CU-BA-Eng-SEM-V-History and culture of punjab -Second Draft

Lane hastily attempted to withdraw the horse artillery, leaving behind stuck up in sand, a heavy gun and two ammunition wagons, which he Sikhs captured. At the same moment, the Sikhs flung a surprise on Cureton A column of their cavalry crossed the river under cover of artillery, leaving him the choice between an immediate engagement or the disgrace of retirement Acting on the spur of the moment, the Commander of the Cavalry of the Army of the Punjab, immediately decided to lead a squadron 14 Light Dragoons in support of light infantry, and in a short swift action, was himself shot dead The Commander of 14 Light Dragoons, was Reported missing, and 90 officers and men with 140 horse were lost The only British gam was “a handsome Silk standard” captured by a Muslim trooper who was recommended for the Order of Merit by the Commander-jn Chief, an eye witness of the battle * The action at Rammnagar was a signal defeat for the British Dalbousie apportioned the blame between Campbell and Gough for the ‘sad affair’ from which ‘there was no objective to be gained,’^ and the Home authorities expressed their utter inability to understand as to why the battle was fought at all * Gough, on the other hand, claimed it as a victory. “The enemy, ** he announced in a General Order, “was signally overthrown on every occasion, and only saved from utter annihilation by their flight to the cover of their guns on the opposite bank! For about a week after the British reverse at Ramnagar, the two armies faced each other across the river Lord Gough waited impatiently till his heavy guns came up On 30 November, he detached a force under Major-General Sir Joseph Thackwell to make its way across the river and take the Sikh army m the flank * In the meantime, he pushed British batteries and breastwork to the bank of the river and opened up a cannonade upon Sher Singh’s front in order to divert his attention from the flank movement intended by Thackwell. At the same time, another brigade of infantry under Brigadier Godby was detached from the mam army and ordered to ford the miles from Ramnagar and give support to Thackwell’s force * Across the river, at a principal ford about 2 miles from the townof Ramnagar, Sher Singh’s entire force— 12,000 men and 28 guns, lay strongly entrenched So far Cbattar Singh had cot 51 CU IDOL SELF LEARNING MATERIAL (SLM)

joined forces and consequently, its strength enumerated between 30000 40 000 men m Lord Gough’s despatch seems not only improbable but imaginary ^ As the numerous fords were vigilantly guarded by the Sikhs, blackwell’s force had to move 22 miles up the river to Wazirabad, where on 2 December it made the crossing Godby’s brigade had crossed the river 16 miles below, and so Thackwell hastily marched southwards At midday on 3 December, he arrived at Sadulpur, barely 4 miles from the Sikh encampment Here he halted, giving well- earned rest to his men who were in a state of complete exhaustion from 5 days’ continuous march. The Sikhs realised that danger was imminent Sporadic artillery fire from the British guns on the Ramnangar embankment had continued on their centre Two British columns had successfully crossed the river and threatened Their flanks and the rear. Sooner than expected, heavy Sikh artillery opened up on Thackwell’sposition; while the Sikh cavalry barred the passage of Godby’s force Thackwell’s instructions were not to engage the enemy till Godby’s brigade had joined up with him. For some time, the British guns remained silent; they opened up tardily and the desultory fire continued for two hours on both sides. But Godby could not form a junction in time, with the result thatblackwell could neither attack the enemy’s flank nor the rear. As the dusk fell, the guns on both sides became silent , and as the darkness enveloped Sadulpur, the entire Sikh army crossed over to the left bank of the river Jhelum Sher Singh’s action thus nullified the British manoeuvre ; it also made it possible for Chattar Singh’s force to join him later. The British general claimed a victory without a battle He reported a meagre loss of 40 men at Sadulpur, and claimed that the noble army under his command had upheld its tradition of valour. The Sikhs, he said, were m full retreat, leaving behind some 60 boats which bad been captured * The news of the ineffective action was received by Lord Dalhousie on 7 December at Ambala He scoffed at the Commander-in-Chief’s suggestion of firing a salute for the victory * will not do so for I do not like that sort of practice-bravado, and shall reserve salutes for real victories which this is not’. To the home authorities he complained that It was neither a 52 CU IDOL SELF LEARNING MATERIAL (SLM)

victory nor even a success, and that Gough had not complied with his instructions regarding the crossing of the Chenab. He blamed General Thackwell for lack of initiative and drive in spite of the fact that the Sikhs had suffered heavily, and finally retired in disorder “Everyone was in the act of advancing when the General ordered a halt However, notwithstanding, the eagerness of the troops and the entreaties of all who had a right to speak. General Thackwell Would not advance a yard’” Lord Gough’s “victories” of Raranagar and Sadulpur surprised military and political circles at Whitehall In both Houses of Parliament disappointment was shown at the mode in which the Punjab campaign had been opened Referring sarcastically to Gough’s “Waterloo Letter” about the action at Sadulpur, the President of the Board wrote by the Court and- home authorities against Dalhousie’s wishes, and the Commander-in-Chief acquiescence movement of a British column to support him, were highly displeasing to the Governor- General. Seeds of discord sown, by these events created further disagreements. Gough’s refusal to dismiss General Walsh for raising the ineffective siege of Multan, the christening of the army assembled at Ferozepur as “the Array of the Punjab,” and his order for moving up the Bombay Column to Multan had earned the Governor-General a sharp rebuke from the Secret committee privately to the Governor General “We have kept our thoughts to ourselves, unless indeed you think the way in which the Punjab war is mentioned m the Queen’s Speech is sufficiently indicative of our disappointment In fact, it is no wonder that all confidence In Lord Gough, if It ever was entertained, should have been entirely lost At this place, it is necessary to examine the details connected with Lord Dalhousie’s private war with his commander-m Chief Hardinge had reposed the fullest confidence m General Gough, and perhaps, his finest gesture as a soldier-statesman was his offer to serve under him at Ferozeshah and Sobraon Compared to this, Dalhousic’s treatment of the grand old veteran of the Peninsular War appears to be full of pettiness and arrogance, and charged with unnecessary petulance In this sordid affair, the conduct of Gough seems to be more dignified than that of Dalhousie Private correspondence of the two men, the Duke of Wellington and 53 CU IDOL SELF LEARNING MATERIAL (SLM)

Sir John Hobhouse, reveals that the Commander in- Chief received a shabby treatment at the hands of both the Government of India and the Home authorities. From the outset, Dalhousie had been averse to the prolongation or Gough’s command when it expired in August 1848 , and before leaving for India, he had expressed his anxiety for a new appointment to the Duke of Wellington and Lord John Russell ^ The suggestion, how- ever, had carried little weight and the British Cabinet had extended Gough’s term mainly on the recommendation of the Duke of Wellington Dalhousie had accepted the reappointment without murmur, though later on, he complained that his wishes had been ignored in the matter Such being the case, a clash of wills between the highly taciturn military commander and the equally overstrung governor-general occurred soon after the Multan affair, when Dalhousie strongly disapproved the movement of European troops by Gough to Ambala and Ferozepur mJvlay Herbert Edwardes’ valiant action at Multan and its approbation by the Court and home authorities against Dalhousie’s wishes, and the Commander-in-Chief’s acquiescence in Currie’s movement of a British column to support him, were highly displeasing to the Governor-General. Seeds of discord sown by these events created further disagreements. Gough’s refusal to dismiss General Whish for raising the ineffective siege of Multan, the christening of the army assembled at Ferozepur as “the Array of the Punjab,” and his order for moving up the Bombay Column to Multan had earned the Governor-General a sharp rebuke from the Secret committee. The breach widened with the disillusionment which came soon after the actions of Ramnagarand Sadulpur. Charging openly theCommander- in-Chief with incompclency, Dalhousie blamed him for incomplete actions and enormous losses. From that time onwards, interference in the direction of operations became open and flagrant. Relying mainly on information supplied by political officers, particularly Major Mackeson, the Governor of- General’s political agent at the Commander-in- Cbief’s headquarters, he dubbed Lord Gough’s official despatches as untruthful ‘and peremptorily forbade him to cross the Chenab. ^ Gough acquiesced, though with protests against this unwarranted interference, and complained to the home authorities and the Duke of Wellington. 54 CU IDOL SELF LEARNING MATERIAL (SLM)

2.3 CONSEQUENCES In the second Anglo-Sikh struggle the British prevailed almost in spite of themselves, and then employed the Sikhs in their very own army. General Hugh Gough’s army should were a sight to behold, even with the aid of the standards of Imperial British India, as it collected itself all through November 1848 for the march into the Punjab. The British have been going to show rebels there that their residents could not be killed with impunity and that Britannia no longer only ruled the waves but also the Punjabi province of Multan, rebellion or no rebel. Gough’s military consisted of 24,000 combating guys in four columns that protected elephant-drawn howitzers, some 3,000 cavalry, horse artillery, 18- pounders, light and heavy area batteries, bearers of every kind— and there at the pinnacle became “Paddy” Gough, clad in his famous white warfare coat that fairly beckoned enemy fire as he personally commanded 22 infantry divisions. but the next year could see the British military come near disastrous defeat in India. Not that Gough changed into ignorant of the abilities of the military he become approximately to fight. at some stage in the primary Anglo-Sikh conflict of 1845-forty six, the Sikh military, or Khalsa (“the natural”), had proved to be nicely equipped and trained in contemporary European methods. The Sikhs, with their warrior subculture, had as much guts as any of Gough’s hardened 6, four hundred ecu troops and extra than maximum of his educated indigenous ones. If the Sikhs had a weakness, it turned into the intrigue and treachery that plagued the Khalsa of that length. thanks to that, as an awful lot as his reckless aggressiveness, Gough had narrowly defeated them within the war of Sobraon. He had then marched into Lahore, in which the southern provinces had been ceded to Britain and the rest of the Punjab declared a British protectorate. From that time on the Sikhs, in particular the religious detail inside the Khalsa, waited for his or her opportunity for revenge. That possibility arrived while British officers, P.A. trucks Agnew and William Anderson, were despatched to expect governance of Multan on April 18, 1848. On the 20th the Multan is rose in rebel, killing both guys and sounding a clarion name to different Sikhs, who believed that their wonderful navy had been betrayed in preference to defeated within the first conflict. A widespread rebellion and the revival of the Khalsa in full energy loomed. 55 CU IDOL SELF LEARNING MATERIAL (SLM)

Gough, now Baron Gough, turned into no longer as impetuous as he seemed when it got here to creating war. He decided towards instant action, understanding that a renewed marketing campaign would require at the least 24,000 guys with good sized artillery assist, and people were really now not available then. past that, he did no longer wish to antagonize the Sikhs by means of sending British troops lower back into the field so soon. With success, the problem may show to be localized and containable. consequently, at the moment he left the obligation with the forces of the Sikh darbar (regent), withoutan extra than “political” help from the British. Theoretically the British were handiest ruling the use of a till Duleep Singh, the younger son of Ranjit Singh, who had united the Sikh nation into a powerful force, got here of age to count on the throne as maharaja. Few Sikhs believed the said intentions of the British, which includes Maharani Jind Kaur, Ranjit Singh’s widow. Implicated in the rebellion, she becomes shipped off to British India, which best in addition inflamed rise up passions. in the meantime, the British garrison in Lahore turned into bolstered as unrest unfold. On June 18, some eight,000 Multan is clashed at Kineri with 5,000 especially Pathan troops commanded by means of Lieutenant Herbert Edwardes, who drove them off. bolstered, he advanced toward Multan and hammered out any other victory over the rebels on July 2. Gough greeted the information with alleviation, because it in addition behind schedules the outbreak of a popular rebel. He was nevertheless unprepared and wanted to avoid committing British troops throughout that point of 12 months inside the southern Punjab, India’s freshest location. Edwardes, however, become by no means robust enough to typhoon Multan, the fortified metropolis where Alexander the splendid became gravely wounded main a comparable attack and subsequently killed each man, female and baby in reprisal. whilst Edwardes waited before the ancient walls for extra troops and big guns, however, Chuttur Singh rebelled at Hariput to the north on August 6. the forefront of troops from Lahore that Edwardes requested reached Multan on August 12, and the remainder had arrived by the 25th. through then the Punjab was a cruel oven where 56 CU IDOL SELF LEARNING MATERIAL (SLM)

