IMR 455_GROUP ASSIGNMENT

FACULTY OF INFORMATION MANAGEMENT BACHELOR OF INFORMATION SCIENCE (HON.S) OF INFORMATION CONTENT IMR 455 ADMINISTRATION OF ARCHIVES: HISTORICAL EVENTS IN MALAYSIA: MALAYAN UNION PREPARED BY: A’LYAA MAISARAH BINTI KHAIRUL FADZLE 2022900773 AIMAN AZAMUDDIN BIN ABDUL RAZAK 2021614872 FARAH AEIRISHA BINTI GHAZALI 2021812496 FATIN SYAMIMI BINTI MOHD RAZALI 2021862108 MUHAMMAD KEITH HAZMAN BIN SARAZIM 2021459738 NUR AZIA SUHANA BINTI MOHAMED SOBRI 2021488824 NUR MUNIRAH IZZATI BINTI FAISZAL 2021852948 PREPARED FOR: DR SAIFUL FARIK MAT YATIN CLASS: IM2494A/ELEK C SUBMISSION DATE: 7 JULY 2022

GROUPING ASSIGNMENT Prepared by: A’lyaa Maisarah binti Khairul Fadzle (2022900773) Aiman Azamuddin bin Abdul Razak (2021614872) Farah Aeirisha binti Ghazali (2021812496) Fatin Syamimi binti Mohd Razali (2021862108) Muhammad Keith Hazman bin Sarazim (2021459738) Nur Azia Suhana binti Mohamed Sobri (2021488824) Nur Munirah Izzati binti Faiszal (2021852948) Faculty of Information Management Universiti Teknologi MARA Puncak Perdana, Selangor.

Acknowledgement In the name of Allah, the Most Gracious and the Most Merciful. All praises to Allah and His blessing for the completion of this report. We thank God for all the opportunities, trials, and strength that have been showered on us to finish writing the report. We experienced so much during this process, not only from the academic aspect but also from the aspect of personality. Our humblest gratitude to the Holy Prophet Muhammad (peace be upon him) whose way of life has been a continuous guidance for us. First and foremost, we would like to sincerely thank our lecturer, Dr saiful for his guidance, understanding, patience and most importantly, he has provided positive encouragement and a warm spirit to finish this report. It has been a great pleasure and honour to have him as our lecturer. We would sincerely like to thank all our beloved friends who were with us and support us through thick and thin. Last but not least, our parents and our family. We thank them wholeheartedly. May God shower the above cited personalities with success and honour in our life. i

Table of Content Pages Acknowledgement i Table of Contents ii List of Figures iii 1.0 Explanatory Notes 1 2.0 Abbreviations 2 3.0 Introduction 3 4.0 Five topics that have been chosen 4 4 Chapter 1: History 7 Chapter 2: During event 9 Chapter 3: After Event 11 Chapter 4: Ceremonies about tragedy 13 May 1969 14 Chapter 5: Notable Individual 16 5.0 Conclusion 17 6.0 List of Archival Materials 20 7.0 References ii

List of Figures Pages Title 4 5 1. Image of police handle the incident. 6 2. Members of the Federal Reserve Force are controlling a riot. 7 3. Image of police doing a patrol at a riot area. 8 4. During the 13 May incident. 10 5. During the 13 May Riot. 10 6. Usman Awang’ Kambing Hitam Poem. 14 7. Anwar Ridhwan’s Cerita Saya Book. 15 8. The riot. 9. The riot. iii

