture. routledge. Brennan, T. (1989). The national longing for form. In Salman Rushdie and the Third World (pp. 79-117). Palgrave Macmillan, London. 113 CU IDOL SELF LEARNING MATERIAL (SLM)
Huddart, D. (2005). Homi K. Bhabha. Psychology Press. Roy, A. G. (2008). Rethinking diaspora. Transforming Cultures eJournal, 3(1). Bailey, Beryl L. (1966) Jamaican Creole Syntax. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Baker, H.A. (1976) Reading Black: Essays in the Criticism of African, Caribbean and Black American Literature. Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press. References Bhabha, Homi K. (1984b)) ‘Of mimicry and man: the ambivalence of colonial discourse’, October 28 (Spring). Brewster, Anne (1989) Towards a Semiotic of Post-Colonial Discourse. Singapore: National University Press. Brown, L.W. (1978) West Indian Poetry. New York: Twayne. Chinmoy, Sri (1978) From the Source to the Source. New York. Cited in Bennett 1982. Chinweizu, Jemie, Onwuchekwa, and Madubuike, Ihechukwu (1975a). ‘Towards the decolonisation of African literature’, Transition, no. 48. Websites https://ecumenico.org/ https://soapboxie.com/ https://warwick.ac.uk/ 114 CU IDOL SELF LEARNING MATERIAL (SLM)
UNIT 5: LITERARY TERMS: COLONIALISM, POST COLONIALISM, DIASPORA, HYBRIDITY, HEGEMONY, IDEOLOGY, ORIENTALISM, OTHER, RACE, SUBALTERN, NATION/NATION-STATE STRUCTURE 5.0 Learning Objectives 5.1 Introduction 5.2 Colonialism and Colonial Discourse 5.3 Postcolonialism 5.4 Diaspora 5.5 Hybridity 5.6 Hegemony 5.7 Ideology 5.8 Orientalism 5.9 Other 5.10 Summary 5.11 Keywords 5.12 Learning Activity 5.13 Unit End Questions 5.14 References 5.0 LEARNING OBJECTIVES After studying this unit, student will be able to: Explain the key concepts of Postcolonial theory. Identify the interdisciplinary approach of Postcolonial studies. 115 CU IDOL SELF LEARNING MATERIAL (SLM)
Explain colonialism, post colonialism, diaspora, hybridity, hegemony, ideology, orientalism, other, race, subaltern, nation/nation-state. 5.1 INTRODUCTION The field of Postcolonial studies has expanded and diversified both in its impact and significance, in fields as varied as globalization, environmentalism, transnationalism, the sacred, and even economics, through the noteworthy expansion of neo-liberalism. The dissensions in this arena, specifically, those involving the term, post-colonial/postcolonial, refuse to lessen. Regardless, two factors have indicated that a detailed post-colonial scrutiny should prove helpful. One factor is the aptness of neo-imperialism. The other involves the problems that arise out of the commitments made by post-colonial communities in an age of glocalization. The book, Postcolonial Studies: The Key Concepts, by Ashcroft et al. seeks to throw light on these aspects and explore the various dimensions of postcolonial theory by elucidating on all the key concepts related to this field of study. What would come to light, if it were conceivable to return to the 1990s, yet, view it as an individual living in the current decade? A keen observation would reveal the important roles that humanities (in general) and post-colonial discussions (specifically) would play in the creation of a fresh language, such that it could be utilised to tackle the issues connected with global culture. This language would also strive to comprehend issues affecting the interactions between global powers and the regional cultures. Such issues materialised because the centre-periphery models and the dependency theory (Modernity’s traditional narratives), which were entangled with social theory, were incapable of elucidating how exchanges occurred in a multi-directional flow across the globe. This kind of flow was even more prominent while cultural dialogues were taking place. An excellent illustration of such a flow is the Black Atlantic phenomenon. It highlights the astounding complexity and capacity of Black cultures across the Atlantic. However, this type of a phenomenon has been in evidence in the past too. A perusal of chronicled flows highlights the fact that global cultural exchanges had always been transcultural and multi-directional in nature. The post-colonial, in-depth probing of the imperial regime had sufficed, and continues to suffice, to address a majority of the problems that relate to various aspects of globalisation. Some of them are the location of glocal, imperialism within the framework of globalisation, operational role of the local agency while being pressurised by global powers, and interaction between neoliberal economics and colonisation. In other words, the arena of post-colonial explorations has served to offer helpful tactics for expanding the area of global analysis. However, there is a need for using the information carefully. For instance, it would not do to assume that the post-colonial postulate is a panacea. Similarly, it is necessary to remember 116 CU IDOL SELF LEARNING MATERIAL (SLM)
that post-colonial discussions are firmly interlinked with the historical events that occurred during colonisation. The advent of post-colonial literatures, as well as post-colonial culture, has specifically demonstrated the persistent actuality of the regional agency. This organisation has the capacity to deal with straightforward dualistic techniques in connection with both, regional and global. An extremely debatable topic, which continues to nag at contemporary politics, is the concern regarding the environment. Global warming is the catastrophic outcome of the industrial revolution, as well as the unrestrained pursuance of capital growth. Along with thoughts of the environment, the post-colonial arena has also been granting increasing attention to its accompanying topics, such as environmentalism, ecofeminism, speciesism, and ecological imperialism. The increasing clarity about the direct link between the manner in which the colonists treated the colonised, and the manner in which the same colonists treated indigenous fauna and flora, is responsible for this behaviour. The colonised refer to the dominated communities and their members. The ruins of the colonised location/place, and thereby, the potential destruction of Earth, created the pathway for the destruction of communities. By now, the devastation of the human environment is akin to the destruction of the physical surroundings. More and more, the post-colonial postulate has been proving helpful for exploring diverse types of colonial interactions, which go beyond the traditional colonising pursuits of the imperial rulers. The colonists considered the concepts of partitions/borders and dividing lines to be vital for taking over and dominating indigenous areas. These concepts have acquired greater importance in an age wherein every nation seems to have a rather hysterical desire to protect aits borders. Similarly, cultural partitions are acquiring critical importance too, especially with regard to the areas of cultural disintegration, class and economic denigration, and neo-colonial and colonial supremacy. Currently, the arena of post-colonial education encompasses the contentious topics of modern neo-colonialism. In other words, the identities and associations of Latino, Chicano, and hybrid distinctions of diverse types, enter the picture. The topics, which remain confined between the borderlines of the splendid chronicles of country and history, are increasingly proving to be vital components of post-colonial learning. The problem of ‘sacred’ is becoming more pronounced too since it has acquired greater complexity than it did in the past. The character and operations of ‘post-colonial sacred’, alongside the effect of missions and religion, are proving to be more prevalent than before, in what some people believe to be a post-secular era. Undoubtedly, the belligerent expressions of religious precepts, the absence of communication, and the world moving towards excessive polarisation, have led to the sprouting of unexpected dangers across the globe. At the same time, such actualities also create chances for in-depth scrutiny of the diverse types of complicated hybridised developments associated with the sacred, which post-colonial analysis had highlighted. 117 CU IDOL SELF LEARNING MATERIAL (SLM)
One thing that post-colonial education has thrown up is a term that seems to dodge certain issues. For instance, certain problems seem integral to descriptions like diaspora, post- colonial, etc. An adjective that is growing in popularity is, transnational. It may apply to a diasporic/refugee community, which has no direct connection to colonialism. Similarly, it may apply to migrants. A great array of transnational literatures has come to the fore, due to the enhanced movement of populations, people becoming more mobile, the increasing urge to traverse across borders, and the increasing leniency in the definition of a concept called ‘home’. Various types of cultural build-ups have also come into prominence. As a result of these two phenomena, the post-colonial arena has become more extensive, and in more fruitful ways. This is the second edition of this book, and it brings into display a few more familiar concepts connected to studies on post-colonialism. They include translation, double colonisation, and first nations. The concept of ‘whiteness’, and several others, have already created virtual niches of their own. Some of these terms are vital to studies on post- colonialism. Others are found in different disciplines of study too. Finally, certain terms, such as ‘race’, go beyond the limited borders of post-colonial studies. It is important to recognise the main concepts that make up the post-colonial postulate, as well as post-colonial studies. This should definitely help in creating links that are vital to comprehend the birth, progress, and universality of this sparkling field of study. 5.2 COLONIALISM AND COLONIAL DISCOURSE Colonialism is an important term. It helps in awarding a definition to the particular type of cultural exploitation that came into being through the 400-year-old expansion of Europe. Several civilisations of the past thrived on colonies. These civilisations viewed their interactions with them in a special way. The relationship was that of a central authority with a periphery comprising of barbarian, non-metropolitan, and borderline cultures. regardless of these factors, several vital aspects entered into the building-up of the post-Renaissance actions related to imperialism. According to Edward Said, imperialism refers to the postulate, practice, and behaviour of an authoritarian metropolitan centre that is ruling over a faraway territory. Colonialism is generally the result of imperialism and refers to the creation of settlements on the concerned faraway territory. The spread of European society post-Renaissance resulted in the large-scale birth of diverse types of colonial settlements. In turn, the concept of colonialism acquired a distinct definition in comparison to that of imperialism. Imperialism was viewed as a general ideology. Said came up with a special formula for distinguishing the two. He regarded imperialism as an ideological power, while colonialism denoted practice. In general, this differentiation proves useful. However, the post-Renaissance, European colonialism progressed into a historically- specific and sufficiently exclusive type of imperial development, and therefore, manages to 118 CU IDOL SELF LEARNING MATERIAL (SLM)
justify the way in in which it is generally and currently used as a unique type of political ideology. It was also true that the post-Renaissance, Europe’s colonial expansion was coexistent with the growth of a contemporary capitalist method of economic exchange (observe world system theory). This meant that the opinion about the colonies coming into existence for offering raw materials to the expanding economies related to colonial rulers, acquired greater strength and standardisation. Additionally, the interactions between the colonists and the colonised adhered to a rigid hierarchical system. The differences between the two parties were too great to bring about equitable and just exchanges in any arena, including social, economic, and cultural. Some colonies comprised of subject people belonging to different races. Alternatively, they could be a minority group comprising of indigenous peoples. In these colonies, the ideology of race played a vital role in creating and naturalising an inequitable type of intercultural interactions. The same period of post-Renaissance led to the launching of the concept, race, along with its accompaniments – racial biases and racism. Race served as the rationale for the treatment meted out to enslaved populations during the growth of the slave trade via the Atlantic Middle Passage during the later years of the 16th century. In these circumstances, the general notion of a colonial world was that it housed populations who were inherently inferior. They not only did not belong to history and civilisation, but also were prone to a sense of inferiority due to their genetic make-up. The suppressing of these populations was both, convenient and profitable to the colonial world. This could also be construed as a natural state of things. Charles Darwin’s thoughts about how mankind evolved and why there is a race amongst the fittest to survive, had a role to play here as a rather crude implementation of Social Darwinism. These ideas were synonymous with the doctrines of imperialism that came into being by the time the 19th century ended. A large number of commentators have realised that these discussions about man, mankind, etc., possessed a sexist exclusivity, which sufficed to reveal the discourses’ ideological connections with patriarchal usages. The outcome of these fresh formulations was to help colonisation display itself as a righteous and essential ‘civilising’ exercise, bent upon educating and initiating patriarchal nurturing. This is well illustrated through the words of Kipling, wherein he admonished the USA in 1899 into shouldering the White Man’s Burden, soon after their conflict with Spain in The Philippines. He advised the Americans not to go after their own anti-colonial model, and not to offer nationhood and independence to the Filipinos. Due to these events, colonialism adopted an ideology that was rooted in obscure rationalisation, during this period. Its highly unfair and violent operations became tremendously hard to see, cloaked as they were behind a smokescreen. The smokescreen helped the colonists to take liberties with civilising exercises, paternalistic progress, and aid. Furthermore, there was the growth of varied designators of 119 CU IDOL SELF LEARNING MATERIAL (SLM)