guys keeled over from even modest exertion in an navy stated for exhaustive marches. at least 14 men of the thirty second (Cornwall) Regiment died of heatstroke at the march, and a hundred seventy five had been sick. With the advent of the siege educate, work commenced on the first parallel line of trenches on September 7. An attack five days later enabled the besiegers to improve 800 yards and begin digging a 2nd parallel. almost right away after that, but, a contingent of sepoys, Indian soldiers in provider to Britain abandoned to the rebels. Edwardes decided that the siege couldn't continue till the appearance of the Bombay military contingent from Sind. An extended put off regarded inevitable. Then, after 3 weeks, insurrection leader Raja Sher Singh all at once broke camp and marched away to the north along the Chenab River. nevertheless, the British failed to pass both in pursuit of him or against Multan. Troops from the darbar’s forces were frequently defecting to the rebels and most effective the Pathans, at the side of the British and Bengal army contingents, had been reliable. subsequently, on November 7, Edwardes released an attack on a few Multan batteries, which in spite of the delays proved a convincing success. Inside the intervening time, the information of Sher Singh’s abandonment of the Multan fight reached Lahore. further trouble erupted inside the Jullundur Doab and insurrection broke out inside the Bari Doab, threatening the security of the newly annexed British territory. A column turned into dispatched to address this new risk underneath Brigadier Hugh Wheeler, who rapidly occupied first the forts at RangarNagal and Morari, then at Kallanwala. by using that time, the British government in Calcutta, finally beginning to recognise the intensity of the crisis, gave Gough freedom to make severe arrangements. Gough asked that the Bengal infantry regiments be introduced up to a power of one, 000 and the cavalry to 500. The governor-fashionable, James Andrew Broun-Ramsay, 1st Marquess of Dalhousie, set off for the Punjab on October 10, after making a speech at the 5th saying that “the Sikh state has called for conflict and on my word sirs, they may have it with a vengeance,” without really conveying that message to the darbar British Sikh regency. Plainly Gough become in a few doubt as to what he became preparing to suppress—a rebellion on behalf of the in Lahore, or one in opposition to the darbar himself. At any price, darbar below Gough’s personal command the navy of the Punjab turned into now prepared. 57 CU IDOL SELF LEARNING MATERIAL (SLM)

The morale a number of the Bengal sepoys of the Indian regiments changed into lots higher than it have been at the start of the primary Sikh conflict, after they were extremely in awe of the Khalsa. This time they knew they might beat the Sikhs. Sher Singh had accrued a large rise up pressure within the north and was transferring closer to Lahore, halting at Gujranwala some 35 miles away, leaving a path of burning Muslim villages in his wake as he handed through the Rechna Doab. The British deployed a cavalry brigade to display screen him and comfortable a bridgehead over the Ravi River. They predicted Sher Singh to make a stand at Gujranwala, but after increasing his troops to a few 6,000 men and 30 guns, he withdrew rather to the Chenab River at Ramnagar. Gough took his most important frame into the Punjab on November nine, and with the aid of November 21 had focused his forces a few 8 miles from Sher Singh, most of whose guys had withdrawn throughout the Chenab. The riverbed is extraordinarily huge in this region, at a few places up to three miles. It did no longer take long for Gough to comprehend that this was no location for a cavalry operation but a best target vicinity for the fairly skilled Sikh artillery. A broken combat ensued in which the British cavalry showed real gallantry that paid off in unnecessary casualties. ultimately the Sikhs were given the last of their troops throughout the river, and the British camped at Ramnagar. The executive arrangements with British governance have been, as normal, less than best. however, the British made the satisfactory of the occasions—one account of the 2d Bengal Europeans refers to numerous cricket suits. strengthened or not, Gough was determined to move the Chenab and defeat Sher Singh. a direct attack across the moving sands of the riverbed straight into the tooth of emplaced artillery had little attraction, but he was relieved to examine that a ford were determined 8 miles distant and another one 5 miles past that. The opportunity changed into a 22-mile march to Waziribad. A column under Maj. Gen. Joseph Thackwell prompt for the closest ford at the night of November 30, but due to bad group of workers paintings it changed into diverted to Waziribad. Reconnaissance on both aspects became terrible, and by using December 3, Thackwell’s column had not made touch and turned into out of rations. when the column subsequently reached Sher Singh’s role, he had left for the Jhelum River. Thackwell sent his 58 CU IDOL SELF LEARNING MATERIAL (SLM)

cavalrymen in pursuit via the jungle us of a, wherein they discovered signs of a hasty retreat. Thackwell then halted at Heylah and waited for Gough to enroll in him. Gough, in no hurry to continue till he secured his communications lines, sooner or later crossed the Chenab on December 18, and then waited a month for extra reinforcements, understanding it would be folly to confront Sher Singh in his very sturdy role at the Jhelum. on the identical time, other operations endured round Lahore, clearing wallet of bandits and small rebellion forts. as long as the Khalsa become now not threatening Lahore, or till there had been signs that Sher Singh might be strongly strengthened, Gough should come up with the money for to wait. At Multan the welcome arrival of the Bombay military substantially increased the siege teach and the reinforcements’ exceptional also inspired the besiegers, whose British troops thought they as compared very favorably with their very own Bengalis. The Bombay navy’s local officers had been younger, and their subject and system appeared advanced. They have been truly more prepared to get to paintings with pick and spade than the Bengali sepoys. A successful initial assault was made on December 27, prior to the primary assault at the fort, which became scheduled for January 2, 1849. On December 27, a young British officer, Charles Pollard, looked up to see a massive pall of smoke, like a impolite, ink-black column, rise from Multan. A nicely-positioned mortar shell had struck the Sikh magazine, which went up in a massive explosion. The assault on January 2 scattered all but three, 000 Sikhs, who holed up within the citadel. at the 22nd, the ones remaining defenders asked phrases earlier than an attack turned into important and sooner or later surrendered. The remains of the 2 officers whose homicide had touched off the warfare had been reinterred with complete military honors. Having left a sturdy garrison, the Multan siege pressure now moved to join up with Gough at Heylah. On January 10, Gough had obtained information that Attok had fallen to Chuttur Singh, which means that he would be free to sign up for his son with Afghan reinforcements from the frontier area. on the identical time, he became experiencing issue with Sikh marketers 59 CU IDOL SELF LEARNING MATERIAL (SLM)

trying to buy off his sepoys, and he consequently decided to take the offensive earlier than being joined by reinforcements freed up through the success at Multan. The Sikhs had chosen a role with their backs to the Jhelum River. From their left within the village of Russool, their position curved through a string of villages that sat on the pinnacle of a few hills alongside the riverbank. Gough decided to aim on the village of Chillianwalla, which lay in the middle of the position about a mile away and in which there was regarded to be water, absent from the rest of the placement. From Chillianwalla, he could both halt or assault, relying on the circumstances. At the morning of January 13, the army started to develop. The terrain made for hard going, however at about noon Gough’s pressure approached a Sikh outpost, which it drove in, and the twenty fourth (2nd Warwickshire) Regiment seized a mound just past the village. Gough was properly forward and climbed up the mound, from which he should see the whole quantity of the Sikh position. He found out he had very nearly walked into a trap and as it became he was virtually devoted to a frontal attack. Gough added up his guns and opened a one-hour bombardment, hoping that could go away sufficient sunlight hours for a comply with-up infantry assault. One battery at the left flank have become closely engaged with a Sikh battery that was in a very good position to enfilade Brigadier Colin Campbell’s division when it went ahead. sooner or later, a workforce officer appeared at any other battery role that had been reduced from six to 3 guns, and ordered it to assist the first. The personnel officer turned into by no means diagnosed, and Thackwell, whose flank it changed into, denied giving such an order, but anyhow the ones extra weapons silenced the Sikh battery. As soon as that challenge became finished, Campbell’s infantry prepared to improve. The jungle in the front of Campbell become too thick for him to control both his brigades, so he joined one and left Brigadier John Pennycuick’s brigade to proceed on its personal. He thus fought the warfare as a brigade and no longer a divisional commander, and also ordered the 24th’s troops to rely strictly at the bayonet. Captain A.G. Blatchford, who was fated to 60 CU IDOL SELF LEARNING MATERIAL (SLM)

command the regiment later that day, heard Campbell say, “let it be said the twenty fourth stormed the guns without firing a shot.” The twenty fourth superior inside the center of Pennycuick’s brigade, with the 25th and 45th Bengal native Infantry (BNI) on both flank, and for a few motive its troops have been in complete get dressed with tall Albert shakos. transferring fast with élan, they left their flanking gadgets in the back of and shortly found themselves assailed from front and flanks. A Sikh counterattack forced the 24th on Chillianwalla, having lost 231 guys killed and 236 wounded, consisting of 26 officers. Pennycuick’s son, who turned into with the twenty fourth, was ultimate seen standing over his father’s body, protecting it towards the oncoming Sikhs. each native regiments have been also repulsed. Campbell’s other brigade superior with the 61st (South Gloucestershire) Regiment inside the center and the thirty sixth and forty sixth BNI at the flanks throughout a few 800 yards of greater-open though nonetheless closely forested terrain, but without artillery help, which Campbell appears to have omitted. The 61st broke cover a few 80 yards from the Sikh line and observed itself going through cavalry. Its troops halted, fired a volley and charged, capturing a number of Sikh weapons. The 36th become met and repulsed, but the forty sixth held off a counterattack by way of cavalry. The Sikhs now attacked the exposed right flank of the 61st, whose infantrymen drove them off, grew to become and repulsed a counterattack, and then wheeled left to repulse a cavalry assault. The forty sixth had held its own all alongside, and the two regiments now blended and swept alongside the Sikh line, with the 61st eventually capturing thirteen guns. To the left of Campbell turned into Maj. Gen. Sir Walter Gilbert’s division. The 29th (Worcestershire) Regiment stormed thru a cloud of grapeshot to price an entrenched Sikh infantry position and 12 cannons, whose gunners defended their prices even to the point of grabbing the assailants’ bayonets with their bare hands. For a moment it appeared the 29th become remoted as the 56th BNI was overrun by way of Sikh cavalry. The twenty ninth’s troops wheeled left and have been counterattacked from the right; wheeling again, they drove off those assailants, simplest to see cavalry coming at them from the rear, which they fought off with the aid of an abrupt about-face. The 29th then joined the thirtieth BNI and approached the Sikh line, in which they met the 31st BNI detached from its personal brigade. 61 CU IDOL SELF LEARNING MATERIAL (SLM)

All three regiments proceeded till they met Campbell coming the alternative way. The 56th had misplaced 330 infantrymen and the 30th simply underneath 300. As soon as his department was transferring, Gilbert needed to commit his energies to his right-hand brigade after the British cavalry on the far right of the line have been driven from the field in panic, the foundation of which is uncertain but whose consequences have been disastrous. The 2nd Europeans have been inside the center, with the 70th BNI at the right and the 31st on the left. The seventieth halted and formed a square so that when the 2d went forward, its troops located themselves being fired on from the rear, with Sikh cavalry preparing to rate. They faced approximately, and Gilbert coolly requested their commander: “nicely important, how are you? Do you watched you're near sufficient to provide those fellows a price?” The main answered “via all manner,” and that they rapidly overran their opponents. The veering off of the 31st created a gap in the British formation;however Gough stuffed it via ordering ahead his reserve brigade. Regardless of the rout of the British cavalry on the right and the chaotic nature of the combating in the close u. s ., Gough ought to bear in mind the struggle received now that his forces have been firmly set up within the middle of the Sikh role, and the enemy changed into starting to withdraw. Gough turned into inclined to hold his positions and strengthen the following morning. but he become persuaded to withdraw to Chillianwalla to obtain water, and delivered, “I’m damned if i can pass until all my wounded are safe.” certainly, the circulate did no longer commence until all of the surviving casualties had been located. Regrettably for Gough, his selection to withdraw allowed the Sikhs to come forward and recover all of the guns they had lost, in addition to four British ones. They—or local villagers—additionally stripped many British corpses and mutilated a few. British losses had totalled 2,331 of all ranks, but Gough acquired a remarkable ovation from his men when he toured the bivouac web page. The following 4 days have been marred via heavy rain that made all movement very hard. Gough became now determined to look ahead to reinforcements, as Sher Singh had now been joined through his father, Chuttur. The British threw up breastworks at Chillianwalla and waited. The loss of four guns and the continuing lifestyles of the Khalsa created a completely awful impact in Calcutta and London, and Gough came in for widespread criticism. there was 62 CU IDOL SELF LEARNING MATERIAL (SLM)