1.0 Explanatory Notes Introduction The data presented in this paper will assist the reader in comprehending the basis for our preliminary conclusions and will also allow the interested researcher to pick samples for future analysis. This information is going to be about Online Finding Aid (OFA) since it is our chosen website of archive. The reason we chose OFA as our website is because it contains a huge amount of archive records related to our chosen topic ‘Malayan Union’. The reason is because Malayan Union was historical in our country and until now, OFA still contained all the information and data about the Malayan Union and we think that it will be an entertaining topic to talk about in this paper. Online Finding Aid (OFA) is a specific record group, collection, or series of archival resources that can all be found using finding aids as a user's guide. The method our group found was using OFA’s website on the Internet. Finding aids also include official publications that direct readers to details about a record group, collection, or group of archival items. We have found out that OFA also keeps records and information about Malayan Union. Body In this paper, history (Chapter 1), during event (Chapter 2), after event (Chapter 3), ceremonies (Chapter 4) and notable individuals (Chapter 5) during Malayan Union phase will be shared and discussed in the paper. All the data was gained by information that we were referring to OFA websites and other further research on the Internet that related to Malayan Union. We as Malaysians must have already known about the May 13 incident where a damn happened between two sides, Chinese and Malay in Kuala Lumpur after the general election at the moment. That is the only preface of the incident and the details of the history of the May 13 incident will be discussed in Chapter 1: History. Conclusion In conclusion, we can observe that the information that we all gained from OFA was legit and is a trustworthy source. The reason is because all the information gathered was similar to other research that we have done before and what we learned in secondary school. Not to mention that the May 13 incident was a fault tragedy, it has left us Malaysians some lessons where we should not repeat it over again because it may lead harm to our beloved people in this world. 1

2.0 Abbreviations No. Abbreviation Definition 1 MB Menteri Besar 2 UMNO United Malay National Organisation 3 MCA Malaysian Chinese Association 4 DAP Democratic Action Party 5 NOC National Operations Council 6 GE General Election (Pilihanraya) 7 Jalan TAR Jalan Tuanku Abdul Rahman 8 KTAR Tunku Abdul Rahman College 9 31 August 1957 Malaysia Independent Day 10 PAP People's Action Party 11 NOC National Operations Council 12 NEP New Economic Policy 13 IGP Inspector-General of Police 14 AP Associated Press 15 (ICERD) International Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination ICERD Ketuanan Malay Supremacy 16 Melayu 2

3.0 Introduction Malaya became independent from colonial rule on August 31, 1957. However, there was a severe wealth gap in the nation between the Malays, who were often poorer and more rural, and the Chinese, who dominated most urban areas and were seen to be in charge of a sizable amount of the economy. Article 153 of the Constitution, which was written during Malaya's independence, does, nevertheless, preserve the particular privileged position of Malay political power. Malay groups demanded extreme measures to institutionalise Malay Supremacy (Ketuanan Melayu), Chinese groups demanded the protection of their \"racial\" interests, and non-Malay opposition party members argued for a \"Malaysian Malaysia\" as opposed to Malay privilege. These discussions were acrimonious. The Sino-Malay racial riots in Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia, which started on May 13, 1969, are known as the \"May 13 Incident.\" The government declared a state of national emergency and suspended Parliament until 1971 as a result of the long-lasting disturbances. Between May 13 and July 31, 196 individuals were reportedly killed as a result of the rioting. After 1969, the government implemented more assertive promoting action programmes, such as the New Economic Policy (NEP), which it blamed mostly on the riots. On May 13, UMNO Youth members gathered in Kuala Lumpur at Dato' Harun bin Haji Idris' residence in order to urge that a victory celebration be held at the national level as well. In Selangor, the Alliance won the majority by working with the lone independent candidate. The Alliance had won a majority in Parliament, although a smaller one. Two cars carrying a number of Chinese suddenly drew up as the UMNO Youth members were assembled in the Menteri Besar's house compound. The Chinese told the crowd to disperse because the opposition leader now owned the house. News of a Malays attack in Setapak by Chinese gangs broke in the meantime. This started a wave of violence that cost lives and destroyed property. Up to that point, it was the biggest crisis in our history. Curfews had been implemented in a number of places to prevent the situation from getting worse. To address this situation, the government, through the Ministry of Information, acted swiftly by developing numerous public relations plans. 3