territories, such as Trust Territories, Protectorates, Condominiums, etc. They performed dual functions. First, they contributed to the continuing growth of colonialism. Second, they served to keep a certain fact hidden. This fact was that the above-mentioned territories were actually the discarded locations of increasingly savage conflicts over raw materials and markets that the industrialised Western countries had initiated. With regard to the non-indigenous residents found in colonial settlements, they found that their White skins could not prevent them from falling prey to racism. The concept of race had managed to enter their constructions too. Earlier, they had to confront notions of provincial gaucherie. Now, they had to contend with thoughts about cultural inferiority. They were placed in the category of those, who had become native or completely degenerated via associations with other races. Brathwaite (1971) gives an example of White Creoles, who settled in the West Indies. Similarly, settlements in Australia and Canada, had developed particularly restricted colonial characteristics, such as sporting capability, physical prowess, etc., but had failed to develop social or cultural chic. English literatures went in for the exercise of placing colonial individuals into categories, such as indicators of guilelessness, of origin ARY taint (To illustrate, Irishness was an important product. The internal differentiations that haunted Great Britain during the Victorian era, led to it being moved to the colonial constructions present in Australia and America.), and of cultural and social provinciality, right up to the early years of the 20th century. It was the same for the Americans, regardless of their own independent status and the revolutionary shift in their position in the world. Industrialisation in America had enhanced its power position during the late 19th century. This is evinced by the representation of Americans in publications from the later years of the 19th century and early years of the 20th century. Two examples of such publications are Man and Superman (Bernard Shaw), and Sherlock Holmes (Arthur Conan Doyle). Therefore, self-representation took on a negative form for occupied colonies and settler colonies. This negative build-up of the self was an important aspect in a scenario where thoughts of a decayed or a foreign civilisation, and of race, suggested colonial discrimination. Canada gained independence in the 1870s, while Australia acquired the title of an independent Federation in 1900. Yet, both nations, and rather ex-settler colonies, continued to hold on to several symbolic connections, thereby implying that they were still dependent upon the imperial regime. To illustrate, Australians had no access to distinctive and separate passports, signifying their independent nationality, right up to 1946. By the time the 19th century ended, colonialism had acquired the shape of a particular kind of historical categorisation that set aside specific cultures and communities as being singularly inferior. It was easy to discern that a domestic had been planned for the operation of the Empire, at least in Britain, and maybe, at other places too. Victorian society was confronting enhanced internal disagreements and severance, as mentioned in Two Nations by Disraeli. 120 CU IDOL SELF LEARNING MATERIAL (SLM)
Disraeli believed that Britain was splitting up into two countries, comprising of the non- industrial and the industrial, the poor and the rich. This was evinced in the doctrine of the New Imperialism, in several ways. Thus, in Britain, it was left to Empire to offer itself as the major unifier of ideologies, which went beyond class and various social divisions. Post-industrial Britain was witnessed to unrest amongst the classes, and a kind of revolution. Therefore, the Empire served as a major icon representing national unification. It hoped to counter the large-scale threat in British society. There was the presence of the ‘other’ too. In other words, the colonised were also in existence, for these populations were the chief means of explaining about the coloniser, as well as bringing about a kind of unification, despite the persistence of class and economic differences. The ‘other’ also strove to bring about an understanding between the inhabitants of industrialised areas keen on garnering monetary profits and leading increasingly polarised lives, and the beneficiaries who retired or moved to the traditionally rural areas. By pondering over the colonialist rule, the colonised began to have some notion of how to improve. There was the usage of metaphors, such as tree/branch, parent/child, etc. In theoretical terms, it seemed as if these metaphors would allow thesuppressed/inferior colonial populations to rise to the status of their colonial rulers. However, in practical terms, this was not to be, for the thought was eternally deferred to the future. It is noteworthy that no community managed to gain freedom from its colonial rulers involuntarily. The imperial powers refused to go in for active disengagement on their own. The separation was possible only by means of a tough, internal encounter that dreamt of achieving the goal of self-government. In general, however, independence came at the cost of engaging in a lengthy, energetic, and violent conflict, initiated by the colonised. The colonial history of the British seems to have perpetuated a recent myth. It states that the awarding of freedom to its colonies was the outcome of a calculated and motivated, enlightenment policy promoted by the people of Britain. It is a policy that helped to separate British colonialism from the more avaricious and humble brands of European colonialism. These literatures are, undoubtedly, associated with the building of the late 19th century imperialism’s ideology. Here, the literary presentation had an energetic role to play. This energy could have been highly visible, as evinced in Kipling’s writings. It could have been highly ambivalent, as evinced in Conrad’s writings. Some of Conrad’s works display an anti- imperial strain. Regardless, Conrad goes in for active differentiation between the British presentation of colonialism, which displays an ideal in its background, and the generally materialistic behaviour exhibited by the ‘inferior breeds’ of imperialists via their imperialism. Such erroneous differentiations are reflected once again in the descriptions given by the greedy Spanish conquistadores. However, the British exhibited a similar scale of brutality towards the Indians in Virginia. The only difference between the Spaniards’ and the English’ treatment of the colonised, was with regard to quantity. The White settler cultures had to fight 121 CU IDOL SELF LEARNING MATERIAL (SLM)
long and hard for restricted independence or Dominion status. The battles related to politics and the constitution. The granting of freedom depended upon the retaining of constitutional and lawful connections with the British Crown. Therefore, the freed communities had to encounter restrictions in the way they managed their own affairs, as well as in formulating their own systems of governance/justice. These kinds of communities refused to grant indigenous populations even the most minimal type of citizenship under the fresh constitutional models. The evidence is there, for instance, in the events that occurred in Western Australia during the 1920s. The Governmental agency responsible for tackling Aboriginal matters, carried the title – Department of Fisheries, Forests, Wildlife, and Aborigines. There have been attempts recently, to thrust the burden of guilt related to imperial policies onto the settlers in the colonies, making them on-the-spot scapegoats. This serves to highlight those periods in history, when the metropolis and governmental policies revealed greater enlightenment than those formulated by regional settlers. In general, however, these types of ideological differentiations were not alien to the metropolitan spirit, in any sense, whatsoever. They were not alien to the colonists, who had built up these colonies. Finally, the ‘home’ nation failed to let go off its fundamentally discriminatory behaviour, even after it had received dominion/federal status. In a large number of cases, racial discrimination tended to be a straightforward addition to the existing colonial policy. The ex-colonial rulers continued to grant it both, covert and overt support. Even the USA, as a newly emerging force, extended its support, right up to the time of World War II, and even after its end. The politics of racial differentiation touched the heights in the form of the South African Apartheid. According to Davidson (1994), this apartheid had its origins in the earlier biased policies offered by the colonists. Some communities found it difficult to deal with the aspect of race, even with the aid of internal differentiation classifications. Therefore, the prominence awarded to racial differentiation became tremendously obvious in these communities. Two examples of such communities are India, which was under British rule, and African colonies, which had to struggle against the power of the Europeans. Both, the African continent and India, had to go through a lengthy struggle that was often bloody in outcome, to gain independence. It was a time of dissensions, vociferous protests, and violent rebellions. Significantly, in arenas where European colonists held on to their powers the longest (as in Portuguese colonies, for instance), the colonists found it easy to do so. This was significant. Also, they often received encouragement to hold on, in alignment with the extent to which the local governments behaved as a front for a broader imperialism. Amilcar Cabral himself observed this, as evinced in anti-colonialism. In the same way, South Africa’s nationalist government managed to hold on, simply it had the support of the nation’s investing in it. These nations were supposedly against the imperial regime. To conclude, colonialism is not keen to disappear even as the century progresses. It 122 CU IDOL SELF LEARNING MATERIAL (SLM)
just receives modifications, in order to convert into neo-colonialism belonging to the post- colonial/post-independence period. Edward Said brought over the concept of colonial discourse/discussion into contemporary times, after perusing Foucault’s idea of a discourse. Said believed that Foucault’s idea was excellent for offering a definition to that system, within the framework of which, the array of actions deemed as ‘colonial’ came into the limelight. Said’s Orientalism tended to explore the methods by which colonial discussions functioned as tools of power. This book launched the theory, which came to be renowned as the colonial discourse/discussion theory. During the 1980s, this theory decided to use colonial discussion as its field of learning. Edward Said’s achievement was the introducing of a particular idea. This idea stated that colonialism functioned in the manner of enforcing military rule, as well as behaved as a discourse of authoritarianism. Both the operations were simultaneous in nature. Said’s involvement was a paradox. It appeared to be uncommonly enabling, as well as, theoretically troublesome. Said dealt with the theoretical vocalisation by forwarding the probing of imperialism, colonialism, and the struggles against them, to a query on discourse. This chapter grants more attention to certain protests that experts have voiced about the analysis of colonial discourse available in Said’s writings. In general, the objections have focussed on the way that historians have viewed this particular aspect of Said’s work. In general, most historians object to the idea that the analysis of colonial discourse bases its conclusions on the exploration of a limited number of texts that are largely literary in nature. However, the outcomes of the analysis appear in the form of large-scale historical generalisations. When seen from a theoretical standpoint, this leads to different types of queries from both fields. These queries focus on typicality, evidence, representatives, or the example’s status. Hence, the strength of a discussion is connected to institutions in the community. It is also a vehicle to present particular ideologies. Then again, engaging in a discourse in the camp of the human will, is dependent upon the reality that exists in society. After all, it is social reality, which determines that the community is more important than the human will. According to Said, discussion/discourse is the possession of an institution/ideology. This possession is involuntary in nature. It is the idea that expresses his approval of the Discourse theory. At the same time, Said is different from Foucault, as evinced by his statement that he does not believe in the deciding impression left by individual authors upon an otherwise unknown group of texts that make up a discursive formation, such as Orientalism. Said’s Culture and Imperialism peruses the interactions between the empire and culture. In other words, the book refers to the relationship existing between Western imperialism and the broad array of territories spread across the globe. Said continues to concentrate on European literatures, but with a broader eye, taking publications from the Caribbean, Africa, Australia, and India into account too. The conclusion is similar to that in Orientalism. Said comes up 123 CU IDOL SELF LEARNING MATERIAL (SLM)