absolute confidence many of the men of the British and Bengali regiments, however, that the “antique guy inside the white coat” had led them to victory and would lead them there once more. Early at the morning of February four, Sher Singh evacuated Russool and retired to the southeast inside the path of Gujarat. He was organized to offer Gough war only in a defensive role and consequently in all likelihood threw away his one danger of success, on account that he knew Gough would soon be reinforced. He had, however, taken the British by means of surprise, and it became some time before Gough turned into able to follow up his tough- gained victory. Shifting up in quick tiers, Gough included the troops coming up from Multan and with the aid of the evening of February 20 changed into concentrated around Shandiwal. The guys from Multan had been in similarly proper coronary heart and had blanketed 235 miles in 18 days. The Sikhs have been drawn up some 300yards from the walled metropolis of Gujarat among two nullahs. The left one, jogging all the way down to the Chenab, had a very boggy bottom, at the same time as the nullah on the proper-hand side become dry. The British superior at 7:30 at the morning of February 21. Shortly before 9, the Sikh batteries opened fire, disclosing their positions, and Gough brought his artillery ahead to engage them. The British gunners took heavy casualties however carried out with consummate coolness and subsequently got the better in their Sikh opponents. The entire British line moved ahead, with the weapons advancing earlier than them. A youngster whose letters domestic were later posted underneath the pseudonym of “A. Subaltern” watched the massed British batteries pounding the enemy at three hundred yards and the Sikh gunners replying with “amazing spirit and precision.” Corporal John Ryder turned into less inspired with the Sikhs’ accuracy but applauded the way they “stood and defended their weapons to the final. They threw their arms round them, kissed them, and died.” As this pass changed into taking region, the Sikh cavalry deployed on each sides of the wet nullah moved ahead. the two local regiments closest to them shaped a rectangular, but they have been soon compelled away by using the British cavalry. Their techniques have been no longer to close with the Sikh riders however to preserve them at arm’s period and allow the 63 CU IDOL SELF LEARNING MATERIAL (SLM)

pony artillery to address them. at the British proper, where the infantry become drawing close the village of Choto Kalra, the Sikh cavalry additionally tried to get in on the flank however turned into driven off with the aid of artillery, permitting the 10th (North Lincolnshire) Regiment, supported by way of the eighth BNI, to hurricane the village. That brought about an opening to seem among them, and Gilbert directed his department toward the village of Bara Kalra, through which he feared the Sikhs might counterattack. The 52nd BNI turned into refused to fulfil this risk, at the same time as Gilbert ordered a reserve brigade up to fill the gap. That decision proved timely, for the reserves arrived just in time to repel a counterattack. The assault on Bara Kalra become led another time by using the second Europeans, which cleared the village after a stiff combat a few of the homes. meanwhile the thirty first BNI had suffered badly at the arms of a Sikh battery that had not been silenced. when in the end ordered forward, it stormed the battery, suffering a hundred and forty casualties. Soon after that, what became meant as the primary Sikh counterattack came down the road of the dry nullah, roughly on the junction among Gilbert’s and Campbell’s divisions. The Sikhs, but, were caught within the nullah by Campbell’s guns, suffering heavy losses, and their assault in no way certainly got going. The Sikh cavalry displayed less enthusiasm for the combat than it had at Chillianwalla. At one degree, the third (King’s own) light Dragoons pronounced that it “offered at the front” to a body of enemy cavalry as it turned into escorting a battery of six weapons and retired, drawing the Sikhs on until they were nicely inside variety of the sixtieth (King’s Royal Rifle Corps), whose troops right away swept them with rifle hearth, knocking out the gunners and permitting the third to trot ahead and spike the guns. on the proper flank, the Scinde Horse and a squadron of 9th (Queen’s) Royal Lancers charged a miles larger frame of specially Afghan horse. A fierce –minute melée ensued before the Afghans broke and were pursued thru the Sikh camp. Through 12:30 p.m., the conflict become efficiently over. A tragedy took place while some infantrymen of the 2nd Europeans joined some sepoys sitting on an ammunition limber and one among them lit his pipe. The entire celebration was blown up inside the accidental explosion. in any other case, the British and Bengali infantry superior some two miles earlier than halting, leaving the pursuit to the cavalry, which achieved that project with splendid vigor—and no mercy, for the killing of British wounded by the Sikhs at Chillianwalla gave 64 CU IDOL SELF LEARNING MATERIAL (SLM)

the British an excuse for wholesale slaughter. total British losses amounted to 766, and fifty three Sikh weapons have been captured. Pursuit operations continued till the British reached Rawalpindi on March 8, at which point the Sikhs lower back all their prisoners and negotiations began. The Khalsa, which had suffered badly at the same time as passing via Muslim villages and become out of materials, ultimately surrendered outright on March 14. As its squaddies officially marched out to lay down their fingers in the front of the British forces, some threw down their fingers and exclaimed, “Now Ranjit Singh is useless.” although the Sikhs were worn-out and hungry, their bearing become a whole lot in demand by means of British observers. While some of the Muslims seemed the British as liberators, Lord Dalhousie changed into quickly capable of record in glee of the absolute “subjection and humiliation” of the Sikhs. The Punjab was duly annexed and the British conquest of India became entire.The British received their second triumph towards the Sikhs nearly despite themselves. The high-quality of leadership became poor in any respect tiers, reconnaissance turned into weak and the cavalry, even though commonly brave, did no longer distinguish itself. Given the equivocal nature of Gough’s victory at Chillianwalla, the British government selected Sir Charles Napier to supersede him, but by the time information of that arrived Gough had given the Khalsa its decisive defeat at Gujarat. Victor or no longer, his strategies in each Sikh wars remained the problem of bitter controversy. Recalled to England, he changed into made a viscount and—for the 0.33 time—acquired the thank you of both houses of Parliament, which granted him an annual pension of two, 000 kilos. He obtained an identical pension from the East India organisation, but he saw no similarly lively provider. Colin Campbell’s performance in the Punjab had infrequently inspired confidence, either;however he went directly to more distinction in the course of the Crimean struggle in 1854, and went directly to be commander in leader at some stage in the 1857 Indian Mutiny.The Khalsa was not the pressure it have been—it contained many more irregulars than inside the First Anglo-Sikh war—and although it had again fought bravely, it had signed its death warrant. The British were no longer gradual, but, to take in the slack. nearly right now after the Khalsa became disbanded, the British raised five Sikh regiments, and in due path they might depend on the braveness and field of Punjabi troops at some stage in the Indian Mutiny and past. 65 CU IDOL SELF LEARNING MATERIAL (SLM)

2.4 ANNEXATION OF PUNJAB Raja Ranjit Singh set up an independent Sikh nation in Punjab. however, after his demise in 1839, the political turmoil and instability that visited Lahore watered the British urge for food to enlarge into the Punjab. inside the absence of any capable management, a state of affairs existed that changed into noticeably susceptible to interference from outdoor. As an end result, Anglo-Sikh wars were fought that sealed the fate of Sikh empire inside the Punjab. though very patriotic however less disciplined Sikh army could not withstand the onslaught of the British, the Punjab fell into the British hands and became annexed into the British empire in India. This annexation turned into not an isolated event but a sequel in the long chain of activities following the loss of life of Raja Ranjit Singh. It turned into, however, an indication of the planned act of wanton aggression on a part of the British in India. Marathas influence in the Punjab faded to an exquisite volume with Ahmad Shah Abdali’s invasions but the ones of Sikhs remained sturdy. Punjab made from 36 regions of which 12 have been the Sikh principalities called Misl. Ranjit Singh united 22 under his rule at the same time as the rest had been identified because the British protectorates. He concluded the Treaty of Amritsar additionally called the Treaty of Perpetual Friendship in 1809 with the agency accepting their right past Sutlej. however, after his loss of life in 1839, the political instability prevailed inside the Punjab and rapid change of governments turned into witnessed. consequently, the British started looking across the river Sutlej no matter the reality that they had signed the treaty accepting every different’s spheres. Ranjit Singh’s successors proved incapable to handle the country affairs. His son Kharak Singh become dethroned after a few months. His successor Kanwar Nau Nihal Singh additionally could not closing lengthy. In 1841, Sher Singh become set up but with the aid of that point Khalsa , the Sikh navy, had ballooned and had additionally elevated it’s have an impact on. Sher Singh couldn't move nicely with Khalsa. He changed into murdered by using an army officer. After that, Jind Kaur, the youngest widow of Ranjit Singh, became regent of her son Duleep Singh. Her brother, Jawaher Singh, became Vazir but he changed into also murdered in September during an military parade. Jind Kaur vowed publically to take revenge of her brother’s loss of life. These risky situations advocated the British to take advantage. They better their army presence on the alternative financial institution of Sutlej and also annexed Sind in 1843. as the anxiety grew, their diplomatic members of the family 66 CU IDOL SELF LEARNING MATERIAL (SLM)

were additionally broken. The business enterprise commenced transferring towards Ferozpur that changed into observed by way of Sikhs crossing the Sutlej in December 1845. An stumble upon came about at Ferozpur in which the Sikh military became routed absolutely although they confirmed high-quality courage and bravery. The treaty of Lahore was signed in March 1846. The Sikh needed to give up massive territories and an indemnity of 15 mn rupees. Failing to pay this heavy amount become to be compensated with the aid of cessation of Kashnir, Hazara, and a few other places between Indus and Beas to the business enterprise. Daleep Singh become to hold as the ruler of the Punjab and her mother as the regent. however, at request of the council the business enterprise officers signed every other treaty called the Treaty of Bhyroval. This treaty supplied the maharani a pension of 150000 but she was to get replaced with the aid of a British resident in Lahore aided by a Regency council. This gave them an effective manipulate over the authorities. HenryLawrence have become the resident however he fell unwell and left for London. He became changed by means of Sir Frederick Corrie. He followed a stiff coverage because of which the members of the family became pretty strained. As an end result, the second one Anglo-Sikh battle broke out. Sher Singh revolted at Multan on September 14, 1848. The Sikhs repelled a British attack inside the conflict of Ramnagar. The conflict persevered for someday however the very last battle came about at Gujarat wherein the Sikhs have been completely defeated and their strength become razed to ground. On March 30, Daleep Singh held his court docket for the remaining time at Lahore at which he signed away all claim to the rule of the Punjab. In this manner annexation of the Punjab turned into finished. 2.5 SUMMARY  The first major conflict during the early period of Lord Dalhousie was the Second Anglo Sikh war in 1848-49, which ended with annexation of Punjab and end of Sikh Kingdom. After the Treaty of Lahore, Sir Henry Lawrence was appointed at the Lahore Darbar to control the policies. He left England due to some disease, and in his place a lawyer named Sir Frederick Currie was appointed at the Lahore Durbar.  Sir Frederick Currie, was a legalist and a puritan, who asked the somewhat independent Governor of Multan, Diwan Mulraj to pay arrears of the taxes. When the British officers were sent at the Mulraj’s fortress, he revolted, attacked and wounded them. These wounded officers were saved by some people but the angry mob killed 67 CU IDOL SELF LEARNING MATERIAL (SLM)

them the next day. But the small army of Mul Raj was defeated, but again there was a rebellion. The war prolonged for months and Sikhs were defeated.  The whole of Punjab was annexed on 29 March 1849.  Rani Jind Kaur was imprisoned and the 11 year old Maharaja Duleep Singh was “abducted” by the British.  The Kohinoor diamond was also taken from him.  A few years later , he was later sent to England and was retired on “pension”  Now Punjab was under the British. This was a major success under Lord Dalhousie, who not only subdued the rebellions in the region, but also annexed a large territory to the British India. In next few years he had problems with the eastern neighbour Burma 2.6 KEYWORDS  Chillianwala – Place in Punjab  Sadulpur –Place in Punjab  Ramnagar – Place in Punjab  RungurMuzl – Fort in Punjab 2.7LEARNING ACTIVITY 1. What happened at Ramnagar battle? ___________________________________________________________________________ ___________________________________________________________________________ 2. What happened at Chillianwala battle? ___________________________________________________________________________ ___________________________________________________________________________ 2.8UNIT END QUESTIONS A. Descriptive Questions 68 Short Questions 1.Write about the causes of 2ndSikh war. 2. Discuss about annexation of Punjab. CU IDOL SELF LEARNING MATERIAL (SLM)