4.0 Five topics that have been chosen Chapter 1: History Figure 1. Image of police handle the incident. Malaysians will never forget the 13th of May as the worst day ever. On May 13, there was truly horrible chaos that nearly destroyed the country. How did the 13 May incident happen? What are the factors of this incident? The incidents of May 13 marked a turning point in the nation's communal relations. There are many reasons why it took place on May 13, 1969. One of these was the official statement of the results of the General Election (GE) on May 10, 1969. Tunku Abd Rahman has accused communists and other members of the secret organisation of being responsible for what happened. Democracy is dying as a result of the opposition political parties that have helped fuel this outbreak of violence. The National Security Council report (Oct. 9, 1969) continued to argue that this event occurred as a result of the Malayan Communist Party and Chinese associations, among other factors. Whatever the cause, the May 13 incident was one of the country's largest racial conflicts, involving the three largest races, namely Malays, Chinese, and Indians. The clashes claimed 196 lives and 149 were injured. 4

Figure 2. Members of the Federal Reserve Force are controlling a riot. Moreover, different instructive foundations have additionally been connected as the reason that prompted the emission of the May 13 occasions. This happened when the schooling system that existed in Malaya before freedom was isolated into four streams as per race, in particular Malay, Chinese, Indian and English schools. These four streams have their own educational program. Malay schools underline composing, perusing and number juggling abilities just for essential level necessities. While the Chinese and Indian school educational programs depend on their separate conditions of beginning, even course books and educators have been brought from China and India. This present circumstance has additionally reinforced the generally existing condition of ethnic character. English schools, then again, must be delighted in by Chinese and Indians living in urban communities. Before Malaysia had a National school system, there were four distinct floods of training, to be specific English, Malay, Chinese and Indian which took different learning prospectuses which caused irregularity in language, character and understanding. This has prompted the development of different issues that adversely affect racial arrangement in Malaysia. Indeed, even after freedom the public authority attempted to present new instruction strategies with the end goal of coordination yet this course of solidarity was challenging to do. The National Education Policy which was formalized as the Education Ordinance 1957 has been condemned by different non - Malays. This is on the grounds that they feel that the move gives a lot of need to the Malay language, 5

however the Peninsular Malay Teachers Union (KPGMS) isn't happy with its execution. They are disheartened with the public authority's mentality of not laying out auxiliary schools and colleges that utilise Malay as the vehicle of guidance first and foremost 1958 as expected. Nonetheless, because of the battle of a few figures including Tuan Syed Nasir container Ismail, as executive and Dr. Mahathir Mohamad as bad habit administrator, including two UMNO figures around then, in particular Tun Razak container Hussain, Dato' Dr. Ismail container Abdul Rahman, at last the possibility of Universiti Kebangsaan involving Malay as the mechanism of guidance got the help of UMNO and the coalition government and it was effectively settled on 18 May 1970. Following the foundation of the National University, there was a horrible response from the Chinese, when they likewise presented an application to lay out the Merdeka University. As the 1969 political decision was drawing closer, the MCA had guaranteed that on the off chance that they didn't uphold the Universiti Merdeka project, numerous Chinese citizens would dismiss them in the following political decision. Subsequently, the public authority has settled the interest by allowing MCA to lay out the Tunku Abdul Rahman College (KTAR). A peculiarity here is the point at which the public authority has given help to an instructive organization that is in struggle with the Education Policy Nationality. KTAR really involves English as its mode of guidance. In any case, that is the way that the public authority is attempting to be open minded however much as could reasonably be expected to keep up with the agreement of the multi - racial Malaysian culture. Figure 3. Image of police doing a patrol at a riot area. 6