with the idea that Europeans believe themselves to be different from the rest of the world, and therefore, they have the right to control and rule. Said strives to find the origin of resistance by perusing the disruptions in colonisation. The Foucauldian discussion functions within a framework of resistance and power. Said uses it to assure self and others, that historical events suffice to indicate that there had been resistance against this kind of universal authoritarianism. He also analyses descriptions, such as the writings of Austin, Conrad, etc. This analysis helped him comprehend the limitations that were applicable to imperialism and its actions that governed Western power over its colonies. He discovered straightforward knowledge in these narratives. There could be no alternative information to it via resistant literatures. Nonetheless, since descriptions have the potential to be a resistance site, it could be a legitimisation tool for the cultural practices that strive to display the distinctions between ‘them’ and ‘us’. At the same time, it could be a launching point for resistance, as well as a popular national identity. Hence, similar to Foucauldian’s reverse discussion, Said’s claims regarding counter-knowledge of identity and resistance take birth from the same authoritarian Western discussion. Regardless, Said places a demand for what he believes will be a relieving from authoritarianism. It refers to the concept of hybridity that is an outcome of the imperial blueprint claiming universalisation. Said is originally a Palestinian, yet a citizen of the USA. This fact provides excellent assistance in helping him build his cultural theory. Regardless, he opts to stay faithful to his place of birth, defending it, while all the time directing great focus towards the colonists’ dominance over their colonised territories, thereby resulting in great damage. At the same time, he has a realistic picture in mind, as he urges for ‘worldliness’ to take over as an accommodating solution to the issue of never-ending imperialism. Earlier editions of the text concentrate on its operations, taking no note of the goals or the power behind it. The text sets up the world for such perusals. Nonetheless, post-colonial literatures are representations of the world as they appear in the ‘real’ world. Said feels that worldliness comes to the fore within the literature. Therefore, writing provides an improved translation of the powers that ruled the world. This idea about worldliness also gives rise to a query about the manner in which the text should be read. According to Said, filiation and descent mean the same, and he cannot use either in modern civilisation, which is both, complicated and progressive. Therefore, affiliation, which also means identifying via culture, is a preferable critical principle. It offers a novel in-depth look into the text, its survival, the world around it, and the varied circumstances surrounding it. Said believes that post-colonial authors cannot isolate themselves from their perceptions about the West and Europe, since their literatures have come after Western writings highlighting their viewpoints regarding the non-Western world made an entry into the literary world. This means that due consideration has to be awarded to the post-colonial scenario in these publications. It would be worthwhile to note that Said has no intention of pushing his theory forward in place of other viewpoints. Instead, he wants it to 124 CU IDOL SELF LEARNING MATERIAL (SLM)
be considered alongside other types of criticism. Thus, it is important that one should peruse literature as an outcome of contested economic and social interactions, and not take everything literally. Thus, Said’s ‘worldliness’ is equivalent to contrapuntal reading. If Said is renowned as a splendid colonial discussions theorist, then Homi Bhabha is equally good too. Bhabha’s analysis brought certain damaging inconsistencies regarding colonial associations to the forefront. These inconsistencies included mimicry, hybridity, and ambivalence. They highlighted the fact that colonial discussions possessed an inherent defencelessness. According to Foucault’s conjecture, a discourse refers to a system of utterances. It is possible to know the world within the framework of these utterances. This system enables authoritarian figures in a community attempt to create an arena of truth via the imposition of particular values, knowledges, and disciplines upon the subdued populations. The system acquires the hue of a social formation. This formation strives to make everything seem real to both, the objects that it seems to act for, and the subjects or members of the society on which it is dependent. In consequence, colonial discussion refers to the complicated package of actions and signs that look after community existence and community reproduction within the framework of colonial interactions. Colonial discussion is tremendously insinuated in notions about Europe’s centrality, and therefore, in presumptions that characteristically represent modernity. These presumptions encompass literature, language, history, and technology. Therefore, colonial discourse may be regarded as a network of declarations that focus on colonies and colonised populations, colonists’ dominance, and the interactions between both. It is a network of information and tenets involving the world, within the framework of which, colonial behaviour displays itself. Despite originating within the framework of the cultures and communities of the colonisers, it also becomes that kind of discourse, that may enable the colonised to view themselves. At the very minimum, the discussion serves to initiate a deep confrontation within the consciousness of the colonised populations, due to its conflict with other kinds of global awareness and other types of global knowledge. There are rules regarding exclusion and inclusion also in place. They function on the presumption that the colonists’ political constructions, history, social conventions, culture and traditions, language, and art are vastly superior, and an emphasis on the necessity for the colonised populations to be ‘raised up’ via contact with the colonists. Specifically, colonial discussion seems to take the support of ideas about race that had begun to come to the fore when European imperialism began to make an entry into the world. Such differences serve to highlight the fact that colonial discourse is a representation of the colonised, regardless of the nature of the populace’s traditional histories and social hierarchies. It suggests that the colonised are primitive, while the colonists are civilised. Of course, this discussion has the tendency to discard declarations about various issues. They 125 CU IDOL SELF LEARNING MATERIAL (SLM)
include taking advantage of the resources belonging to the colonised, the enhancement in the political status of the colonists, and the important role played by domestic politics in building an empire. All the above could prove to be compelling causes for retaining colonial connections. In fact, it hides these advantages in declarations about the inferior status of the colonised populations, the primitivity of other races, and the savage degeneration of colonised communities. It follows, therefore, that the imperial regime must feel duty-bound to reproduce itself in colonised communities, as well as help in civilising the colonised. The progress towards civilisation would take place through improvements in certain areas, namely moral, cultural, trade, and administration. Colonial discourse exhibits such great power that individual subjects amongst the colonised fail to be purposedly aware of the deceptiveness of their situation. Colonial discussion triumphs, since it engages in the construction of the colonised, as much as it does of the colonising subject. Frank expressions that contradict this discussion are not allowed, since they tend to incur punishment. Alternatively, they tend to display the persons expressing such thoughts as being abnormal or eccentric. 5.3 POSTCOLONIALISM Post-colonialism/postcolonialism is concerned with the impact that colonisation has had on communities and cultures. Historians had used the term post-colonial, at the end of World War II. However, they had referred to it as the post-colonial state. Admittedly, there was a chronological connotation to the term, post-colonial, clarifying that it belonged to the period after independence. Nevertheless, literary critics have taken recourse to the concept, for discussing the diverse kinds of cultural influences brought about through colonisation. This was in evidence since the late 1970s. This was also the time when Said’s Orientalism, amongst others, took up the perusal of the powerful authorities that dominated colonised communities. This kind of a study led to critics like Bhabha and Spivak displaying what came to be renowned as the colonial discourse theory, in their publications. Regardless, the phrase, post-colonial did not actually play a role in the early writings that focussed on the ability of the colonial discussion to mould and help in forming policies and opinions within the metropolis and the colonies. To illustrate, Spivak took recourse to this phrase, when she was presenting a set of recollections and interviews in her book, The Post-Colonial Critic (1990). The perusal of the influence of colonial representation was the major act of these critics. However, the first usage of the phrase, post-colonial, was directed towards the cultural interactions that occurred within the colonial communities, by literary groups. It was partly an effort to politicise, as well as to display the concerns of disciplines like Commonwealth literature. The perusal of the supposedly New Literatures in English that had been launched during the late 1960s, also entered the picture. Since then, the term has achieved widespread importance, coming to the fore for signifying the cultural, political, and linguistic experiences 126 CU IDOL SELF LEARNING MATERIAL (SLM)
of communities that had earlier been recognised as European settlements. Therefore, right from the initial stage, this term proved to be possible site for interpretative and disciplinary competition. Specifically, significant were the implications concerning the presence or absence of the signifying hyphen. Homi Bhabha, Edward Said, and Gayatri Spivak (Derrida) were the main exponents of the colonial discourse theory. Their influence was tremendously poststructuralist in nature, and it encouraged several critics to emphasise that the hyphen come into play for keeping post-colonial education as a separate field, distinct from the colonial discourse theory per se. These critics had concerns regarding the material impact of the historical side of colonialism, and its discursive strength. However, this was only a lone part of the several types of interests and outlooks that the phrase, post-colonial strove to make its own, as well as debate. Although this differentiation in approach continues to survive, there is significant interweaving of both the outlooks/viewpoints. The concept of postcolonialism/post-colonialism is currently utilised largely, and in varied ways to encompass the perusal and scanning of the territorial conquests undertaken by Europeans. It is also used to include the diverse establishments of European imperialism, the discursive functioning of Empire, the subtle ways in which the build-up of the subject took place in colonial discourse, and the resistance offered by the subjects. It also associates itself with another important issue. The issue is the varying responses to such invasions and their accompanying modern colonial legacies existing in both, pre-independence and post- independence countries and societies. While the usage of the concept of postcolonialism has generally shown an inclination to concentrate on the cultural output of such societies/communities, its usage is becoming common to diverse types of analysis. The analysis covers the disciplines of economics, history, sociology, and politics. It is because these disciplines have an ongoing engagement with the influence of European colonialism upon the world’s communities. Post is a prefix in this term. This prefix is an ongoing aspect of challenging conversations amongst critics. In simple language, ‘post’ constitutes ‘after’, when talking about colonialism. However, critics have questioned this meaning. A more intricate comprehension of how cultures work in the post-colonial scenario, comes into play here, as a competitor. It emphasises upon the vocalisations between, as well as, across the politically outlined historical eras, and of pre- colonial, colonial, and post-independence traditions/cultures. This has resulted in additional queries coming to the fore, especially about the type of limits (if any) that should come into play with regard to the term. Recent narratives have clarified the manner in which post-colonialism has been employed. Its primary focus has been the investigation of the processes. What is their impact on, and what are their responses to, European colonialism, right from the 16th century until the present day? This period takes neo-colonialism into the picture too. Admittedly, the dissensions are bound to continue. 127 CU IDOL SELF LEARNING MATERIAL (SLM)
Stephen Slemon has given a reason for these dissensions. According to him, post-colonialism comes into display in diverse areas, for outlining amarvellously heterogeneous group of critical ventures, subject positions, and professional arenas. It has also proved useful for obtaining a critique of summating constructions of Western historicism. Post-colonialism has come into play in the form of a portmanteau term that is perfect for the refashioned idea of ‘class’ that is a subdivision of both, poststructuralism and postmodernism. Finally, the term serves as a title for national groupings during the post-independence era, who desire to express their longing for nativity; as a cultural pointer depicting non-residency within the framework of a Third World intellectual core group; as the unavoidable underside of an uncertain and broken discussion regarding colonialist authority; as an antagonistic type of reading practice; and (this being the author’s first confrontation with the term) as the title for a type of literary pursuit that originated from a fresh and inviting political motivation circulating within the framework of what used to be known as Commonwealth literary perusals. Yet the term remains in usage, coming into play frequently as a substitute for ‘anti- colonial ‘and to be synonymous with ‘post-independence’, as in references to the post- colonial state. It is obvious that colonialism falls into a tremendously problematic class. According to the manner in which it is defined, colonialism is non-particular and transhistorical. It comes to the fore as a connection with extremely diverse types of economic suppression and historical oppression. Patriarchy, as a term, experiences similar issues with definition. Just like it, colonialism is vital for the critiquing of power interactions then and now, in alignment with global affairs. Clearly any definition of post-colonialism needs to include a consideration of this wider set of local and specific ongoing concerns and practices. It is unlikely that these debates will be easily resolved. At the present time, though, no matter how we conceive of ‘the post- colonial’, and whatever the debates around the use of the problematic prefix ‘post’, or the equally problematic hyphen, the grounding of the term in European colonialist histories, as well as in governmental operations, and the responses (resistant or otherwise) to these operations offered by all colonised populations, remain fundamental. An equally fundamental constraint is attention to precise location. Not all communication zones or colonial confrontations are the same. Similarly, there is a necessity for every postcolonial occurrence, in the background of common principles, to feel comfortable in a precise location, and undergo analysis for particular interaction. There has been a lively discussion, focussing on the possible homogenising influence of the term, post-colonial. The argument is that by using this particular term to narrate the colonial experiences encountered by a vast array of cultures, serves to cancel the distinctions between them. At the same time, there exists no intrinsic or unavoidable reason for this occurrence. The regionality and materiality of diverse types of post-colonial encounters are the best 128 CU IDOL SELF LEARNING MATERIAL (SLM)