3. What was the aftermath of 1st Anglo Sikh war? 4. Write about battle of kinyeri. 5.Write about battle of suddusain. Long questions 1. What was the background of 2nd Anglo Sikh war. 2. Write about Multan rebellion. 3. Discuss siege of Multan. 4. Discuss about Lahore rebellion. 5. Discuss the aftermath of the war B. Multiple Choice Questions 1.Maharaja Ranjit Singh at the age of ten, took part in campaign of __________ along with his father. a. Sadhaura b. Sirhaind c. Ghuram d. Sohdrah 2.The Treaty of Lahore was signed between the Sikhs and the British in India in the year. a. 1.1836 b. 1846 c. 3.1856 d. 1866 1. Which of the following battle was won by Maharaja Ranjit Singh without fighting? a. Battle of Multan b. Battle of Lahore c. Battle of Bhasin d. Battle of Kasur 4.The ruler who founded the Sikh Kingdom by uniting the various Sikh Misls was 69 CU IDOL SELF LEARNING MATERIAL (SLM)

a. Ranjit Singh b. khadakSingh c. dildaarSingh d.manpreetSingh Answers 1-d, 2-b, 3-c, 4-a, 2.9 REFERENCES Reference Books  Ganda Singh, Private Correspondence Relating to the AngIo-Sikh Wars. Amritsar, 1955  The British Occupation of the Punjab. Patiala, 1956  Cook, H.C.B., The Sikh Wars 1845-49. Delhi, 1975  Gough, Sir C. and A.D. Innes, The Sikhs and the Sikh Wars. London, 1897  Burton, R.G., The First and the Second Sikh Wars. Simla, 1911  Cunningham, Joseph Davey, A History of the Sikhs from the Origin of the Nation to the Battles of the Sutlej. London, 1849  Khushwant Singh, A History of the Sikhs, vol. 2. Princeton 1966 Website  https://www.britannica.com/event/Second-Sikh-War  https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=5eSuqXlKjgs 70 CU IDOL SELF LEARNING MATERIAL (SLM)

UNIT3 - BRITISH POLICY STRUCTURE 3.0 Learning Objective 3.1 Introduction 3.2 Army 3.3 Agriculture 3.4 Industry 3.5 Trade And Commerce 3.6 Summary 3.7 Keywords 3.8 Learning Activity 3.9 Unit End Questions 3.10 References 3.0LEARING OBJECTIVE After studying this unit, you will be able to:  State the Army and AgricultureDefinition  Explain the Industry  Outline the Trade and Commerce 3.1 INTRODUCTION When the British annexed the Sikh kingdom of the Punjab in 1849, they already ruled most of the subcontinent. From the mid-eighteenth century onwards, the East India Company had transformed itself from a trading monopoly to a territorial ruler. It had created well-established systems of political control which were financed by its efficient land revenue administration. In Madras this was based on the encouragement of peasant proprietors, in Bengal on the protection of the zamindars. Yet within a few years, the Punjab was regarded as India’s model agricultural province.1 Service in the Punjab Commission of the Indian Civil Service was so attractive that special rules had to be introduced to prevent it creaming off the ablest administrators. The Punjab’s esteem in the colonial authorities’ eyes rested on the loyalty and prosperity of its cultivators. The former characteristic ensured that 71 CU IDOL SELF LEARNING MATERIAL (SLM)

‘troublesome’ nationalist agitators were kept at bay; the latter was an eloquent testament to the British ability to do good to their Indian subjects. The requirements of political stability and agricultural development were not, however, as easily reconciled as the self- congratulatory official colonist discourse allowed. This paper examines the contradictions between order and transformation which lay at the heart of the imperial enterprise in Punjab with respect firstly, to ownership and transfer of land, secondly, to agrarian development and social engineering, and thirdly, to customary law. Before turning to these areas, it is necessary to examine the background to the conflicting claims of order and transformation in the Punjab’s colonial discourse. 3.2 ARMY Owing to various internal and external dynamics, Punjab emerged as a garrison and more militarized state of British Empire in India. With the annexation of Punjab in 1849, the British Empire had started sharing boundaries with the Tzarist Russian Empire, in Afghanistan. Talbot (198) has pointed out that after the annexation, Punjab had become part of the ‘Great Game,ʹ1 as threats of Russian expansion through Central Asia alarmed the British. In context of the threat of invasion from expansion of the Russian empire towards the Indian subcontinent, the British established a strong military infrastructure in Punjab in the mid of 19th century, in order to annex and guard its Afghan border to foil the Russia’s eastward and southward expansion through Central Asia. During the 19th century, The Russian Empire emerged to rival the British as a major international power. Russia had been moving toward the British Indian Empire, and vice versa, leading to the fierce competition that is often called the ‘Great Game.’ The start of this conflict is generally considered to have taken place on 12 January 1830, when Edward Law, Earl of Ellen borough (1790-1871), President of the Board of Control for India, asked Governor-General Lord William Bentinck (1774- 1839) to establish a new trade route to the Emirate of Bukhara, in Central Asia. Britain sought by this move to protect both India and their maritime trade routes and ports. The Learning Objective was to secure control of Afghanistan and to use the Ottoman Empire, the Persian Empire, the Khanate of Khiva, and the Emirate of Bukhara as buffer states to block Russia from gaining a port on the Persian Gulf or the Indian Ocean. Russia was suspicious of these commercial and strategic maneuvers toward the Central Asia, while Britain was apprehensive of Russia’s plays to incorporate India- Britain’s “Crown Jewel”- into its vast empire. 72 CU IDOL SELF LEARNING MATERIAL (SLM)

The mutual suspicious resulted in an atmosphere of distrust and the constant threat of war between the two empires, which in turn affected the British Indian Army. Yong (2005) has argued that the geostrategic location amidst fear of Russian attack had made Punjab one of the most militarized provinces of British India, to the extent of becoming the headquarters of the British Indian Army and its most significant and fertile recruitment ground. Punjab thus emerged as a strategic frontier of the British Empire to contain the Russian expansion towards the Indian subcontinent. These were the strategic concerns that compelled the British Indian Empire to restructure its recruitment policies towards Punjab. Verma (2008) noted that this status of Punjab led to the rather cynical name of “Arms-Pile of the Raj.” During the 1857 mutiny in the Central India, Punjab has fought for the British side. The British Empire appreciated Punjabis for their fearless fighting to suppress the mutiny. Cohen (1995:71) noted the outcome that the British punished the rebels and rewarded the loyalists. Khawaja (2012) argued that the British Indian army accorded Punjabi fighters priority in their recruitment policy owing to the perception of their superior adaptation to the harsh conditions of the turbulent frontiers. Soherwordi (2010) has argued that the 1857 mutiny compelled the British Indian government to restructure its recruitment policy towards Punjab. According to his view, the 1857 mutiny shifted the recruitment ground of the British Indian Army from Bengal to Punjab and NWFP (North-West Frontier Province) of the Subcontinent. Moreover, In the aftermath of the Sepoy mutiny, discontent had spread among people and soldiers alike,other states such as Bihar, Bengal, Uttar Pradesh, Delhi and part of Madhya Pradesh, so that they were no longer regarded as fit for recruitment. This shift is the reason that the period from 1857 to 1914 often referred to as ‘the Punjabization of the Indian Army.’ One study, entitled “Migration, Mobility and Multiple Affiliations,” by Rajan, Varghese, and Nanda (2016), points out that the British had divided Indian ethnic groups into two categories: Martial and Non-Martial. Jats, Awans, Gujjars, Balochs, Gurkhas, Pashtuns/Pathans andRajputs were identified in the first category, with Punjabi people were regarded as the most martial among them. Priority accorded to these “races” in theIndian army led to accusations of ‘divide and rule’ by the British army officials. The British army’s senior officers believed that these communities were better and braver soldiers and thus more suitable for the army services. As a result, by the first half of the twentieth century, the army was dominated by the soldiers from the North and Northwest of India. It was not only that the Raj considered them the 73 CU IDOL SELF LEARNING MATERIAL (SLM)

prime “martial race.” Many Punjabis chose to enlist in the army for their own reasons, leading to increased numbers of Punjabis in the British Indian army (Soherwordi, 2010). Punjabi soldiers continued to play an important role during World War I. Although Sikhs were a minority community in India, they had figured prominently in the British Indian Army, serving in disproportionate numbers compared to Muslim and Hindu soldiers from Punjab. Holland (2005), in his work entitled “How Europe is indebted to the Sikhs,” argued that it was their Guru who taught them to live with conviction and to sacrifice their lives, even for humanitarian causes. Sikh people set their minds to live or die for conviction and truth and to win the battle even by losing their lives. Thus, if Gurus were great, their Sikhs were equally so. This devotion earned for Sikhs the title of ʹthe finest soldiers of the world.ʹ Historically, after farming, military service had been the most popular career among Punjabis in general and Sikhs in particular. When the British government took over the East India Company, the structure of all the three armies was entirely changed. In August 1858, the British Government had introduced a major shift in their organizational setup. For such drastic changes, the Peel Commission (1859) and the Eden Commission (1879) had stressed the need to maintain a disciplined, professional and loyal army. The Bengal presidency had recruited its soldiers mainly from among high- caste Rajputs and Brahmans, with a majority of recruitment from the Purabiya region of Avadh and Bihar. Unlike the Bengal regiment, the Madras army had recruited locally and not from the higher castes. A similar situation had prevailed in thepresidency of Bombay, whose army had included Eurasians and Jews. Majumdar (2003) has claimed that during the mid of 19th century, recruitment of low-caste people was prohibited in the Bengal Army. Therefore, the Bengal Army comprised only high-caste people, whereas constituency of the armies of other two presidencies, Madras and Bombay, stood in sharp contrast with regard to caste of recruits. The armies of these two presidencies were recruited from the local people, with the main selection criteria being caste-neutral. The system of British political control in Punjab was predicated upon collaboration and patron-client ties. This was in tune with historical and cultural realities and was bound to yield loyal peasantry and soldiery. Mutual beneficence and reciprocity was the essence and spirit of the system. Any alteration in the relationship would upset the equation of mutual 74 CU IDOL SELF LEARNING MATERIAL (SLM)

beneficence thus jeopardising the political system. There is no doubt that the colonial notions of loyal and contented Punjabi peasantry can be taken on the face-value as the peasantry was loyal to the cores of their hearts. They considered the British rule as benevolent. But this loyalism was to be safeguarded by the British not only from extraneous influences but also by preserving the terms of relationship on which the system of political control was based. The article demonstrates that the system got severe jolts by the problem of land alienation and at the time of colony disturbances of 1907. At times the British gotapprehensive and restless about the Punjabi loyalism. However, when they restored the confidence of the peasantry by enacting Land Alienation Act of 1900 and Colonisation of Government Land Act 1912 all disturbances subsided and the British could, once more, count on Punjabi loyalism. Punjab’s unprecedented contribution to war effort during the First World War was a proof of this. Moreover, the troops from Punjab were more loyal and effective as compared to troops recruited from elsewhere in India. Bulks of these troops were recruited by the leading collaborators of the province. They mostly came from their tenants and lesser kinsfolk. Their allegiance and loyalty was unquestionable. Dissent was limited and localised. The isolated cases of minor revolts cannot be invoked to call in question the loyalty of Punjabi soldiery. While thinking along with the existing scholarship, the article maintains that maintaining order and stability in Punjab was of crucial strategic importance for he Raj. The system of collaboration played a key role in maintaining political control and recruiting martial races into the colonial Indian Army. Political stability was essential to deal with internal and external threats and preserve the prosperity of the province. The British province of Punjab acquired new significance when it became a home for the Indian army in the 1880s. Collaboration provided this needed stability and facilitated the British in army recruitment. Moreover, the government exercised its control through laws and legislation, which were hitherto alien to Punjabi society. The ‘Punjabisation’ of the Indian Army from the 1880s onwards resulted from the fear of Russian expansion and the ‘loyalism’ of the Punjab elites during 1857 mutiny. The emerging western ideology of ‘social Darwinism’ provided an intellectual underpinning for the martial races theory. This was internalised by sections of Punjabi society as it helped them maintain ‘traditional’ lifestyles encoded by notions of izzat. The Punjabisation of the army was 75 CU IDOL SELF LEARNING MATERIAL (SLM)