Chapter 2: During Event Figure 4: During the 13 May incident. The May 13 1969 incident happened because the 1969 general election was to be a routine affair, and Alliance leaders had no doubt that it would win as decisively as it had in 1964, and also because of the Alliance bragged that it could definitely win more than two-thirds of the 144 Dewan Rakyat seats, or roughly two-thirds of the 104 Peninsular Malaysia seats, capture Kelantan, and maintain control of all other state legislatures. That self esteem, however, was dashed in the early hours of May 11, 1969, when the results of the May 10 elections were announced. The Alliance had only won 66 seats, down from 89 in 1964. It also lost Penang, missed out on Kelantan, and came dangerously close to losing Perak, Selangor, Kedah, and Terengganu. The opposition was also taken aback. The DAP, which reformed from the People's Action Party (PAP), won 13 seats in 1964, when the Singapore-based party had only one. PAS received 12 seats, an increase of three; the PPP received four seats, an increase of two; and the new party Gerakan received eight. Gerakan obtained police permission on May 12 for 1,000 party members and supporters to hold their own demonstrations that evening. The word quickly spread, and the crowd swelled to 4,000, who later split into smaller groups and held their own \"demonstrations\" away from the restraint of party leaders. They, too, mocked the Malays, using words similar to those used by the previous day's demonstrators, such as \"Melayu balik kampung, kita sudah berkuasa sekarang\" (\"Malays, return to your villages, we are now in power\") and \"Hey Sakai, you can go back to the jungle.\" Meanwhile, Malays from outside Kuala Lumpur gathered at the home of Selangor Mentri Besar Datuk Harun Idris in Kampung Baru. They urged Harun to lead a victory parade to demonstrate that they had not lost power. Soon after, it was revealed that a demonstration would begin at Harun's house at 7.30 p.m. on May 13. Around 6 p.m. 7

that day, about 100 Malays from Gombak marched through Setapak, the scene of the previous evening's demonstrations, carrying banners and shouting slogans. Soon after, street brawls erupted between them and Chinese and Indian youths. The following materials were used: parang, sticks, and iron pipes. The majority of the Malay demonstrators arrived at Harun's house, where exaggerated versions of what happened had already reached the 5,000 people gathered there. They were having a bad day. The vehicle was attacked after some Chinese and Indians on a passing bus made some disparaging remarks about them. The first three Chinese were dead beside the road by 6.40 p.m. The news of what happened in Setapak and Kampung Baru quickly spread, and within hours the entire city was engulfed in communal rioting on a scale never seen in the country before. During that first night, the worst of the rioting died away. Figure 5: During the 13 May Riot A state of emergency was declared on May 14, and Parliament was suspended indefinitely. Prime Minister Tunku Abdul Rahman established the National Operations Council (NOC) on May 16 to rule the country by decree, with his deputy, Tun Abdul Razak Hussein, serving as director of operations. After May 14, there were sporadic small clashes that lasted about a month. The most recent serious outbreak occurred on June 28 in Kuala Lumpur between Malays and Indians, killing five people and Tun Razak established a National Consultative Council in January 1970 to find ways to promote and strengthen racial harmony in order to restore normalcy and Parliament. On September 21, Tunku resigned as Prime Minister, depressed and saddened that the racial harmony he had worked so hard to promote had crumbled under his watch. Tun Razak succeeded Tunku as the country's second prime minister, and the NOC ended after 21 months, with Parliament reconvening on February 23, 1971. 8