providers of enriched possibilities for post-colonial learning. They also serve to encourage a particular kind of analysis of the diverse influences of colonial discourse. The regionality and materiality are fundamentals. The theoretical problems that lie dormant in them, are actually the foundation for a majority of disputes that take place regarding what the term, post- colonial refers to, as well as what aspects should/should not go into its definition. Yet,despite these disputes and differences, indications of a beneficial and complementary relationship between various post-colonial approaches have emerged via contemporary research in this arena. Modern discussions may have originated from a highly historical or materialist reading, or from a foundation in the discourse postulate. Regardless, these discourses have emphasised the necessity of holding on to and making the fundamental parameters for defining the thought of postcolonial/post-colonial, stronger. Critics, such as Young, have suggested that a vital exercise has been to keep away from presuming that it is possible to safely reject the historical reality of the conditions that prevailed during colonialism, and opt for the fabulousness of colonial discourse. Materialist mindsets, such as Ahmad, Mohanty, and Parry, have offered the most compelling arguments regarding the discourse theory. Young states that their arguments emphasise that the theory should not grow at the cost of materialist historical investigations. At the same time, Young also offers a warning. He suggests that, although, the summating factors of post- colonial/postcolonial discussions may prove to be highly concerning, it is equally essential to avoid moving back to a simplified type of regionalised materialism. Such materialism may not wish to recognise at all the fact that general discussions on colonialism tend to influence the individual’s actions regarding colonial practice. The project comprises of recognising the common discursive powers that served to keep the imperial enterprise in place. The project also came into play in places where colonies were set up. However, it is frequently in confrontation with the necessity to provide in-depth narratives of the material influence of those discussions, while they functioned at diverse regions and at diverse periods. It would clearly be a case of oversimplification if one were to claim that imperialism/colonialism functioned differently in alignment with the cosmopolitan traditions from which they made their way, the historical times during which they happened, or the particular ‘contact zones’ within which they came into being. It would be fanciful even to suggest that imperialism/colonialism were not akin to multivalent powers themselves. However, to imply that discovering the common elements that are widespread within the framework of these regional particularities, specifically at the levels of discursive formation and ideology, appears to be similarly wrong as a foundation for all, but the highly restricted narratives. Not all colonies go in for following every facet of colonialism. Not all colonies will go in for sharing some kind of a necessary characteristic. It is because, similar to any classification, colonialism is akin to a rope possessing many strands that overlap. Wittgenstein has used this metaphor for explaining colonialism, with its accompanying aspects. 129 CU IDOL SELF LEARNING MATERIAL (SLM)
Now, Robert Young has stated that a certain moment in history may be witnessed as interacting with the general colonial discussion. This can, in all possibility, occur. As a result, the analysis of colonial discussion, for instance, can prove to be a contributory factor, in that it proves to be a splendid framework for the other type of work in various ways. To begin with, it lays stress upon the various perspectives that are part of the process of sharing in colonialism and need to tackle a common discursive medium that was part of colonialism too. Then again, the language that comes into play for ratifying, executing, narrating, or scanning colonialism, is not purely instrumental, obvious, historical, or guileless. Young comes up with an enlightened conclusion after discussing these positions that are under dispute. However, while the world is at this stage during the post-colonial era, and it strives to comprehend the functioning and influence of colonial history, it is imperative to place the homogenisation of colonialism across its geographical and historical specifics. The question is whether it can maintain, and do justice to, both levels. It is likely that the debate will not be resolved finally in favour of either extreme position, but that the increasingly detailed archival work done on all aspects of colonial/post-colonial culture will continue to correct the more simplistic generalizations that characterize previous expressions of the field without overthrowing the legitimacy of a general, comparative methodology in framing important questions that a strictly local materialist analysis alone could neither pose no answer. A method to peruse and re-peruse publications arriving from both, colonial and metropolitan cultures, is to focus attention deliberately on the deep and unavoidable influence of colonisation on the output of literature; administrative and scientific publications; anthropological narratives; and records of historical events. It is a kind of deconstructive study, which is majorly applicable to writings that are created by colonisers. This is applicable to the literary creations of the colonised too. This suffices to reveal how the text refutes its underlying presumptions, and to what extent it does so. The underlying presumptions are race, civilisation, aesthetics, and justice. It also discloses its colonialist operations and ideologies, often unknowingly. Examples of post-colonial readings of particular texts include Eric Williams’ cross-examination of the formerly authoritative texts of Caribbean history in British Historians, as well as from the West Indies; contemporary re readings of the publications of canonical European anthropologists such as Malinowski; numerous post-colonial re readings (and rewritings) of Shakespeare’s The Tempest in French, English and Spanish; re perusals of Jane Austen’s Mansfield Park (see contrapuntal reading); Jean Rhys’ re readings (and thus rewriting, in Wide Sargasso Sea) of Charlotte Bronte’s Jane Eyre. The idea of a ‘post-colonial perusal ‘need not be restricted to interrogating a set of works (for example, documents dealing with the European history of an area) nor to rereading and rewriting individual texts. 130 CU IDOL SELF LEARNING MATERIAL (SLM)
A post-colonial rereading of, for example, English literary history would (hypothetically) involve far greater stress on colonial relations between England and Scotland, Ireland and Wales, and the historical and contemporary influence of these relations on literary production and representation. It would also involve reconsidering English literature and literary production as less a sequence of domestically inspired changes and progressions than one emanating from and through the authoritarian operation and/or colonial contacts. Thus, for instance, modernism can be argued as being the result of Europe’s association with the so- called ‘savage’ cultures residing in the South Pacific and in Africa; while post-structuralist theories (such as that of Derrida) might be reread as less the products of the Parisian intellectual climate than inspired or significantly inflected by colonial happenings. The term ‘post-colonial state’ has frequently been utilised by historians, economists and political theorists as a synonym for ‘post-independence state’. Its formation after independence is the clearest signal of the colonised moving away from the power of the imperial regime. The freedom garnered by the newly formed state is the sine qua non of the claim to have left the authority of the colonists behind. However, in practice, this kind of freedom may appear to be viewed as superficial. The major reason is that the mindsets of the leaders participating in the struggle for freedom gave prominence to the European concept of how a country should be, and therefore, permitted the new post-colonial states to be closely modelled on that of the ideas given by earlier European rulers. Post-colonial nation-states have usually (but not every time) been concurrent with the dividing lines created by the settlements’ administrative units. Thus, in Africa, for instance, the extent of independent nations, such as Nigeria and Ghana broadly reflect the colonial enclaves carved out from the pre-colonial societies of West Africa. By contrast, in the Indian landmass, the apparent colonial unity exhibited by the Indian Raj was replaced by a Partition into the separate states of Pakistan and India. The princely states during the Indian Raj period were self-governing in nature. However, even these states found themselves becoming an integral part of the fresh post-colonial states coming into existence, even if they were unwilling to do so. In any case, the modern political entities had only a conjectural bonding with the pre-colonial entities now incorporated as modern, post-colonial nation-states. Similar to the manner in which the European nation-states came into being, and on whose model, they were created, the nation- state in the post-colonial scenario, was often created by a deliberate fusing or dividing of many territories that were already in existence. In each case, the glue that held them together was a constructed national mythology in which unifying symbols such as flags, names and national symbols were vital elements. 131 CU IDOL SELF LEARNING MATERIAL (SLM)
5.4 DIASPORA The word ‘diaspora’ has its roots in the Greek language, where it means, ‘to disperse’. It is a term that has a close link to the historical phenomenon of colonisation. It refers to either the imposed or voluntary movement of populations from their native lands to new locations. In fact, colonialism was also a diasporic journey, albeit a radical one. Here, vast numbers of Europeans travelled across the globe to diverse geographical locations. They settled wherever they wished to, intending to stay either temporarily or permanently. The effects of migration continue to persist, especially on a global scale. The world refers to the widespread impact of migrations, as ecological imperialism. Over time, as history shows, the settlers made use of the lands they had, turning them into agricultural colonies or plantations, capable of growing foodstuffs for populations settled in metropolitan areas. In turn, this led to a huge demand for labourers in several areas, especially where the regional populaces could not fulfil this particular need. The Americas, and later on, South Africa, took advantage of this demand, to initiate the concept of slavery. Thus, economic growth became dependent upon slavery. West Africa was responsible for sending a majority of slaves to the plantations in the Americas. Europeans managing the trading enclaves along the coast, took charge of shipping the slaves. Similarly, the Arabs residing in East Africa became responsible for selling slaves to colonies under the control of the British. These colonies were mainly in Mauritius and India. Slaves were also ‘exported’ to locations, such as Queensland. They required labourers for their sugarcane plantations and industries. The slave owners termed this hiring process as blackbirding. They were Polynesians and Melanesians, hired from specific regions in the South Pacific. Sometime, during the early decades of the 19th century, the slave trade ended, as well as European laws banned slavery. Regardless, the colonial plantations continued to demand inexpensive agricultural labour. Since economic progress was deemed necessary, there developed a new method for obtaining cheap labour. This was the indentured labour system. Here, indenture contracts had to come into the picture. The signing of such agreements led to transferring large numbers of people from richly-populated regions, such as China and India, to plantation-rich locations across the globe. People were ready to become agricultural labourers because they suffered from poverty in their own countries. Thus, colonial diasporas sprung up worldwide, thanks to these dual phenomena – indenture and slavery. Indians moved to colonies in East Africa, South Africa, Malaya, Mauritius, the West Indies, and Malaya. They were either minor or major populations in these regions. It is the same even today. As for the Chinese minorities, they, not only travelled to the above- mentioned areas, but also to a majority of Southeast Asian regions (including the East Indian colonies belonging to the Dutch in modern Indonesia), as well as to The Philippines (first dominated by Spaniards, then by Americans). Colonialism caused diasporic journeys, and subsequent descendants of this phenomenon. Over time, these descendants developed and 132 CU IDOL SELF LEARNING MATERIAL (SLM)