contemporaneous with Canal Colony development. The two processes strengthened each other. Loyalism was secured in the colony areas by land grants to martial castes and military contractors, while areas were set aside for providing mules and remounts for the army. Despite the disturbances in 1907 and in the wake of the First World War, the loyalism of the key elites remained intact. Their material self-interests coincided with those of the colonial administration. Both Congress and later the Muslim League were as a result side-lined. The Congress had the further handicap of being associated with the money lending class. This sought to make inroads into land ownership once there was a private property in land. Increasing peasant indebtedness also assisted this process. The colonial state had to abandon laissez faire economic principles to limit this potentially politically damaging process by means of the Land Alienation Act of 1900. The measure institutionalised the differences between the so-calledagricultural and non-agricultural castes and structured Punjab politics until almost the eve of the British departure. The 1857 Mutiny or the War of Independence was a major upheaval for the colonial masters. From the military’s point of view, the main responsible factor in the outbreak of the mutiny was the Bengali soldier. His ethnic majority in the Indian Army and his defiance resulted in a war between the Indian soldiers on the one hand and the British troops and their loyalists, such as Punjabis, on the other. Therefore, the British military policy needed a structural overhauling, a well-organised, and systematic and planned British Indian Army. But for the British, the recruitment strategy needed a major shift from the defiant Bengalis to the loyalist Punjabis. Hence, recruitment from 1857 onwards shifted to the North and North Western regions of India (Present–day Pakistan) at the expense of other regions, especially Bengal. As a result, during the first half of the twentieth century the army was dominated by the soldiers from the North and North West of India. Gurkhas from Nepal, the Punjabis and the Pathans were preferred. The number of Punjabis increased gradually. The main ‘martial races’ of the west Punjab recruited were the Tiwanas, Noons, Gakkhars, Janguas, Awans, Baluchis, Khattars, Khokhars, and Sials. The British Army’s senior officers believed that certain classes and communities in India were warrior races – Martial Races. Such classes and communities were believed to prove better and braver soldiers and to be more suitable for army service. The Eden Commission 76 CU IDOL SELF LEARNING MATERIAL (SLM)

reported in 1879 that the Punjab was the ‘home of the most martial races of India’ and that it was ‘the nursery’ of the best soldiers. Michael O’Dwyer, who was the governor of Punjab at the time of the fatefulJallianwala Bagh massacre, endorsed the praise and appreciation of the Punjabi soldier expressed by such authorities as Lords Roberts and Kitchener. He said that their argument “was ... irrefutable ... that if India could only afford a small army of seventy- five thousand British (now reduced to under 60,000) and one hundred and sixty thousand Indian troops for the protection of a subcontinent of over 300 millions of people, it would be unwise to take any but the best Indian material and this was to be found mainly in the Punjab”. The martial race theory helped to bring about an end to the Peel Commission recommendation that ‘the (regional) armies must balance each other’. According to Field Marshal Frederick Sleigh Roberts, the so-called ‘balance’ was discarded in the 1880s. The Mutiny brought about a search for a martial race which would not turn against the British once again. The crux of the matter of the ‘martial race theory’ was that some races were superior to others. All natives were not equal in soldierly qualities. Roberts boldly asserted that ‘no comparison can be made between the martial values of a regiment recruited amongst the Ghurkhas of Nepal or the warlike races of Northern India (Punjab and NWFP), and those recruited from the effeminate peoples of the South’.36 The Punjab’s population accounted for less than 10% of British India,37 but contributed over half the entire Indian army. The British accommodated communities like Punjabis and Pakhtoons in the Army more than others. It was the beginning of establishing the trend whereby the future security and strategy of the subcontinent would be concentrated in the Punjab and not in Delhi, the capital of the subcontinent. The reasons for the British tilt towards Punjabis were further substantiated by the perceived Russian threat to the British Empire. The second half of the nineteenth century witnessed a security and strategic peril from the North West – the Russian threat to North-Western India. The Russian Empire expanded in Central Asia, and, by 1850, it was about a thousand miles from the British Indian Empire.38 Rather soon, it had to touch the tribal belt of NWFP, thus making Afghanistan a buffer between the two empires. Keeping Russians out of Afghanistan, or extending British influence over it, became a principle of British foreign policy. The policy became more assertive after Lord Lytton arrived in India as viceroy in April 1876. ‘The British had already fought two wars with Afghanistan and expected a third in which there 77 CU IDOL SELF LEARNING MATERIAL (SLM)

might also possibly be Russian involvement’.41 According to Field Marshal Roberts, the presence of a ‘European army near our frontiers’ had ‘completely changed’ the position.42 Thus more focus was given to filling the deficiencies in the Indian Army by concentrating on recruitment from the areas closer to these borders, namely the Punjab. If the British needed the Punjabis’ loyalty in the post-Mutiny period, the Punjabis, for the solution of their personal financial problems, also needed the British. The personal economy of the peasantry contributed greatly to military recruitment from the Punjab. The availability of man-power, but no jobs, was an imbalanced equation in the region’s economy. It was an agrarian land, but due to shortage of water, soil fertility, erratic rainfall, and shortage of personal finances, the common peasant was facing acute poverty. The memories of the famines of 1753, 1759 and 1783 were still haunting the people. In the meantime, the struggle between Sikhs, Afghans and Mahrattas in the Punjab had further aggravated the situation. The desolation which Ahmed Shah’s army carried out on its route was expressed by the saying that was still current throughout Punjab: ‘What one eats and drinks is one’s own; the rest is Ahmed Shah’s’. During the ‘great famine’ of 1783, the country was depopulated, the peasants abandoned their villages and died of disease and want in thousands; the state of anarchy was almost inconceivable. So many died of starvation that ‘bodies were thrown into wells unburied, mothers cast their children into rivers, and even cannibalism is said to have been restored’.45 I n the circumstances, armyservice was a blessing in disguise. It provided them with an alternative to agricultural income. These peasants-turned-soldiers who until now were malnourished, under-paid and maltreated by the rich feudal class were more committed, hardworking, disciplined, and willing to take assignments with more rigor and vigour. The army provided everything: salary, uniform and prestige, as they were working directly with the colonial masters. A large number of them came from the salt range and the Potwar (Potohar) regions of Northern Punjab (especially the districts of Jehlum, Rawalpindi, and Attock) and the adjoining region of NWFP where the peasants were also facing serious economic problems.46 Indeed, military service provided a guaranteed salary while the peasant class working in the fields was faced with poverty and an uncertain source of income. The new recruitment policy aimed at exploiting the socio-economic life of the Punjab. As a result, the Raj concentrated more on the rural population and discouraged the urban and town-city dwellers. Recruitment focus on rural population was another lesson learnt from the 1857 Uprising. 78 CU IDOL SELF LEARNING MATERIAL (SLM)

The Punjab was the first province where an Act restricting land transfers was introduced. It was called the ‘Punjab Alienation of Land Act’.47 Its aim was to prevent the money-lender from exploiting the cultivator. To gain the support of the peasantry, several other legislative measures were also passed. The cultivator in the Punjab was undergoing great hardships owing to the exploitation of the money-lender. It was true, therefore, that the peasant should get some relief. The Act limited the transfer of landed property only among the agricultural classes.48 Moreover, now the peasant could not be evicted by a civil court without the intervention of the revenue authorities.The Act had a three-pronged effect: it restored confidence in the British and encouraged peasants to join their ranks; the non-agricultural class was forced to join the armed forces to save their prestige, while even the landowning class sent their sons to join the British Army.50 If they already enjoyed a high eminence in the society, military service granted them a more certain way of keeping their social status. Granting rewards in return for loyalty was a very traditional and old tool of British domestic and international policy. This contrivance was applied in the North. Those who joined the British Indian Army were previously peasants. For them the best and the biggest reward was the allotment of land. The British used to allocate land to the soldiers in return for loyalty, gallantry, and on their retirement. Such land awards made the army service an attractive profession amongst the peasant-soldiers. It improved their socio-economic status. The policy of granting agrarian land as a reward for military service also encouraged recruitment. The British Indian government began construction of a new work of canals, their branches and distributaries in the plains of the Western Punjab. This process was initiated in 1885 and continued intermittently until the end of the British rule, during which period large tracts inhabited by semi-nomadic peoples were brought under cultivation. There were nine such areas, called the Canal Colonies, where land with sufficient canal water became available. The British Indian government distributed this land mainly on political considerations, that is, to reward people and communities for services to the Raj. Substantial tracts of the colony lands were allotted to ex-servicemen, both officers and other ranks, which enhanced the attraction of army service for peasants. Land was also granted for keeping breeding horses, camels, and other animals for the supply to the army and taking care of them. Substantial allotments of land were made to the veterans of World War I. No other field of work was pledging such a great return in the North than joining the Army. 79 CU IDOL SELF LEARNING MATERIAL (SLM)

The events of 1857 were unforgettable for the British Officers. The South Indian soldiers (the Bengal army) were in the forefront in the mutiny. The Punjab had no such quarrel with the British. Rather the British were grateful to the Punjabis for their role in suppressing the rebellion. As a result, the Bengal Army was gradually replaced. One lesson learnt from the mutiny was the danger of allowing any one part of the army to attain a vastly preponderating strength over others. The Mutiny was the Bengal Army’s ‘homogeneous’ ‘fusion into one huge body of soldiers’. Accordingly, ‘the post-mutiny Bengal Army was reconstituted in practically two separate bodies: one comprising the old Hindustani element; and the other carved out of the Punjabi levies which had been raised to put down and overpower the mutinous Bengal sepoys’. However, the regional recruitment shift was about to repeat the same mistake that was committed in the Bengal army – a vast homogeneous fusion of soldiers of the Punjab. Therefore, to avoid repetition of the Bengal of 1857, the British divided the Punjab. In 1901, the Viceroy Lord Curzon, adopting and modifying an idea of Lord Lytton, created North- West Frontier Province out of the Punjab. The NWFP was administered by a Chief Commissioner with headquarters at Peshawar who was responsible directly to the Government of India. The post-Mutiny period saw distinct parts of the Bengal Army (Hindustani and Punjabi) coming gradually into closer contact with each other. The Hindustani regiments were distributed over the whole Presidency, and the Punjab regiments were employed in Bengal and the North Western Provinces. This practice was opposed to the policy that insisted on the importance of keeping each part of the army in its own country during peacetime. Military service not too remote from his home was much more popular with the sepoy than service at a distance and in a climate to which he was unaccustomed. The policy had deeper roots in the divide and rule principle than anything else. ‘If troops were brought together in peacetime, class feeling and esprit de corps would become stronger than natural race antagonisms; whereas if the two classes were kept apart, then, should one of them show signs of wavering in its loyalty, the other might of trusted to come in as a foreign and to a certain extent antagonistic body, and over awe it, as happened in the mutiny, which the Punjab troops so effectively assisted the British troops in putting down’. Until then, principles of segregation had been more carefully observed. Similarly, the Hindustani and the Punjabi troops ‘chiefly served within the areas which embraced their recruiting grounds’. 80 CU IDOL SELF LEARNING MATERIAL (SLM)

In 1857, the Punjabis constituted about 44% of the Bengal Army and the Punjab Frontier Force, but only a quarter of the entire Armed forces. By June 1858, of the total 80,000 ‘native’ troops in the Bengal army, 75,000 were Punjabis. In 1893, the Punjab, which also included the NWFP until 1901 and Nepal, formed 44% of the entire Indian Armed Forces. This further increased to 57% in 1904.63 This is the point where one can see a sharp under- representation of other regions. The other castes and classes, as well as areas, were practically ignored in the new army recruitment policy adopted in the post-1857 period. So much so that in 1929, 62% of the whole Indian Army was Punjabi.64 Now the chemistry of conscription was such that, in Bengal, there were 7117 combatant recruits out of a total population of 45 million; whereas Punjab offered 349689 out of a total population of 20 million. One out of 28 males was mobilised in Punjab66; this ratio was one to 150 in the rest of India. At the outbreak of the First World War, there were 100,000 Punjabis serving in the army, of whom 87,000 were combatants. 380,000 were enlisted during the war, of which 231,000 were combatants. This made a total of 480,000 who served from the Punjab. According to another estimate, the Punjab supplied 54% of the total combatant troops in the Indian army during the First World War and, if the 19,000 Gurkhas recruited from the Independent State of Nepal was excluded; the Punjab contingent amounted to 62% of the whole Indian Army.6 Punjabis fought in nearly all arenas of the [first] Great War: France and Belgium, Gallipoli and Salonika, Aden and the Persian Gulf, Mesopotamia, Egypt, East Africa, North China. They were exposed to a new and different world beyond their cloistered village. They saw lands and technological advances that they had never envisioned. Their perspective was enlarged. This opened them to a new world, one greater than and different from the peasantry class under the Zamindar (landholder) of their villages. They saw Western civilisation more closely during their service in Europe. The colonial master also showed himself more splendidly in London. Peasant-soldiers were impressed by the magnificent civic life of London and Paris. Their interaction with the educated class, especially women, led them to reflect on the comparisons between the life of a woman in Europe and in their respective villages in the Punjab. 81 CU IDOL SELF LEARNING MATERIAL (SLM)