Chapter 3: After Event The riots' 50th anniversary was celebrated in 2019. There were numerous commemoration activities, media reports, discussion boards, and documentary films about them, all of which demanded that the true history be revealed. As of Malaysiakini 2019, the only official documents available are Tunku Abdul Rahman's personal account and on May 13 The Before and After and the NOC's, The May 13 Tragedy a report, both was published in 1969, months after the riots. The government described the incident as a Sino-Malay violent clash caused by a number of factors, including racialist campaigning and glory parades held by Chinese supporters of the Democratic Action Party (DAP) and the Malaysian People's Movement Party (Gerakan) before and after the voting. Second, communist agents were infiltrated into the campaign; and third, Chinese secret societies were used to carry out subversive activities. In official narratives, these three groups merge at times. According to the official report (NOC 1969), 196 people died in the riot (three-quarters of whom were ethnically Chinese), 439 were injured, and 9143 were taken into custody, though many believed the numbers were much higher. The 13 May incident has been addressed repeatedly in Malaysian literature in various languages. Soon after the incident, poems such as Usman Awang's 'Kambing Hitam (Black Sheep)’ written in 1969, Said Zahari's 'Hidden Hands' written in 1969, Tan Jing Quee's 'May 13 - Poem from London' written in 1970, Ee Tiang Hong's 'May 13 - A Memory' written in 1976, and 'Requiem' were written in 1976. These are mostly first-person accounts by writers from a previous generation who have personal memories of the riot. Shirley G. L. Lim, Hilary Tham, and Anwar Ridhwan all wrote memoirs about the riots, ‘Among the White Moon Faces’ written in 1996, ‘Lane with No Name’ written in 1997, and ‘Cerita Saya (My Story)’ written in 2018. Short stories and novels dealing with the incident include Shahnon Ahmad's 'Al' written in 1970, Ding Yun's 'Wei xiang (Town besieged)' written in 1982, Beth Yahp's 'In 1969' written in 1991, Lloyd Fernando's Green Is the Colour written in 1993, and Shirley G. L. Lim's Joss and Gold written in 2001. 9

Figure 6: Usman Awang’s Kambing Hitam Poem. Figure 7: Anwar Ridhwan’s Cerita Saya Book. 10

Chapter 4 : Ceremonies about tragedy 13 May 1969 A Black Day in May for Malaysia For all the Malaysians, it has been “A Black Day in May for Malaysia” and all Malaysians will celebrate the struggle of the fighters who have fought for the country to save the country. Malaysia has a long history of racial tension, dating back to the influx of Chinese workers in the 19th century, and which was exacerbated after Malaya gained independence from the United Kingdom in 1957. Constant tension simmered between the native Malay population and the more economically powerful Chinese population, which erupted into violence after the election of May 10, 1969. The governing Alliance won less than half of the popular vote and while it had a majority in Parliament, its number of seats was significantly reduced. The Opposition, despite their showing, claimed “victory.” Some Malays felt threatened and called for a procession; Malays were brought from the rural areas into Kuala Lumpur, which was a predominantly Chinese city. Thousands of Malays, some of them armed, arrived to join the parade. On May 13, the day of the procession, fist fights broke out between a group of Malays and Chinese bystanders who taunted them, which then escalated into bottle and stone throwing. The Malays burned cars and shops, killed and looted in the Chinese areas. The violence quickly spread throughout the city. Over the next few days, hundreds of people were killed. Malaysia’s first Prime Minister, Tunku Abdul Rahman, was forced to resign. The rioting eventually resulted in the New Economic Policy (NEP), which aimed to eradicate poverty for all Malaysians as well as reduce and subsequently eliminate identification of race by economic function and geographical location. The government casualty figures were never honest. There was an AP (Associated Press) stringer in Kuala Lumpur whom we knew. Of course, in the best of journalistic traditions, he was out in the streets. Within hours he knew enough, for example, to check several of the local hospitals and find out something about casualties. The casualty figures came in slowly. The government casualty figures were never honest. We knew that from the diverse reports we were receiving. This is not uncommon in situations where governments don’t want to admit the degree of disorder that has occurred and their inability to handle the situation. It was clear that the government had lost control. The police were totally outnumbered and didn’t have the resources to deal with the situation. These incidents started 11