followed their respective cultures, ensuring that they included and preserved, as well as served as extensions of their original cultures. There was even an evolution of the creolised versions of traditional cultural practices. These versions were actually modifications of the diverse indigenous cultures, with which they interacted during the diasporic movements. In fact, these indigenous cultures brought about changes in traditional cultures. The birth of diasporic traditions offers a query about essentialist models. The query concerns the ideology pointing towards an inherent and united, cultural norm that lends support to the colonialist discussion’s margin/centre model. Diasporic movements also have queries regarding simpler theories, such as nativism theories, which recommend that the re-emergence or restoring of pre-colonial communities can impact the process of decolonisation. Amongst recent diasporic journeys, those undertaken by colonised populations, have proved to be socially, very significant. These populations have been migrating to metropolitan areas. Thus, several nations, such as France and Britain, have become homes for minorities. There are substantial groups of these diasporic minorities, who were colonised earlier. In contemporary times, several writers have adopted the idea of possessing a diasporic identity. It serves as a constructive affirmation ofIn recent times, the notion of a ‘diasporic identity’ has been adopted by many writers as a positive pronouncement of their hybridity. 5.5 HYBRIDITY Hybridity is a term that is involved in controversy, despite being highly popular as far as usage in relation to post-colonial theory is concerned. The term points towards the sprouting of fresh transcultural constructions within the framework of the contact zone that colonisation has produced. The definition is similar to the one outlined by horticulturists. When two species undergo crossbreeding via cross-pollination or grafting, the process gives birth to a third species. This is a hybrid. The phenomenon of hybridisation can show up in various forms – racial, cultural, linguistic, political, etc. Creole and pidgin languages are illustrations of linguistic hybridisation. Such languages are echoes of how Mikhail Bakhtin, the cultural and linguist theoretician, used the term. He referred to in an elemental way, suggesting that multivocal language scenarios carried a transforming and disturbing power with them. It was the same with multivocal descriptions. Similarly, Bakhtin’s thoughts about carnivalesque also reflect upon the consonance of voices within the community. The term, carnivalesque, came into being in the Middle Ages, wherein a limitless world of light-hearted/entertaining manifestations and forms strove to overcome the official and weighty tone of Middle Age feudal and ecclesiastical culture. Homi K. Bhabha’s work has come to prominence recently, for it uses the word, hybridity, in it. His work is an analysis of interactions amongst the colonised/colonisers. They emphasise on independence, as well as on the building up of their subjectivities, such as ambivalence 133 CU IDOL SELF LEARNING MATERIAL (SLM)
and mimicry. According to Bhabha, a specific space titled Third Space of Enunciation is responsible for the construction of all cultural structures and declarations. This uncertain and contrary space is the platform for the emergence of cultural identity. Therefore, Bhabha finds the insistence on cultures possessing a hierarchical purity, inadmissible. He believes that when there is acknowledgement of this inconclusive space linked to the concept of cultural identity, it may serve to help in defeating the novelty of cultural diversity and recognise the authoritative hybridity within the framework of which cultural differences tend to operate. The fact that the productive capabilities of the Third Space of Enunciation originate from colonialism or post-colonialism, is significant. If there is voluntary descent into foreign territory, it may lead to the envisaging of an international culture. Furthermore, this conceptualising may have its foundation in engravings and vocalisation of the hybridity of the concerned culture, and not in the diversification of cultures or the eccentricity of multiculturalism. The idea of hybridity gains importance, due to the fact that the space in- between shoulders the burden and definition of culture. Post-colonial discussions have frequently defined hybridity as cross-cultural ‘exchange’. Such a definition has evoked widespread criticism, as it generally suggests a negating and forsaking of the imbalance and inconsistency that is so much a part of the power interactions that the term references. There have been transformative political, cultural, and linguistic influences on the colonists, as well as on the colonised populations. This phenomenon has received great attention. It is supposed to be duplicating assimilationist strategies through the covering up or camouflaging differences in cultures. The concept of hybridity also strives to underpin other efforts to emphasise the amiability of cultures within the framework of the colonial and post-colonial scenarios. The efforts come through as articulations of transculturation, syncretistic, and cultural synergy. The impression that theories harping on mutuality tend to belittle oppositionality, as well as enhance the continuing dependence upon post-colonialism, suffices to encourage criticism of the concept of hybridity. However, the concept of hybridity has nothing in it to grant the impression of mutuality rebutting the hierarchical personality of the colonial process, or of it favouring the notion of a mutual exchange. Nonetheless, this is the manner in which some promoters of decolonisation, as well as anti-colonialism, have elucidated the term’s modern usage in the colonial discourse theory. Certain critics like Aijaz Ahmed, and Chandra Talpade Mohanty, who are quite disappointed with the colonial discourse theory, have extended the criticism of it to include criticism of the term, too. The criticisms emphasise upon the idealist and textualist foundations that govern this kind of analysis. They also highlight the fact that they do not take particular local variations into account. The stress upon hybridity, which is a shared condition in the post-colonial scenario, has given rise to the impression that it has a connection to the discourse analysis’ inclination to de-locate and de-historicise traditions/cultures from their linguistic, temporal, spatial, and geographical settings. Discourse analysis also aims to move towards a worldwide and 134 CU IDOL SELF LEARNING MATERIAL (SLM)
abstract idea of the textual that conceals the particularities of specific cultural scenarios. Robert Young highlights the fact that an exploration of the discursive build-up of colonialism does not aim to shut out or substitute other forms like political, geographical, military, historical, or economic. He also claims that colonial discourse analysis, which couches terms like hybridity, offers a noteworthy framework for the concerned ‘other’ work. This framework stresses that all viewpoints related to colonialism share, as well as learn to tackle a common discursive medium. This medium was familiar to colonialism too. An analysis of colonial discussions can peruse of the extensive variety of publications dealing with colonialism, believing them to have greater importance than as mere evidence or documents. Regardless, Young himself forwards several objections to the aimless usage of the term. He highlights how the colonial and imperial discussions had granted such great importance to the term, hybridity. They had utilised it to spread negative reports about bringing disparate races together. These reports suggested that unless these hybrids were energetically and consistently cultivated, they would go back to their primitive states. Therefore, hybridity became an integral part of colonialist discussions focussing on racism, specifically at the beginning of the century. Young points towards the hazards of favouring a concept that was so rooted in an earlier group of racist presumptions. At the same time, he also emphasises that the inadvertent operations of hybrid mixture/creolisation are different from the politically- and consciously-driven concern that focuses on the calculated disturbance of homogeneity. Young highlights Bakhtin’s belief that hybridity has political overtones and dissensions associated with it. As a result, hybridity is able to accept the subversion and provocation brought about via splitting up of populations, and subsequent separation. Bakhtin’s notions about hybridity bring opposing points of view into conflict with one another. Nonetheless, the conflictual build-up manages to retain a particularly unrestricted, elemental, and organic power within it. In other words, hybridity has the potential to reverse the arrangements of control in the colonial scenario. Young recognises this aspect, and Bhabha also vocalises about the same. Bhabha transforms Bakhtin’s conscious hybrid into a moment of vigorous contest and opposition against an imperial power. In turn, this leads to the forced imperial culture being deprived of long-held, imposed (often involving violence) political authority, as well as its own assertions to genuineness. At the same time, Young also offers a warning about the unconscious habit of reiteration that accompanies the modern usage of the term. He believes that modern cultural discussions about hybridity should bear in mind that they had a link with the racial categories that existed in the past. These categories had awarded hybridity a lucid racial definition. Hence, while examining the essentialist ideas of race in modern times, it could be that a repetition of the past (when there was a fixation about race) is taking place, rather than distancing/critiquing from it. Thus, there is a compelling, albeit subtle, objection to this concept. However, on a more positive note, Young also offers an opinion that the term has a more comprehensive demand in many 20th century teachings, right from 135 CU IDOL SELF LEARNING MATERIAL (SLM)
genetics to physics. There is also a dual logic in place, which along with the comprehensive demand, does not agree with the understanding of convention of either/or alternatives. However, there is a repetition in science in the form of the division between the antagonistic, yet coexisting, argumentations of quantum and classical physics. Taken within this framework, similar to that of the structuralist and post-structuralist benefaction, hybridity, as a concept serves to highlight a typically 20th century matter that has interactions within a region, instead of with a scrutiny of distinct objects. Therefore, meaning is the outcome of such interactions, and not an intrinsic part of particular objects/events. The proclamations about traditions that existed before the advent of colonialism, and about national culture, have been responsible for the creation of anti-colonial discussions, as well as for urging the initiation of an energetic decolonising project. However, postulations concerning the hybrid personality of post-colonial culture proclaim a diverse kind of resistance model. They place this model amongst the disruptive, counter-discursive actions that are implied in the imperial ambivalence itself. Thereby, these theories weaken the very foundation that colonialist and imperial discussions utilise to proclaim their supremacy. 5.6 HEGEMONY Earlier, the term, hegemony pointed towards the authoritarian attitude exerted over a lone state that was part of an alliance. Today, people define it as domination with permission. The new definition came into being during the 1930s. Antonio Gramsci, the Italian Marxist coined this broad and fresh definition. He was also responsible for making it highly popular. Earlier, he had garnered fame as the person explaining why the ruling class managed to highlight its own interests successfully, within the community. Basically, the elite class utilises hegemony to brainwash the ‘lower’ classes into believing that the interests of the rulers are equivalent to the interests of the whole world. Thus, there is no authority coming into play via force, or even via active convincing, but via a more inclusive and subtle strength. This power comes through the concerned nation’s economy, diverse state apparatuses (one example is education), and the media. The elite class urges the media to present its interests as the interests of all. Finally, the public begins to take this ‘common’ interest for granted. Hegemony, therefore, becomes the term that proves helpful for outlining the successful domination of the colonists over a colonised population, even if the latter’s numbers go far beyond the former’s. The success is due to the fact that the colonised people permit the hegemonic idea ‘benefit for all’ suppress their inclination to govern themselves. This ‘benefit for all’ is frequently couched in subtle articulations, such as advancement, social order, and stability. The colonists determine the definitions of these articulations. The imperial regime in colonies across the world, deemed hegemony to be very important. Hegemony had the capability of influencing the mindsets of the colonised populations. Therefore, it was an extremely sustainable and dynamic display of colonial strength. In 136 CU IDOL SELF LEARNING MATERIAL (SLM)
actuality, an empire is not the same as the group of subject states that come under the enforced control of a central authority. The powers held by the centre may be attributed to the impact of the group’s cultural hegemony. The permission for hegemonic rule comes through via the colonial discourse’s interpellation of the colonised populations. As a result, these populations begin to consider Euro-centric attitudes, values, beliefs, and assumptions as most valuable/natural, or as a matter of course. Ultimately, interpellation leads to colonised populations placing themselves at the periphery of all these Euro-centric demands and considering the imperial rulers to be the centre of the colonised universe. Gauri Viswanathan (1987; 2) offers an exemplary instance of how hegemonic domination operates. It could be the growth of aesthetic sense, development of character, or indoctrination of moral thinking. Gauri Viswanathan explains how the altruistic operations that are traditionally linked to the perusal of literature could prove essential to the progress of socio-political domination. The British authorities retained this kind of control, while taking over the responsibility of educating Indians. They received additional support via the Charter Act of 1813. They were striving to disseminate Western civilisation’s values, while, at the same time, striving to avoid disturbing Hindu sentiments, when the British administrators fixed upon using English literature as a strong tool for displaying imperial domination. These administrators looked for content that conveyed authority, in all the texts. They took care to ensure that all the characteristics outlining the unsavoury history of European domination remained indistinct. These characteristics included oppression of certain races, making class distinctions, appropriation through colonialism, and material manipulation. Instead, the literary texts of the British stood in as substitutes for the living Englishman. They presented him as the best and most perfect of all human species. He was supposed to be the personification of all universal human values. This divergence is the exact confirmation of an approach to hegemonic control. It was extremely effective, since the dissemination of discussions related to English literature took place to the accompaniment of racial prejudices, spiritual beliefs, humanistic values, social differentiations, and cultural presumptions. 5.7 IDEOLOGY Ideology refers to a set-up of ideas, tenets, and ethics, which the members of a social group share amongst themselves. This group take this set-up for granted, as if it were inherently/naturally true. According to the post-colonial postulate, populations undergoing decolonisation opt for the creation of a post-colonial identity in alignment with cultural relationships building up between diverse identities. These identities may be class-based, national, cultural, gender, or ethnic in nature. The colonial community assigns these identities diverse degrees of social competence. 137 CU IDOL SELF LEARNING MATERIAL (SLM)