3.3 AGRICULTURE On 29thMarch 1849, Lord Dalhousie succeeded in finally gaining control over Punjab. Upon annexation, the administration of Punjab was placed in the hands of an administrative board appointed by Lord Dalhousie. It comprised of three members namely the brother duo of Henry Lawrence and John Lawrence and Charles Mansel. Henry Lawrence was the chairperson of the Board, as post the first Anglo-Sikh war he had worked as the British Resident in Lahore Darbar. He possessed a great amount of experience in the affairs of Punjab and was also popular among the Sikhs. Departments were also distributed among the three members of the Board. Henry Lawrence had the responsibilities of political and military affairs. John Lawrence undertook the responsibilities of land revenue and financial departments and Charles Mansel supervised the judicial system. Lord Dalhousie had chosen the best available officers in the region of Punjab for helping the board. These officers were often selected from the army and civil administration. Punjab was a non-regulating state which meant that rules and regulations of any other state were not implemented in the Punjab. The board was bound to give importance to local laws and traditions and frame policies around them. Another prominent feature of the Board of Administration was the division of work and common responsibility simultaneously. The three members of the board were independently responsible for the departments allotted to them but were collectively responsible for the smooth functioning of the whole administrative system in the state. For the British government, the primary issue was the fact that after the annexation of Punjab the conditions were not in their favour. They had some crucial matters to deal with such as disarming the Sikhs, to establish a new administrate structure and form new policies and rules. However, most importantly they wanted to increase the revenue of the government. The first change came in the form of administrative restructuring. The geographic area of Punjab was quite large and in order to run the administration effectively the Punjab province was divided into seven divisions or commissionaires in a systematic way. The highest ranking officer of the province committee was called the Commissioner. Each commissionary was further divided into districts. The chief officer of the district was called Deputy Commissioner and was assisted by some additional commissioners. These districts were further divided into tehsils. The tehsil was under the charge of a Tehsildar and a 82 CU IDOL SELF LEARNING MATERIAL (SLM)

Niabtehsildar. Tehsildar held the power of the revenue and the judiciary services. Tehsils were further divided into the Zails. Every Zail was made up of approximately 10 to 30 villages. These zails were under the control of Zaildars. Zaildar designation was comparatively new for the Punjab local administration. It reflected the importance the British attached to securing the support of the rural notables. The British appointed Zaildar who had influence over the local people. They also acted as an honorary police officer and was in charge of the village police force. A higher political structure was established by the East India Company to accomplish their interests in the region. The main objective of colonial government lied within the exploitation of colony’s people and their resources. The government formulated the economic policies which served the interests of only the colonial government. In the context of Punjab, the role of the government increased significantly in the revenue system due to certain factors such as Punjab being a major producer of raw material in the form of crops. As the region was extremely fertile, the production was in significant quantities and constituted a major supply source for the industries in Britain. This new economic and administrative framework played a significant role in changing and reshaping the social and economic structure of the Punjab society. The combined change occurred in Punjab due to the changes in therevenue system, agricultural policy and due to creation of canal colonies. Due to these polices we see the emergence of new classes as it stretched the gap between the rich and the poor even more. The people of Punjab went on to face the negative as well as the positive impacts of those policies for the century to come. While retaining its primary agrarian character, the economy of Punjab did undergo certain significant changes in the early years of the British rule. The new policy introduced the concept of ownership of land to the individuals along with the right to its sale and purchase, fixation of land revenue, commercialization of agriculture, and change in mode of payment of land revenue in cash only within a specific period of time. The other major factors responsible for the change were the construction of canals in Punjab and creation of railway network all over India. The British took various steps to boost agricultural yield in Punjab as they were well aware of Punjab’s capacity as an agricultural state, and a great number of the land revenue payers were farmers. Hence, John Lawrence took certain steps towards agricultural policy which focused solely on increasing land revenue. Since agriculture in Punjab was prone tofamines, and a few areas were barren, the British introduced the various systems of irrigation. To tackle both these problems simultaneously, canal systems were 83 CU IDOL SELF LEARNING MATERIAL (SLM)

introduced in Punjab to improve the conditions of agriculture. They introduced new crops like potato, new seeds of cotton, sugar cane and English fruit and vegetables too. To inspire the farmers, they rewarded those who were ready to experiment. At the same time England was undergoing industrial revolution and the demand for raw material was very high. The company wished to harness the agricultural potential of Punjab to export the raw material to Britain to feed the ever-growing demand of the industry. They introduced new policies like the commercialization of agriculture. Under this policy, agricultural produce including cash crops for sale purpose as well as the economy was made currency-centric contrary to the old barter systems that operated in Punjab before the introduction of these policies. Cultivation of only those crops was encouraged which were required in the industries back in England. Therefore, through land revenue and agricultural policies, conditions were created to fulfil the economic interests of England through the exploitation of agricultural sector of Punjab. In the case of Land Revenue, the British replaced the existing system with their own. Maharaja Ranjit Singh adopted different methods of assessment of land revenue. In the ‘batai system’ assessment was made after the harvesting of crop. ‘Kankaut system’ is another example which was introduced in1824. In this method assessment was made on standing crop. Apart from these, a few other methods were also used to collect the land revenue. They obtained a fix part of crop in the form of produce. However, during famines and droughts the land revenue was decreased and the farmers were not bound to give land revenue in the form of cash. These methods like any other had both positive and negative aspects. However, the colonial government’s land revenue was imposed in the form of fixed cash assessment, which was paid annually and did not depend on the crop and its yield. It brought hardships specifically for people who were not able tosave over the year, Hence in places, especially in riverside and rain deficit regions assessment was done by cash acreage rateso that the revenue could fluctuate as per the crop yield. In the latter case, at the time frame when the prices were low, one-sixth portion of the gross produce was taken as the fair standard of the assessment. However, over the years this changed too as the rules for assessment came in 1873. From that point on, the revenue was assessed on the net produce rather than the gross assets in a way that people were to pay ‘one-half of the estimated value of the net produce ordinarily received by the landlord in money or in kind’’. The taxes paid in cash in the form of rent were direct and without feud but in cases of kind-rents, it was a bit tricky as it was estimated after an elaborate and uncertain calculation of the prices and yield, etc. 84 CU IDOL SELF LEARNING MATERIAL (SLM)

The change in economic and social processes started from this revenue policy. Earlier, the land revenue was paid in the form of grains, a part from their cropproduce but under the British rule they were coerced to pay in cash. Unlike before, now they sold their crops to the moneylenders for cash, which they deposited in the form of land revenue. As the moneylenders used to buy the crops of the peasants at low prices, rendering them unable to pay the revenue completely, in time the trend of borrowing began to take shape. Left with limited funds, the farmers were forced to borrow money from the money-lenders in order to pay the revenues. However, as the rates of produce remained low over the years, the borrowing continued and as a result a great number of the agricultural fields ultimately became the property of the money-lenders since farmers were unable to repay the loan and went bankrupt. The same scenario can be observed in the case of raw materials. The raw material was purchased at extremely low prices as everyonewas encouraged to grow the same crop. This created a glut of supply against demand and prices of cash crops continued to fall over a period of time. As a result of the aforementioned factors, farmers were not able to sustain themselves and paying the rent was out of question. The Government controlled the tenants through legislation and formulated rule and regulation like the unrestricted right to buy and sell land. The settlement officers conferred the ‘occupancy tenancy right’ to those resident cultivators who had been holding the same job for twelve years and for non-residents the decided time period was twenty years. This new principal of ‘occupancy tenancy’ right was a novelty in Punjab as the peasant proprietors were not willing to accept it. They wanted to recognize the occupancy rights of the tenants as well. In the early days of the English rule, the price of agricultural produce was low and labour workers were also scarce so the proprietors were happy to get cultivators to share their burden of revenue demand. A few other factors also impacted the relation between various sections of the village society. Learning from previous experiences, the British administrators lowered their revenue demand and fixed it for a long time period. This meant that the agricultural surplus would now be a part of farmers’ income. Increase in the means of communication gave a market to this agricultural surplus. As a result, the market value of produce steadily increased with increased demand and there was an incentive to bring more land under cultivation. 85 CU IDOL SELF LEARNING MATERIAL (SLM)

3.4 INDUSTRY The closing decades of the nineteenth century saw the colonial strategic imperative of rural stability and order in Punjab threatened by the transformation arising from the commercialisation of the region’s agriculture. From the 1860s onwards, agricultural prices and land values soared in the Punjab. This stemmed from the ending of political insecurity and vastly improved communications and canals. New cash crops such as wheat, tobacco, sugar cane and cotton were introduced. By the 1920s, Punjab produced a tenth of British India’s total cotton crop and a third of its wheat. Wheat, which had previously rotted whenever a bumper crop had occurred, was exported in vast quantities via the new railway network. Whilst other regions such as Bengal, Bihar and Orissa were experiencing a growing agricultural crisis, the Punjab had emerged as the pace-setter of Indian agricultural development. Per capita output of all its crops increased by nearly 45 per cent between 1891 and 1921.7 This rapid agricultural transformation threatened rural order as it was accompanied by indebtedness. Improvident farmers took advantage of easy credit to finance conspicuous consumption, especially in terms of wedding costs. A revolution in landholding was threatened as urban moneylenders used the British legal system to foreclose debts of mortgaged land. Land began to pass into the moneylenders’ hands at alarming rate, particularly in the backward Muzaffagarh and Dera Ghazi Khan frontier regions of Punjab. British officials such as S.S. Thorburn, the Deputy Commissioner of Dera Ghazi Khan, in his famous tract, Musalmans and Money-lenders in the Punjab, warned of the possibilities of unrest as land passed into the hands of absentee moneylenders. Such anxieties were encapsulated in the following Revenue Department ‘Note on Land Transfer’ penned in October 1895. It is essential on the one hand that the management of the villages should be in the hands of men who possess the confidence of the villagers, and it is equally essential on the other that if the executive is to be obeyed and its objects rightly understood, there should be a class of men intermediate between the Government and the mass of the people who, while trusted by government, should have influence over their neighbours. In this respect the moneylender can never take the place of the large ancestral landlord or the substantial yeomen whom he dispossesses. 86 CU IDOL SELF LEARNING MATERIAL (SLM)

G.N. Barrier and Clive Dewey have recorded in detail the debate within the colonial administration between the ‘paternalists’ who sought judicial intervention to ensure order, and those who opposed state intervention with respect to private property relations. Thorburn’s view of the danger of land transfers secured support in the revenue secretariat of the Punjab Government, but was opposed by the Lieutenant Governor James Lyall. Under pressure from the Secretary of State for India, he agreed to an exhaustive study of land transfers. The confidential enquiry was undertaken in 1895 by Sir DenzilJelf Ibbetson, the author of the magisterial 1881 Punjab Census Report. In his opinion, state intervention was required to bolster the loyalty of the rural intermediaries. ‘To secure the contentment of the masses is our first duty in India; in it lies our safety.’ Ibbetson maintained, ‘As long as they are loyal to and contented with their rulers, the internal peace of the country is secure, and the professional agitator powerless. And most of all the loyalty and contentment of the sturdy yeomanry from whose ranks we draw our native soldiers, the safe foundation upon which our rule can rest secure.’ Nevertheless, laissez-faire attitudes were still held by some Punjab officials including Mack worth Young who succeeded Lyall as Lieutenant-Governor. Ultimately, the paternalists who wished to curb the danger of land transfers through judicial intervention won the day over those who professed laissez faire views. Their opponents could not trump the card of the special nature of the colonial state in the Punjab and the need to secure the loyalty of its recruited peasantry. In what was regarded as a ‘revolutionary’ step’, the 1900 Alienation of Land act prevented the urban commercial castes from permanently acquiring land held by the ‘statutory agriculturalist’ tribes. This Magna Carta of the Punjab’s peasantry structured political developments in the province for the remainder of the colonial era. The agriculturalist lobby remained loyal to the British and eschewed communalism in the common defence of its privileges from the encroachment of the urban Hindu moneylenders. The Congress’s response to the legislation put it very firmly in the latter camp. It was thus unable to challenge the colonial state and was weaker in the Punjab than in any other province of British India. The 1900 Alienation of Land Act was to be accompanied by franchise arrangements which ensured the political predominance of the ‘loyalist’ rural population. The political arithmetic of the colonial Punjab encouraged cross-community cooperation and coalition politics. It also sealed off the towns and countryside in water tight 87 CU IDOL SELF LEARNING MATERIAL (SLM)

political components. The rural power-holders comprising of Jat peasant proprietors in East Punjab and Muslim landlords in the West took their cue from the colonial structure. They also shared common interests in the resistance to the depredations of the urban commercial castes. Indebtedness, together with the depressed prices of the inter-war slump years reinforced an anti-urban bias. The agriculturalists joined hands in the cross-communal grouping of the Punjab Unionist Party. Despite the existence of peasant unrest and the activities of the Kisan Sabha during the 1920s and 1930s, the Unionist Party was able to overcome rural opposition to its power and served as a loyal pillar of support to the colonial state. Its greatest usefulness was at the time of the Second World War, although it was also at this time that the conditions were laid for its eventual demise. Significantly communal violence only spread to the Punjab countryside when the Unionist led collaborative mechanism broke down on the very eve of independence. Colonial policy privileged the Punjab’s agrarian development at the expense of industrial growth. This legacy continues to impact on the Indian Punjab region. The waters of the region’s five rivers were harnessed in an ambitious irrigation development which was to reach fruition in the opening of the canal colonies in the West Punjab. The transformation of 6 million acres of desert into one of the richest agricultural regions in Asia was a stupendous engineering feat that was seen as the colonial state’s greatest achievement. It was an attempt to remake both the natural environment and its people. Nowhere were the ideals of the modern rational state better epitomised than in the neatly laid squares of land in the canal colony villages, and the eight bazaars in the new market town of Lyallpur radiating out from the central clock tower, ‘a telling symbol of middle class regularity.’ Once again, however, a contradiction emerged between the requirements of order and transformation. While local settlement officers emphasised the opportunity to create a new kind of ‘modern’ cultivator in the ordered world of the colony villages, the Lieutenant- Governor Sir Charles Aitchison in 1885 maintained that, ‘It is of the greatest importance to secure for these tracts a manly peasantry capable of self-support and of loyal and law-abiding disposition.’The contradictions in British policy were laid bare by the 1907 disturbances in the canal colonies. The protests were shocking for the colonial state as they called into question the much vaunted claim that the Punjab’s stability rested on the loyalty of the rural population. An immediate response was to pin the blame on ‘urban’ ‘agitators’ who had stirred up the loyal rural population. The principal ‘agitators’, Lala Lajpat Rai and Ajit Singh were arrested and sent into exile. Officials alsounderstood the protests as arising from the peasant farmers’ conservative resistance to attempts to modernise them. They were seen as especially resentful 88 CU IDOL SELF LEARNING MATERIAL (SLM)

at the system of fines designed to ensure compliance with rules relating to sanitation, inheritance and residence. State controlled supervision designed to create the ideal conditions in which modern progressive cultivators could thrive was virtually abandoned by the 1912 Colony Act. Two years later, the Governor, Sir Michael O’Dwyer developed the scheme for grants of land in the colonies to the ‘landed gentry.’ Their holders were to provide ‘natural’ leadership for the settlers. Seven and a half per cent of the area of the Lower Bari Doab Canal Colony was reserved in this way. The main beneficiaries were the large landholders of West Punjab such as the Noons and Tiwanas who were loyalist military contractors for the Raj. British policies of encouraging capitalist farming thus uneasily coexisted with the desire to retain a feudal presence in the colonies. Its critics, such as Imran Ali, have maintained that the policy bequeathed Pakistan a legacy not only of political ‘underdevelopment’ but a stagnant agrarian economy. 3.5 TRADE AND COMMERCE In the early 1880s, the railways in Lahore had acquired massive amounts of land along the Mughal Pura area, settling up the Naulakha area for the railway employees’ colonies, including the posh Mayo Gardens. In 1892, over 4,000 men who found regular work in the Railway Workshops lived there.5 Most of these employees had been drawn to the city in the hope of finding employment. The opening of the King Edward Memorial Project in 1913 involved the construction of twelve imposing buildings, and the important new scheme for the Lahore Civil Secretariat, estimated to cost Rs 1,150,000, began a year later, aimed at collecting in one place the various public offices, accelerated these processes. The establishment of new patterns of both administrative and residential zones resulted in the re- structuring of Lahore’s spatial layout and design. The impact of city’s construction on local trade and employment was considerable. The extended construction work created a high demand for labour and a large number of ‘immigrants’ poured into the city in search of work. This was especially important in increasing economic mobility, technical skills, and capital of the local artisan groups. Those who benefited most from these developments were the Muslim artisan castes of Lohars and Tarkhans, along with the Sikh Ramgarhias, who possessed similar metalworking and carpentry skills. A 1917 government survey of the urban wages of ‘all classes of labour’ in Lahore showed that the ‘skilled workers’ were receiving more than three times the wages they had been getting a decade earlier. The ‘mistri’ classes were drawing 18 rupees monthly, 89 CU IDOL SELF LEARNING MATERIAL (SLM)

while the average increase was over 23 percent in the period between 1912 and 1917, as the table below reveals. At the same, the price of commodities also trebled in that period. As the city grew, its economy grew too. The demands of Westerners and their styles of consumption led to a rapid growth in commodity trading and the opening up of new retail shops and grocery stores in the new urban environment. G. C. Walker, the author of Gazetteer of the Lahore District 1893-4 trumpeted ‘The city of Lahore is the first place of the province as an European trading and shopping centre. The Mall is lined with large European shops, some of which are local concerns and some branches of Calcutta and Bombay business houses’.9 By the turn of the twentieth century, the cantonments, civil lines and the areas of upper Mall Road had been electrified. The growth of the city and the demographic developments wrought profound social and economic change among its groups. It was, however, the Hindu commercial castes who took the most advantage of the newly-created urban environment. Indeed they were the first to open new shops at the Mall. The departmental stores of Janki Das and Devi Chand were the most famous at the Mall Road. ChotaLall and Dina Nath in the Anarkali bazaar were the leading shawl merchants and general cloth dealers. In Anarkali, Narain Das Bhagwan Das ran the biggest pharmacy in the city. The famous Nagina Bakery at the corner of Anarkakli and NilaGumbad attracted a number of customers from the upper class and the European population of the city. On the eve of Partition, members of the Hindu community had monopolised the retail sector businesses, owning more than five thousand wholesale shops and grocery stores in Lahore.Seen from this perspective, urbanisation not only benefited the artisan community and the Hindu trading class, but provided new opportunities for castes engaged in such activities as menial work, dairy-farming and market gardening. With the spread of Christian conversion, a substantial number of the lower caste population came to Lahore in search of work. By the turn of twentieth century, the newly-converted Christians numbered over 4,000 in the city. Many obtained menial employment in the cantonments, missionary hospitals and educational institutions. They were employed at higher salary rates than they had ever been before. As good vegetable growers, the Arains, whose district-wide population was enumerated at just over 127,000 in 1901, were the main suppliers of vegetables and fruits to the urban community.The presence of a large European population in the city had enhanced their business; for example, the consumption of potatoes grew considerably in the civil lines and cantonment areas.13 In contrast, the castes engaged in such activities as those of 90 CU IDOL SELF LEARNING MATERIAL (SLM)

pashmina shawl, leather-working and paper-making suffered severely as their older occupations died out. However, with the growth of Lahore, income of the dairy-farming community of Gujjurs also increased considerably. In 1921, according to a survey, total consumption of milk in the city was 350 maunds (54,796 lbs) and over 90 percent of the demand was supplied by 505 Muslim Gujjurs, who lived within the 12 mile radius of the city.14 The demand for their dairy products enabled them to move closer to the city. The Sheikhs also benefited from the new development in the city and they were comparatively better off economically. They, along with the Hindus, Parsis and Jains, opened grocery shops in the Anarkali bazaar and at the Mall; for example, the well-known Rahim Bux, Norr Hussain and Company were general dealers in the Anarkali bazaar, which chiefly fulfilled the consumption requirements of the European and upper-class population of the area. There were also Parsi shops at the Mall and Anarkali bazaar and whose owners were dealers in European stores, alcohol trade and general merchandise. A number of returning Indian soldiers moved into the city because of its modern amenities and opportunities for education. The war-time boom in trade stimulated the process of urbanisation, as a large number of labouring classes had been drawn into the city in search of work. Rapid migration of labour to the city also resulted in the construction of slums around the eastern side of the old city beyond the railways and the Ravi Bridge to Nawakot. Moreover, the richer zamindars, who were becoming better educated, and the absentee landowners, also moved into the city. The trade and commence of the city was mainly in the hands of the non-Muslims. This is apparent from the figures in Table 4 below which show the differential payment of tax on the sale of goods and urban property.Lahore’s Hindus dominated the retail and wholesale trades, and controlled the industrial sector. The industrial and commercial enterprise of this trading class had built up a large number of factories, workshops and commercial institutions involving larger capital in various areas. A 1943-4 survey of the Punjab Board of Economic Enquiry enumerated non-Muslim shops in the city at 5,332, compared with 3,501 owned by the Muslims Most of the shops in the Anarkali bazaar and at the Mall Road, as well as in older commercial areas in the inner city such as Delhi Gate, Akbari Mandi, Kishera bazaar, Chuna Mandi and Rang Mahal and around the Shah Almi gate were in non-Muslim hands. A similar pattern also existed in factory ownership in Lahore, as the survey of the Punjab Board 91 CU IDOL SELF LEARNING MATERIAL (SLM)

of Economic Enquiry reveals. There were 218 registered factories in the city owned by ‘Indians’; out of these as many as 173, or 80 percent, were owned by non-Muslims. The total fixed and working capital invested in these factories amounted to Rs 60.05 million in the period 1943-4. The share of the non-Muslims in this total amounted to Rs 40.88 million - about 80 percent of the total investment. Most manufacturing involved the processing of agricultural products. There were cotton- ginning, rice-husking, and oil-milling factories and these were owned mainly by the Hindus and Sikhs. The most important were the Punjab Oil and Punjab Flour Mills, which were set up in 1881. Eight factories, dealing with cotton spinning and weaving, were working in the city. The most important included the Mela Ram Cotton Mill and the Punjab Textile Mill at the Ravi Road. The Mela Ram Cotton Mill was set up in 1898 and had its own ginning, spinning, weaving, bleaching as well as dying mechanism. The average monthly output during the war was about Rs 400,000 yards of cloth. The annual value of the sales of the mill during the war was about Rs 7,200,000 - two and half times more than the pre-war level. In 1946, the mill was equipped with 16,670 spindles and 150 looms and its ginning factory was fitted with 48 ginning machines. The total value of the mill was estimated Rs 900,000 in 1945-6. As statistics reveal, Muslims of Lahore, as elsewhere in the Punjab, were economically deprived and less wealthy than the Hindus and Sikhs who controlled the city’s business life. Very few of the leading bankers, industrialists and traders were Muslim; they were mostly artisans, labourers, small traders in dairy products and vegetables, as well as weavers of shawl, craft and carpet industries. 3.6 SUMMARY  Punjab Province maintained an anachronistic land administration system before LRMIS project implementation. The bureaucracy was inherited from the British Raj, which governed the Indian subcontinent from the mid-19th century until independence and partition in 1947.22  Under this system, inaccurate handwritten registries were easily damaged or misplaced. Local land administrators—the Patwaris—often elicited bribes, tampered with records, and marginalized groups such as poor farmers and women.23 Wealthy landowners received preferential treatment from rent-seeking Patwaris, and poor 92 CU IDOL SELF LEARNING MATERIAL (SLM)