It does not matter whether one desires ideology or not; it continues to operate at all times. The post-colonial postulate is an opinion that can apprise writing pedagogy successfully. The reason is that postcolonialism encourages questioning of, as well as scrutiny of this business of appropriation. It also permits the highlighting of pedagogical and historical viewpoints regarding this issue. The censorious side of post-colonialism permits writers to adhere to a historical point of view. It also allows them to accept, instead of rejecting a traumatic past. In turn, this helps them to comprehend the fragilities associated with the inherited discussion on colonialism. The fragilities refer to the extreme acts of oppression, and even genocide, that played a large part in the historical past. Finally, the post-colonialist mindset permits creative writers the capacity to give up on the paradigms of conventional actions and adopt a more innovative substitute in place of neo- colonialism. The subsequent chapters dwell on the post-colonial postulate. This theory/postulate offers an advantageous analysis regarding the part that language plays in the initiation of hegemonic authoritarianism, and in the hegemonic endeavours to dare and to redesign power alliances. Since the post-colonial postulate believes that the usage of language relates to historically developed types of power, post-colonial literatures give a political hue to language instruction. This politicisation shows up in ways that encourage duty-bound administrators dealing with writing programs, to give a second thought to cultural/current pedagogical placements. The administrators of writing programs do not have it too easy, for they have to confront certain formidable and demanding challenges that postcolonialism poses. A requisite of these challenges is the reconfiguring of power interactions in both, the administrative and pedagogical arenas. Another demand is that the historically-constructed basis for uniformity undergo revaluation. A third challenge is that the administrators should go back to the difficult task of outlining the exact objectives and results of providing worthwhile writing lessons. At the same time, they were to suggest who would list out these objectives, and how this person/group would get the job done. Discussions on resistance have also come to the fore, accompanying the discussions on colonialism, and their subjective attitude towards the concept of race. The discussions on resistance offer a persistent challenge to the ideas about the identities of Whites and Blacks that prevailed within the framework of the White’s (who considered themselves superior) ideology. It was the time of a lengthy conflict regarding various issues, such as the liberating of slaves, awarding of voting privileges to Black citizens, and ensuring that African- Americans had access to civil and human rights. Labourers, who suffered exploitation via diverse practices, demanded monetary compensation that was not accompanied by discrimination. This struggle still continues to be entangled within a mesh of difficulties that are borne from speaking from a distance. That is, emergent, or proto-postcolonial rejections of colonial constructions of reality historically wrestle with constructs that are heavily 138 CU IDOL SELF LEARNING MATERIAL (SLM)
entrenched— bureaucratically, economically, ontologically—and violently defended. There is a successful competition for hegemonic authoritarianism going on amongst the systemised, licensed, and normalised safeguards of plantation ideologies, colonialism, and slavery. Unfortunately, during this hegemonic struggle, discourses resisting the ideological forces of white supremacy often continue to utilise racialising practices. However, during the process, they generally strive to sustain the white-black dichotomy. They do this by establishing other essentialised identities, which function in alignment with similar binary identities. These binary identities serve to provide the tropic figures related to the discussion regarding supremacy of the Whites. To illustrate, in the Black Power Movement, White Slave Master and Black Slave were demarcated as White Devil and Black Brother. The significations changed, yet the binaries remained the same. 5.8 ORIENTALISM The literary work, Orientalism, by Edward Said, served to popularise this term. Said’s work explores the operations that governed the ‘Orient’ in the past and govern it in the present. These operations are in alignment with the European mindset. The professionals, or rather the Orientalists, were scholars from diverse disciplines. These disciplines included philology, languages, and history. However, Said believed that the discussion on Orientalism was highly extensive, and indigenous to the European thought processes. According to Said (1978: 1), the discourse was not only academic in appearance, but also a kind of thought that had its foundation in the ontological and epistemological differences existing between the Orient and the Occident. But, most broadly, Said discusses Orientalism as the corporate institution for dealing with the Orient ‘dealing with it by making statements about it, authorising views of it, describing it, by teaching it, settling it, ruling over it: in short, Orientalism as a Western style for dominating, restructuring, and having authority over the Orient’. In this sense, it is a classic example of Foucault’s definition of a discourse. Orientalism is highly significant in that it serves as a means to know the other. In other words, it serves as a superb example of building up the other, or rather, a kind of authority. The Orient is a phenomenon, rather than a dormant actuality of nature. This phenomenon has come into being through the constructive efforts of generations of politicians, artists, writers, intellectuals, and commentators. Of paramount importance is the fact that this phenomenon has come to the fore through the naturalising of a broad array of Oriental stereotypes and conjectures. The Orient and the Occident are connected to one another through authoritarianism, power, and differing levels of a complicated hegemony. As a result, according to Said, Oriental discussion is a highly significant display of the strength that the West exerted over the Orient. Therefore, it proves to be of greater value in this sense, than it does as a real discussion of the Orient. A complicated Orient that was appropriate for perusal in an academic institution, for showing off in the setting of a museum, for reconstruction in the colonial office, for theoretical 139 CU IDOL SELF LEARNING MATERIAL (SLM)
illustration in anthropological, biological, linguistic, racial, and historical theses about mankind and the universe’ (7), emerged. It showed up as the content under a general title related to education about the Orient, as well as within the framework of the Orient being under the control of Western hegemony from the 18th century onwards. Nonetheless, the West did not plot to have Orientalism subduing the Oriental world. Instead, Orientalism refers to the dissemination of geopolitical perception into texts of diverse disciplines. These disciplines include philology, economics, history, aesthetics, sociology, and scholarly. The concept points towards the expansion of a fundamental geographical variance. It also points towards an entire sequence of interests that it both, generates and maintains. Orientalism is not about expressing, but about displaying a specific willingness or objective towards comprehending, sometimes dominating, manoeuvring, and even integrating, what is distinctly a separate world. It is significant that the discussion on Orientalism survives even in the present, especially with regard to the relationship between the West and Islam. The highlighting of this relationship comes through in the way it is explored, in the way in which the media report it, and in the way that people generally represent it. But as a discursive mode, Orientalism models a wide range of institutional constructions connected to the ‘other’ of colonialism, one example being the study, discussion and general representation of the African Continent in the Western world since the 19th century. Here, its practice remains pertinent to the functioning of colonial power in whatever form it adopts; to know, to name, to invite the other to a discussion, is to maintain a far-reaching political control. The generalized construction of regions by such discursive formations is also an aspect of contemporary cultural life. Oddly enough, Orientalism spills over into the arena of self- construction. As a result, establishments and governments of populations that had come together at the beginning due to the rubrics of Orientalism like Asia, the East (Middle East, Far East, etc), or the Orient, promote the notion of a group of generalised ‘Asian’ values, such as Asian democracy for example. Asia is a word that comes into play as an unqualified adjective. There is a danger that this term might erode, thereby breaking up deep linguistic, cultural, and religious distinctions in those nations where the application is self-ascriptive in nature. This self-ascription occurs in a manner that is appropriately similar to the Orientalist discussions taking place during colonial times. 5.9 OTHER In everyday terms, the 'other' is any individual who is independent from oneself. The presence of others is pivotal in characterizing what is 'typical' and in finding one's own spot on the planet. The colonized subject is portrayed as 'other' through talks like primitivism and savagery, as a methods for setting up the paired partition of the colonizer and colonized and stating the effortlessness and supremacy of the colonizing society and world view. Albeit the term is utilized widely in existential way of thinking, quite by Sartre in Being and 140 CU IDOL SELF LEARNING MATERIAL (SLM)
Nothingness to characterize the relations among Self and Other in making mindfulness and thoughts of personality, the meaning of the term as utilized in current post-pilgrim hypothesis is established in the Freudian and post-Freudian examination of the arrangement of subjectivity, most eminently in crafted by the psychoanalyst and social scholar Jacques Lacan. Lacan's utilization of the term includes a qualification between the 'Other 'and the 'other', which can prompt some disarray, yet it is a differentiation that can be valuable in post- frontier hypothesis. In Lacan's hypothesis, the other – with the little 'o'– assigns the other who takes after oneself, which the youngster finds when it glances in the mirror and gets mindful of itself as a different being. At the point when the youngster, which is an ungraceful mass of appendages and emotions sees its picture in the mirror, that picture should bear adequate similarity to the kid to be perceived, however it should likewise be sufficiently independent to ground the kid's potential for an 'expected authority'; this fiction of dominance will turn into the premise of the conscience. This other is significant in characterizing the personality of the subject. In post-frontier hypothesis, it can allude to the colonized other people who are underestimated by majestic talk, recognized by their distinction from the middle and, maybe critically, become the focal point of expected dominance by the royal 'sense of self'. The Other – with the capital 'O'– has been known as the grande-autre by Lacan, the incomparable Other, in whose look the subject increases character. The Symbolic Other is certifiably not a genuine interlocuter yet can be epitomized in different subjects, for example, the mother or father that may address it. The Symbolic Other is an 'otherworldly or outright post of address, gathered each time that subject addresses another subject'. In this way, the Other can allude to the mother whose partition from the subject finds her as the primary focal point of want; it can allude to the dad whose Otherness finds the subject in the Symbolic request; it can allude to the oblivious itself in light of the fact that the oblivious is organized like a language that is independent from the language of the subject. In a general sense, the Other is essential to the subject in light of the fact that the subject exists in its look. Lacan says that 'all craving is the metonym of the longing to be' on the grounds that the primary craving of the subject is the craving to exist in the look of the Other. This Other can measure up to the majestic focus, magnificent talk, or the actual realm, in two ways:first,it gives the terms wherein the colonized subject acquires a feeling of their way of life as by one way or another 'other', subordinate; second, it turns into the 'outright shaft of address', the philosophical system where the colonized subject may come to comprehend the world. In frontier talk, the subjectivity of the colonized is constantly situated in the look of the supreme Other, the 'fantastic autre'. Subjects might be interpellated by the philosophy of the maternal and sustaining capacity of the colonizing power, agreeing with portrayals, for example, 'Mother England' and 'Home'. Then again, the Symbolic Other might be addressed in the Father. The importance and upheld strength of the royal language into which pioneer subjects are enlisted may give them an unmistakable feeling of force being situated in the 141 CU IDOL SELF LEARNING MATERIAL (SLM)
colonizer, a circumstance relating figuratively to the subject's passageway into the Symbolic request and the revelation of the Law of the Father. The indecision of pioneer talk lies in the way that both these cycles of 'othering' happen simultaneously, the provincial subject being both an 'offspring' of realm and a crude and debased subject of majestic talk. The development of the predominant royal Other happens in a similar interaction by which the pioneer others appear. Race Race' is a term for the characterization of people into genuinely, organically and hereditarily unmistakable gatherings. The thought of race accepts, right off the bat, that mankind is isolated into perpetual regular sorts, conspicuous by actual highlights that are sent 'through the blood' and grant differentiations to be made among 'unadulterated' and 'blended' races. Besides, the term suggests that the psychological and good conduct of people, just as individual character, thoughts and limits, can be identified with racial source, and that information on that starting point gives a palatable record of the conduct. Race is especially relevant to the ascent of expansionism in light of the fact that the division of human culture in this manner is inseparable from the need of colonialist forces to build up a strength over subject people groups and subsequently legitimize the supreme venture. Race thinking and expansionism are permeated with a similar impulse to draw a twofold differentiation among 'humanized 'and 'crude 'and similar need for the hierarchization of humankinds. By deciphering the reality of pilgrim persecution into a supporting hypothesis, anyway fake, European race thinking started a pecking order of human variety that has been hard to remove. Despite the fact that race isn't explicitly a development of government, it immediately got one of colonialism's most steady thoughts, in light of the fact that the possibility of predominance that created the rise of race as an idea adjusted effectively to the two motivations of the magnificent mission: strength and illumination. In this regard, 'bigotry' isn't such a lot of a result of the idea of race as the very justification its reality. Without the fundamental craving for various levelled arrangement verifiable in prejudice, 'race 'would not exist. Bigotry can be characterized as: a perspective that believes a gathering's unchangeable actual qualities to be connected in an immediate, causal approach to mental or scholarly attributes, and which on this premise recognizes 'unrivalled' and 'sub-par' racial gatherings. Actual contrasts didn't generally address an inadequacy of culture or even an extreme distinction in shared human qualities. In the time of the Crusades, the racial distinction of dark African Coptic holy person fighter St Maurice is plainly recorded without bias in a sculpture in Magdeburg Cathedral which demonstrates him to be a dark African, in any event, including his facial heredity cuts. 142 CU IDOL SELF LEARNING MATERIAL (SLM)
Yet, with the ascent of European dominion and the development of Orientalism in the nineteenth century, the need to set up such a differentiation among prevalent and mediocre tracks down its generally 'logical' affirmation in the questionable investigation and scientific categorization of racial qualities. 'Race' is first utilized in the English language in 1508 out of a sonnet by William Dunbar, and through the seventeenth and eighteenth hundreds of years it remained basically an abstract work meaning a class of people or things. It was uniquely in the late eighteenth century that the term came to mean a particular class of individuals with actual attributes communicated by drop. People had been sorted by Europeans on actual grounds from the last part of the 1600s, when François Bernier proposed various unmistakable classes, in view of on facial character and skin tone. Before long, a chain of command of gatherings (not yet named races) came to be acknowledged, with white Europeans at the top. The Negro or dark African class was typically consigned to the base, to some degree in light of dark Africans' tone and purportedly 'crude' culture, however fundamentally on the grounds that they were most popular to Europeans as slaves. Immanuel Kant's utilization of the German expression for 'races of humankind 'in his Observations on the Feeling of the Beautiful and Sublime was presumably the main unequivocal utilization of the term in the feeling of naturally or genuinely unmistakable classifications of individuals. Kant's weight on an instinctive, non-reasonable type of thought 'permitted the Romantics to place the idea of a perpetual inward substance inside people', a pith that 'discovered articulation through the feeling of \"race\"' Debates about whether human variety was brought about by plummet or climate seethed all through the seventeenth and eighteenth hundreds of years. Be that as it may, with the power of the organic sciences in the late nineteenth century, plummet arose as the prevalent model. It was epitomized in the change of 'race' from meaning, in its abstract sense, a line of plummet that a gathering characterized by recorded congruity, to its logical feeling of 'race' as a zoologically or organically characterized bunch. Regardless of its purportedly logical establishing and application, the term 'race' has consistently given a viable methods for building up the most straightforward model of human variety – shading distinction. Shading turned into the methods for recognizing gatherings of individuals and of distinguishing the conduct not out of the ordinary of them. In 1805, the French anatomist Cuvier, who was especially huge in the improvement of 'race' hypothesis, proposed the presence of three significant 'races': the white, the yellow and the dark. The division of the entire of humankind into three such subjectively assigned hereditary gatherings appear to be so unclear as to be altogether pointless for any sort of investigation, yet the idea has stayed compelling for the philosophical explanation that this typology settled upon a degree from better than substandard. Cuvier's typology of race impacted such functions as Charles Hamilton Smith's (1848) The Natural History of the Human Species; Robert Knox's (1850) The Races of Man; Count de Gobineau's (1853) Essai sur l'inégalité des Races humaines; and Nott and Gliddon's 143 CU IDOL SELF LEARNING MATERIAL (SLM)
(1854) Types of Mankind. The suppositions basic this racial typology, however ceaselessly repudiated by genuine perception, have remained tenaciously constant to the current day, in any event, when the classes are all the more extravagantly characterized as 'caucasoid', 'mongoloid' and 'negroid'. These presumptions are: first, that varieties in the constitution and conduct of people were to be clarified as the statement of various organic sorts; second, that contrasts between these kinds clarified varieties in human societies; third, that the unmistakable idea of the sorts clarified the prevalence of Europeans and Aryans specifically; and fourth, that the contact among countries and people of various kind arose out of natural attributes. The straightforward clearness of this perspective on race, pretty much dependent on shading, was supplanted by the ramifications of Darwin's The Origin of Species Natural determination presently offered a component for animal types of change – either the unrivalled races may be sullied through contact with the second rate, or purposeful human mediation may expand the advantages of choice and advance the development of unadulterated races. In either case, the key supposition of the progressive system of races stayed secure. Darwin's commitment was to furnish the hypothesis of race with a system of progress in the possibility of regular selection, and thusly to offer the opportunities for arranged racial turn of events (genetic counselling) – a focal fundamental of the way of thinking that came to be known as Social Darwinism. Social Darwinism, in the two its positive and antagonistic ramifications, agreed promptly with magnificent practice, especially the confusing dualism that existed in settler thought between the corruption and the glorification of colonized subjects On the one hand, the degradation of the crude people groups could discover in Social Darwinism a Defense for the mastery and now and again termination of sub-par races as an inescapable as well as an attractive unfurling of normal law. On the other hand, the idea of racial improvement agreed with the 'socializing mission' of majestic philosophy, which urged pilgrim forces to take up the 'white man's weight' and raise up the state of the mediocre races who were romanticized as kid like and pliable. The presumption of prevalence accordingly upheld by logical racial hypothesis could seek after its task of global control without any potential repercussions. The last impression of blacks as defenceless creatures needing care, assurance and headway was immediately overwhelmed in the nineteenth century by the previous perspective on them as crude and inactive savages, as pioneer development discovered the requirement for expanding supplies of work to support its undertakings. The zealous abolitionist subjection motivation that had accomplished the abrogation of servitude during the 1830s started to offer route to a harmful type of racial aggression. Thomas Carlyle's infamous Occasional Discourse on the Nigger Question (1849) enthusiastically propounded the option to force the 'indolent'black man into the assistance of provincial ranch agriculture, and by the 1870s,before the last period of magnificent venture into Africa, suchprejudice, supported as it was by Social Darwinism, had basically dominated liberal brands of thought on issues of race. The helpfulness of the idea of race in both 144 CU IDOL SELF LEARNING MATERIAL (SLM)
building up the intrinsic prevalence of supreme culture as it moved toward its peak, and simultaneously lumping together the 'inferior ‘races under its control, can be found in the case of English discourse on the 'races ‘of Britain itself – especially the Irish. In early works, albeit the Irish were at first seen to be actually similarly as the English, Irish culture was viewed as outsider and compromising. Rich follows the cycle from 1617 when Fynes Moryson discovered the language of the Irish unrefined, if to be sure it was a language at all, their apparel practically creature like and their conduct stunning. Edmund Spenser alludes to the 'brutal Irishmen', while William Camden in 1610 described the irreverence, savagery, musicality, black magic, viciousness, interbreeding and voracity of the 'wilde and very uncivill' Irish. In this depiction the Irish sound strikingly like Africans as portrayed by nineteenth-century English observers. In reality, by 1885, John Beddoe, leader of the Anthropological Institute, had built up a 'file of Nigrescence' that showed individuals of Wales, Scotland, Cornwall and Ireland to be racially isolated from the British. All the more explicitly, he contended that those from Western Ireland and Wales were 'Africanoid'in their sticking jaws'and 'long slitty nostrils', and subsequently initially foreigners of Africa (Szwed 1975: 20–1). Strange however this may appear, it is a consummate show of the exclusionary force of colonialism that works so enthusiastically in the idea of race. The connecting of the Irish and Welsh with Africa shows amazingly unmistakably how majestic philosophy works to avoid and minimize colonized peoples, whether in Britain or the Empire. Such a racial progression was fundamental to the expansion of the Empire. Debates about the type of racial 'types' had seethed all through the century, but by 1886 anthropologists in Britain had arrived at an overall agreement on the 'cephalic record': the separation of racial personality as far as skull shape. Francis Galton, the author of selective breeding, estimated 9,000 individuals at the International Health Exhibition in London in 1884,and the anthropological interest in race in the supreme setting was supported at an Anthropological Conference on Native Races in British Possessions held in 1887 at the hour of Queen Victoria's Golden Jubilee. By the last part of the 1890s numerous mainstream works started to appear, illustrating with luxurious detail the nature and variety of human races and the implied prevalence of the white Anglo-Saxon races and civilization. In spite of the presence of more noteworthy logical rigour, the depiction of the negroid had not progressed much past the generalization compounded via Carlyle. The 20th century has seen extraordinary swings in the hypothetical disposition to race, yet the term keeps on holding a tough influence in the normal considering individuals all through the world. The 1911 Universal Races Congress held in London was a significant showing of liberal idea and the advancement of 'monogenism' – the possibility that there was 'just a single types of man living on earth today'. 145 CU IDOL SELF LEARNING MATERIAL (SLM)
Be that as it may, the universalist belief of the Victorian liberal practice was extensively shaken by the First World War and the development of frontier patriotism which dissolved trust in the force of motivation to guarantee a developing solidarity between various races in a solitary world request. In the early many years of the 20th century, ‘race ‘continued to procure an authenticity through the 'logical' investigation of racial variety, however the frightfulness of the Second World War and the butcher of millions of Jews, Slavs, Poles and wanderers on racial grounds prompted the 1951 UNESCO Statement of the Nature of Race and Racial Difference which brought up that race, even from an exacting organic stance, could all things considered allude to a gathering with certain particular quality concentrations. The articulation affirms that psychological attributes ought to never be remembered for such orders and that climate is definitely more significant than acquired hereditary variables in forming conduct. In any case, during the 1960s there was an upsurge in organic contemplating human conduct once again, with scholars, for example, Lorenz,Ardry and Morris stating that singular conduct was to a great extent constrained by antiquated impulses that could, best case scenario, be changed by culture. This drove the path for an upsurge in race thinking in mainstream science during the 1970s: Eysenck's Race, Intelligence and Education (1971), Richardson and Spears' Race, Culture and Intelligence (1972), Baxter and Sansom's Race and Social Difference (1972) show a portion of a wide scope of well-known books that kept up the centrality of 'race' in banters about human variety. Simultaneously, the neo-biologism of the 1960s prompted a significantly more thorough advancement during the 1970s with the development of socio-science, which sees all individual conduct, and societies themselves, as the final results of organic determination measures. These advancements loaned a demeanor of authenticity to race thinking, which additionally examinations conduct and execution in natural terms, and the connection among socio-biology and present-day bigotry has been inspected by Barker (1981). It is huge that scholarly discussion during these many years supported race instead of identity as the focal point of conversation. The feeling of permanency that a questionable natural clarification offered, through an unyielding hereditary assurance and transmission, merged the idea of race right now, instead of the more mind-boggling idea of identity with its inborn versatility and its premise in culture. However, the 1970s and 1980s saw the steady development of interest and examination into nationality, a development that maybe has not been reflected in famous thinking. In practice, 'race' may be a significant constitutive factor in deciding ethnic classes, yet to restore the possibility that it is by one way or another 'even-handed' and less socially built than identities established on strict, semantic or other all the more clearly socially decided variables is to neglect to perceive that race is a social instead of an organic wonder, the result of chronicled measures not of hereditarily decided actual contrasts. The main reality about race was, as Fanon was the first to notice, that anyway ailing in target reality bigoted thoughts, for example, 'darkness' were, the mental power of their development 146 CU IDOL SELF LEARNING MATERIAL (SLM)