tenure security contributed to difficulties in the transfer of land ownership and unequal access to finance.24  In the provincial south, the legacy system exacerbated weak governance, economic neglect, and perceptions of exploitation. Poor locals resentfully describe the industrialized central and north of Punjab as the Takht Lahore, or the “Throne of Lahore.” These grievances have often been manipulated for recruitment purposes by radical Islamist groups that present themselves as challengers to the traditional elite. 3.7 KEYWORDS  Abazai-a section of the Yusufzai Pathans, found in Buner.  Abba Khel- one of the six septs of the Baizai clan of theAkozai Yusufzai Pathans, found in Peshawar.  Abbāssi- the name of the ruling family of the Daudpotras who are Nawabs of Bahawalpur and claim descent from the Abbasside dynasty of Egypt : see Daudpotra and Kalhor.  Abdāl- a small caste of Muhammadans found in Kangra and the Jaswan Dun of Hoshiarpur. The Abdals are divided into 12 ṭolis or septs. The Abduls of Kangra do not associate with those of Sukhar and Nurpur. The Abdals are beggars and wandering- singers, performing especially at Rajput funerals, at which they precede the body singing and playing dirges, ben or birlap. In the time of the Rajas when any Rajput was killed in battle and the news reached his home, they got his clothes and used to wear them while singing his dirge. Thus they sang dirges for Ram Singh, wazir of Nurpur, and Sham Singh, Atariwala, who had fought against the British, and for Raja, Rai Singh of Chamba. The Abdals now sing various songs and attend Rajput weddings. They are endogamous. Abdal means 'lieutenant' (see Platts' Hind, Dicty, s. v.) and is the name of a class of wandering Muhammadan saints.1 Whether there is any connection between the name and the ChihilAbdal of Islamic mythology does not appear. For the Abdals in Bengal see Risley, People of India, pp. 76 and 119.  Abdal- an Arain clan (agricultural), found in Montgomery. 3.8 LEARNING ACTIVITY 1. Write about the landed gentry in Punjab. 93 CU IDOL SELF LEARNING MATERIAL (SLM)

___________________________________________________________________________ ___________________________________________________________________________ 2. Write about the Lalas of Lahore. ___________________________________________________________________________ ___________________________________________________________________________ 3.9 UNIT END QUESTIONS 94 A. Descriptive Questions Short Questions 1. Discuss about the British policy towards trade and commerce. 2. How agriculture played a big role in economy of Punjab. 3. Write about the canals of Punjab. 4. Explain the irrigation in Punjab 5. Discuss about Lahore markets. Long Questions 1. Discuss about the administrative reforms in colonial Punjab. 2. Discuss about the Army and reforms in Punjab 3. Discuss about transport in Punjab by British 4. Discuss about Lahore’s contribution to trade and commerce 5. Write about the agricultural reforms. B. Multiple Choice Questions 1. When was Punjab annexed by British? a. 1849 b. 1846 c. 1847 d. 1856 CU IDOL SELF LEARNING MATERIAL (SLM)

2. The Punjabization of Indian army started from 95 a.1840 b1870 c.1860 d.1850 3. Moneylenders started controlling land from a. 1891 b. 1876 c. 1855 d. 1454 4. Lala Lajpat Rai was from a. canal colonies b. army c. navy d. air e. 5. Alienation of Land was act was enacted in a. 1900 b. 1200 c. 1910 d. 1987 Answers 1-a, 2-b, 3-a, 4-a, 5-a CU IDOL SELF LEARNING MATERIAL (SLM)

3.10 REFERENCES Reference  Punjab: A History from Aurangzeb to Mountbatten. by Rajmohan Gandhi Paperback. ₹385.00. ...  A History of the Sikhs (1469-1839) - Vol. 1: Volume 1 : 1469-1839. by Khushwant Singh Paperback. ...  A History of the Sikhs (1839-2004) - Vol. 2: Volume 2: 1839 - 2004. by Khushwant Singh Paperback. Website  https://www.business-standard.com/article/current-affairs/interpreting-colonialism-in- pre-partition-punjab-through-agrarian-history-118120300078_1.html  https://ii.umich.edu/csas/news-events/events/conferences/graduate-interdisciplinary- conference-on-south-asia-/schedule---graduate-interdisciplinary-conference-on-south- asia/intractable-women--adultery-and-abduction-in-colonial-punjab--br.html 96 CU IDOL SELF LEARNING MATERIAL (SLM)

UNIT4 - REFORM MOVEMENTS STRUCTRUE 4.0 Learning Objective 4.1 Introduction 4.2 Foundation 4.3 Program 4.4 Impact 4.5 Summary 4.6 Keywords 4.7 Learning Activity 4.8 Unit End Questions 4.9 References 4.0LEARING OBJECTIVE After studying this unit, you will be able to:  To learn about the program and impact of the reform movements started from Punjab.  Outline politics of religious and ethuic identities in Punjab; and  Describe conditions under which religious ethuicity becomes a basis of stratification. 4.1 INTRODUCTION Punjab turned into the ultimate essential province in India day-to-day be integrated in daily the British Empire. After the death of Ranjit Singh on 27 June 1839, the East India business enterprise defeated the Khalsa navy of Lahore Darbar in two Anglo-Sikh Wars. but, the annexation of Punjab on 29 March 1849 became no longer an clean venture. The British suffered large losses at some stage in the said wars and even after the seize of Lahore, sporadic navy resistance through Sikh chiefs at remoted locations created administrative problems for some time. Geographically, at that point, Punjab become a big province. the prevailing western Punjab and North-Western Frontier Province in Pakistan have been elements of it. Haryana, Himachal Pradesh and Delhi were additionally parts of its geographical territory. Lieutenant-Governor of Punjab changed into the chief 97 CU IDOL SELF LEARNING MATERIAL (SLM)

4.2 FOUNDATION Administration of the province - Less than a decade after Punjab’s annexation, British masters faced the awesome revolt of 1857, which put them on their tenterhooks due to the fact they needed to guard their maximum coveted Asian colony. In Punjab, the size and quantity of the revolt did not suit the tempo of hostility in opposition to British which otherwise become large in north-central components of India. This changedinto due to the fact many of the Sikh princely rulers complete-heartedly supported the British with guys and money. well timed navy assist, rendered through native Sikh rulers enabled the East India corporation every day without problems put down the sporadic armed uprisings in one-of-a-kind pockets of Punjab. British distinctly favoured the treasured dependable offerings of the Punjabi royal households at some stage in this turmoil and publicly popular their timely contribution. In less than ten years from the give up of the second Sikh warfare, the British and Punjabis collectively saved India from mutineers . but, being astute political masters, the British felt the lurking worry of simmering discontent amongst the Punjabis in opposition to their rule. For safeguarding the logistics of administration, efficacious precautionary measures have been undertaken through them every day fulfil the grievances of positive sections of the society so that British rule would face lesser political instability and enmity of the natives. After 1857, the British performed a thorough take a look at of ethnographic, financial, geographical, political, social and non-secular situations of Punjab and orientated their administrative policies daily fit the quality pursuits of the Empire. Politically, they attempted at effecting balance in the province with the passing of the authorities of India Act, 1858. As per this Act, the authorities and revenue of India, such as that of Punjab, have been placed under the direct rule of the British Crown. some distance-achieving political, financial and social changes had been brought by means of the British to reinforce their maintain over all branches of management. a new administrative hierarchy, composed of Anglo-Indian every day turned into firmly established and it embraced each pastime of the state. Sohan Singh Josh has used the stereotype word “a prison house” for Punjab of this time because of the overarching reach of alien authorities in all spheres of the provincial lifestyles. 98 CU IDOL SELF LEARNING MATERIAL (SLM)

The newly acquired province witnessed reorganisation of its armed forces. The reappraisal of the state of affairs made British administrators everyday absolutely abandon the antique recruitment coverage. Punjabi Muslims, Rajputs, Gurkhas, Dogras and particularly the Jat Sikhs were preferably recruited in the armed forces. The colonial masters precise these groups as martial races who possessed hereditary developments of preventing abilities. British known muscularity, constancy, loyalty and bravery as inherent traits of these races. when the command of the Indian navy became located below Lord Frederick Robert (1885-ninety three) and Lord Horatio Herbert Kitchener (1902-09), the martial race concept gained a widespread legitimate assist and the composition of the military tilted everyday Punjabis. furthermore, the scale of economic resources for building strong army infrastructure in Punjab become unrivalled as compared day-to-day different provinces of colonial India. Sensing vulnerability of the province every day its near proximity daily critical Asia, railways, roads and canevery towns have been hooked up at strategic places. The strategic importance of the province could be gauged from this remark – it's far exciting everyday notice that after the century opened, of the ten divisions of the Indian army, four had been stationed within the Punjab (Malik, The daily of the Punjab, 1799-1947, 1970, p. 227). Punjabis were given the acclaimed epithet of “Sword Arm of the Raj” as martial culture of Punjab contributed immensely day-to-day decorate the manpower of the colonial armed forces. It was moderately conventional in the British corridors of electricity that the Sikh race turned into the first-class martial material day-to-day maintenance, protect and improve the Empire. With this notion, Punjab have become the primary recruiting centre for the military and “daily the cease of nineteenth century, the area replaced the older areas of Bombay, Madras and Bengal because the predominant centre of recruitment for the Indian army (Talbot, 1988, p. 38). At the civil the front, the quest every day discover political collaboraeverydayrs made British attempt every day cultivate appropriate relations with the local Sikh rulers, neighbourhood chiefs and landlords. They dispensed numerous land grants and leased out wastelands daily those who had actively served the Empire for the duration of the rebellion of 1857. This sort of political generosity became now not a new phenomenon within the Punjabi society as erstwhile Mughal and Sikh rulers had also dispensed land liberally every day their cronies and military allies for securing their loyalty. The support rendered by using these sections of society prolonged a helping hand every day the British for preserving law and order inside the province. As for the case, “From 99 CU IDOL SELF LEARNING MATERIAL (SLM)

the 1860s onwards, the British were constantly day-to-day allies among the area’s rural population” (Talbot, 1988, p. 49). They hand-picked the erstwhile neighbourhood effective chiefs, who suffered a decline within the social state of faced every day after the autumn of the Sikh rule and used them for strolling the administrative affairs smoothly. In that political astuteness, “presents of squares of land and honours of difference which include ‘SardarBahadur’ and ‘Rai Bahadur’ were be everyday wed on the chiefs, landlords and monks, as additionally honorary legit positions of difference like that of Honorary Justice of the Peace, Zaildar, Nambardar etc” (Puri, Ghadar motion: A brief daily, 2011, p. 8). The huge landlords commenced to treat the British rule as a form of blessing for them. Zaildars, Lambardars held hereditary places of work and those petty influential men and women assisted authorities officers at the local stages as intelligence-cum-regulation and order marketers. This method of social engineering brought about the emergence of a brand new elegance of loyalists which unremittingly worked for the stability and continuance of the overseas rule. every day because of its proximity every day the alien status quo, the men of this magnificence loved a prestigious as well as pretentious role inside the society. In various ways, these families had been tied in day-to-day the functioning of the imperialist rule and the rewards for this proved in the Punjab day-to-day be big (Ali, 1989, p. 75). (Puri, Ghadar movement: A short daily, 2011) This utilitarian technique of the British rule absorbed in itself a huge range of vested partners in the imperial hierarchy at decrease rungs. With the guide of native chiefs, British authorities efficiently established the grandeur of imperial paraphernalia and introduced the elements every day of fear, subservience and servility amongst the loads. It was broadly propagated among the illiterate loads that the British army turned into undefeatable and that the solar by no means sets within the British Empire. This form of political entrenchment introduced balance daily the province and the imperial pastimes of the Pax Britannica prompted every hobby of the provincial existence. The incorporation of Punjab in daily the whirlpool of imperialist market economy and the creation of a brand new administrative community of officials, laws, rules and courts here changed into a crucial improvement (Puri, Ghadar movement: A short day-to-day, 2011, p. four). The imperialists colonised the agriculture and with this started out the drain of agro-sources from Punjab. Imperialist market economic system spread its internet of vicious exploitative guidelines in every day the nation-state. historically, as a truth, “The period of its integration in the Empire roughly coincided with the duration of England’s transition day-to- 100 CU IDOL SELF LEARNING MATERIAL (SLM)