of self-implied that they obtained a target presence in and through the conduct of individuals. The mental self-portraits and self-development that such prevailing difficulty applied may be communicated from age to generation, and consequently the 'reality of darkness' came to have a target assurance in bigoted conduct and institutional practices, yet more deceptively in the mental conduct of the people groups so built. This Fanonist weight on the target mental truth of race as a deciding piece of the social interaction of building people's self-insights has been important for the reaction of many dark observers to the cases by pundits, for example, Appiah that impression of race have acted just contrarily in deciding post-provincial reactions to European domination. However anecdotal race might be demonstrated to be as a goal classification, its force as a rambling development stays unabated. Accordingly, a full and unpredictable term,'race',continues to hold the all-important focal point while the speculations on which ideas of race were set up have become increasingly more blurred. In this way obstruction turns out to be less and less ready to oust the dubious and indefensible idea of race itself. Race in the hour of neo-expansionism is similarly however obscure and similarly as versatile as it might have been toward the start of the historical backdrop of European imperialism. It is maybe up to the idea of identity to alter the course of the discussion. SUBALTERN Subaltern, signifying 'of substandard position', is a term embraced by Antonio Gramsci to allude to those gatherings in the public arena who are dependent upon the authority of the decision classes. Inferior classes may incorporate labourers, labourers and different gatherings denied admittance to 'hegemonic ‘power. Since the historical backdrop of the decision classes is acknowledged in the state, history being the historical backdrop of states and prevailing gatherings, Gramsci was keen on the historiography of the inferior classes. In 'Notes on Italian history' he laid out a six point plan for considering the historical backdrop of the inferior classes which included: their goal development; their dynamic or inactive alliance to the prevailing political formations;(3) the introduction of new gatherings and predominant gatherings; (4) the arrangements that the inferior gatherings produce to press their cases; (5) new developments inside the old structure that declare the self-governance of the inferior classes; and different focuses alluding to worker's organizations and ideological groups (Gramsci 1971: 52). Gramsci asserted that the historical backdrop of the inferior classes was similarly pretty much as mind boggling as the historical backdrop of the predominant classes, although the historical backdrop of the last is typically that which is acknowledged as 'official'history.For him, the historical backdrop of inferior gatherings of people is essentially divided and verbose (54), since they are consistently dependent upon the movement of administering groups, even when they rebel. Clearly, they have less admittance to the methods by which they may control their own portrayal, and less admittance to social and social foundations. Just 'lasting' triumph (that is, a progressive class change) can break that 147 CU IDOL SELF LEARNING MATERIAL (SLM)
example of subjection, and surprisingly that doesn't happen right away. The term has been adjusted to post-pioneer concentrates from crafted by the Subaltern Studies gathering of antiquarians, who expected to advance a deliberate conversation of inferior topics in South Asian Studies. It is utilized in Subaltern Studies 'as a name for the overall quality of subjection in South Asian culture whether this is communicated regarding class, rank, age, sexual orientation and office or in some other manner'. The gathering – framed by Ranajit Guha, and at first including Shahid Amin, David Arnold, Partha Chatterjee, David Hardiman and Gyan Pandey – has delivered five volumes of Subaltern Studies: articles identifying with the history,politics,economics and human science of subalternity 'just as the mentalities, philosophies and conviction frameworks – so, the way of life illuminating that condition'. The reason for the Subaltern Studies project was to review the awkwardness made in scholastic work by an inclination to zero in on élites and élite culture in South Asian historiography. Perceiving that subjection can't be perceived besides in a double relationship with strength, the gathering planned to analyse the inferior 'as a target evaluation of the part of the élite and as an investigate of élitist interpretations of that job'. The objectives of the gathering originated from the conviction that the historiography of Indian patriotism, for example, had for some time been overwhelmed by élitism – colonialist élitism and bourgeoisenationalist élitism – both the outcomes of British imperialism. Such historiography proposed that the advancement of a patriot cognizance was an only élite accomplishment both of frontier directors, strategy or culture, or of élite Indian characters, organizations or thoughts. Therefore, attests Guha, such composing can't recognize or decipher the commitment made by individuals all alone, that is, freely of the élite. What is plainly forgotten about by the class viewpoint of such historiography is a 'legislative issues of individuals', which, he claims, is an independent area that kept on working when the élite governmental issues got old fashioned. One clear show of the distinction between the élite and the inferior lies in the idea of political activation: élite assembly was accomplished vertically through transformation of British parliamentary institutions, while the inferior depended on the conventional association of family relationship and territoriality or class affiliations. Mainstream preparation in the pioneer time frame appeared as labourer uprisings, and the conflict is that this remaining parts an essential locus of political action, despite the change in political construction .This is totally different from the cases of élite historiography that Indian patriotism was basically a romantic endeavour in which the native élite drove individuals from enslavement to opportunity. Regardless of the incredible variety of inferior gatherings, the one invariant component was a thought of protection from élite mastery. The disappointment of the bourgeoisie to represent the country implied that the country of India neglected 'to come into its own’, and for Guha 'it is the investigation of this disappointment which comprises the focal risky of Indian historiography'. 148 CU IDOL SELF LEARNING MATERIAL (SLM)
Obviously, the idea of the subaltern is intended to cut across a few sorts of political and social parallels, like expansionism versus patriotism, or government versus native social articulation, for a broader qualification among subaltern and élite, on the grounds that, proposes Guha, this inferior gathering is constantly disregarded in investigations of political and social change. The idea of the subaltern turned into an issue in post-provincial hypothesis when Gayatri Spivak evaluated the presumptions of the Subaltern Studies bunch in the article 'Can the subaltern speak? ‘Thisquestion, she claims, is one that the gathering should inquire. Her first analysis is aimed at the Gramscian guarantee for the independence of the subaltern group, which, she says, no measure of capability by Guha – who yields the variety, heterogeneity and covering nature of subaltern gatherings – can save from it’s on a very basic level essentialist premise.Second,no philosophy for figuring out who or what may establish this gathering can keep away from this essentialism. The 'people ‘or the 'subaltern'is a gathering characterized by its distinction from the élite. To prepare for essentialist perspectives on subalternity Guha recommends that there is a further differentiation to be made between the inferior and predominant native gatherings at the provincial and neighbourhood levels. Nonetheless, Guha's endeavour to prepare for essentialism, by determining the scope of inferior groups, servesonly, according to Spivak,to problematize the possibility of the actual inferior even further. 'The undertaking of exploration is to research, distinguish and measure the particular idea of the level of deviation of [the predominant native gatherings at the territorial and neighbourhood level] from the ideal [the subaltern] and arrange it verifiably). But asksSpivak, ‘what scientific categorization can fix such a space? ‘For the 'true ‘subalterngroup, shesays, whose character is its difference, there is no unrepresentable inferior subject that can know and talk itself. One can't build a class of the inferior that has a successful voice unmistakably and unproblematically recognizable as such, a voice that doesn't simultaneously involve numerous other conceivable talking positions. Spivak proceeds to expound the issues of the classification of the inferior by taking a gander at the circumstance of gendered subjects and of Indian ladies in particular, for 'both as an object of colonialist historiography and as a subject of rebellion, the philosophical development of sex keeps the male predominant'. For if 'with regards to frontier production, the inferior has not set of experiences and can't speak, the inferior as female is much more profoundly in shadow'. Spivak inspects the situation of Indian ladies through an investigation of a specific case and closes with the announcement that 'the inferior can't talk'. This has once in a while been deciphered to imply that it is extremely unlikely in which mistreated, or politically minimized gatherings can voice their obstruction, or that the inferior just has a prevailing language or a predominant voice where to be heard. Be that as it may, Spivak's objective is the idea of an unproblematically comprised inferior personality, instead of the inferior 149 CU IDOL SELF LEARNING MATERIAL (SLM)
subject's capacity to offer voice to political concerns. Her point is that no demonstration of contradiction or obstruction happens for a fundamental inferior subject altogether separate from the prevailing talk that gives the language and the theoretical classifications with which the inferior voice talks. Obviously, the presence of post-pioneer talk itself is an illustration of such talking, and as a rule the prevailing language or method of portrayal is appropriated with the goal that the negligible voice can be heard. NATION/ NATION- STATE The idea of a nation is presently so immovably fixed in the overall creative mind, and the sort of state it connotes so generally acknowledged, that it demonstrates hard to acknowledge how ongoing its development has been. The disarray of the idea of a country with the training and strength of the country state makes patriotism one among the most grounded of powers in contemporary society. It additionally makes it an amazingly combative site, on which thoughts of self-assurance and opportunity, of personality and solidarity slam into thoughts of concealment and power, of mastery and rejection. However, notwithstanding its hostility, and the trouble of estimating it enough, it stays the most unappeasably incredible power in 20th century legislative issues. Its dislodging gives off an impression of being very troublesome even inside universally situated developments like Marxism. It is something very similar in its Stalinist character, wherein it appeared in the Soviet Union and its customer states. It is, maybe, not immaterial that Stalin himself was a specialist on the supposed Nationalities Question, and that he was a very heartless (more so than most) promoter of the concealment of 'public contrasts', regardless of his own minority inceptions as a Georgian, rather than being a purported Great Russian. The perplexing and incredible working of the idea of a nation can be seen likewise in the extraordinary 20th century wonder of overall private enterprise, where the 'unrestricted economy' between countries, typified in the introduction of worldwide organizations, keeps a complex, problematic relationship With the possibility of countries as normal and unchanging arrangements dependent on shared aggregate qualities (see globalization). Present day countries like the United States, with their multi-ethnic composition, require the acknowledgment of a general public philosophy (in pluribus unum). But worldwide private enterprise additionally necessitates that the individual be allowed to act in a monetary domain that crosses and invalidates these limits and characters. The strains between these two motivations, expanding quickly as current interchanges make worldwide contact an everyday the truth, are among the most significant and at this point uncertain powers in the advanced world. Countries and patriotism are significantly significant in the arrangement of provincial practice. 150 CU IDOL SELF LEARNING MATERIAL (SLM)
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