early in the evening of May 13. Within six hours or so, one or more elements of the Malay regiments were deployed into the streets to restore order. They were not fully successful for at least 24 hours. On the morning of May 15, some 36 hours after the incidents began, the Ambassador and the DCM were finally able to reach the Embassy. The Malay regiments had not been trained in restoring order in the streets. There were several reports, none of which could really be confirmed but which were so numerous that there was obviously some truth to them that the Malay forces were shooting indiscriminately at Chinese houses. If anybody poked their heads out, the Malay forces would fire at them. I believe that there were enough incidents like that to aggravate the situation. Meanwhile, moving groups of Chinese and Malays continued to encounter each other and fight. The AP reporter would report that he found 13 persons dead at such and such a hospital and an undetermined number of wounded, and so forth. The numbers of casualties grew, hour by hour. Ultimately, to round off that particular element of the situation, in its final report the government reported about 200 killed. Other sources claimed that the figure of persons killed was in excess of 2,000. From our review of the evidence, I would say that a good, round number of persons killed would be in the order of 1,300-1,500. So, there was chaos for a time, widespread torching and extensive loss of life. Besides, we have got to do more for the Malay community. I said that the situation in Kuala Lumpur changed on an apparently permanent basis, because it became evident, as the political process developed, that it was difficult to know how to cope with all of this. Of course, there was never any official acknowledgment that the Malays had initiated the disturbances, so to speak, but it was clear that this was true. At the same time, there was plenty of evidence that the Chinese had taunted the Malays into the violence by their “victory” parade of May 12. From a political point of view the long and short of the government’s response was, “We’ve got to do more for the Malay community.” For its political survival, the government needed to do that. Government leaders were convinced that the Malay community would not continue to accept a situation in which the Chinese community heavily dominated the economic life of the country and held most of its wealth. There had to be some greater share of the economic wealth of the country directed toward the Malays. A number of economic programs and initiatives were undertaken, as well as the establishment of bumiputra (indigenous) Malay banks, manufacturing plants, and promises of greater educational opportunity. There was a movement toward the use of only Malay as the language of instruction in the school system. All of this was deemed essential if there were to be any degree of racial or communal harmony restored. 12

In short, they have made a success of it. The good news is that, looking back at the situation from the perspective of some 25 years, this has essentially happened. The country, which had considerable natural resources, has now made major additions to its natural gas and oil wealth, in addition to what existed in terms of timber, tin, and rubber. It has now expanded its industrial framework to include more than light industrial production. Medium sized and more sophisticated manufacturing activity is now widespread. Over the past 20 years Malaysia has had a more rapid rate of economic growth than the vast majority of other, developing nations in the world, even in East Asia. All things considered, Malaysia has had a stable, political leadership which has been relatively moderate but more Malay oriented, as they made the profound decision that they had to make after the 1969 disturbances. Malaysia has been blessed with a fairly high-quality bureaucracy and a relatively good judicial system, compared to much of Southeast Asia. 13

Chapter 5 : Notable Individual The 13 May 1969 riots have often been referred to as Sino-Malay riots though it involved the other racial communities. The circumstances that led to this violence is closely linked to the celebratory rallies of the opposition parties after the 1969 general elections. There was a significant decline in the seats held by the government parties, the Alliance, from 89 to 67 seats in the Parliament. This resulted in a counter-rally by the Malays championed by United Malay National Organisation (UMNO) political leaders. The Malays felt threatened by this turn of events as they feared the position was being undermined. The violent clashes then erupted in the streets of Kuala Lumpur and in other major areas like Penang and Ipoh which resulted in loss of lives and property. The 13 May 1969 riots remain embedded in the Malaysian national psyche, a wound that is often reopened to create a sense of fear among the people. There was at least one major racial riot in 1967 and a few after the 1969 riots. Just over a year before the May 13 incident, there was a riot that had the whole nation at a standstill: The Penang Hartal Riot of 1967. The first day alone five were killed and ninety-two injured during the riot. When all was over, twenty-nine were dead, over two hundred hurt and around 1300 arrested. Since the 13 May 1969 riots, there have been at least two racial riots involving mainly Malays and Indians. Figure 8: The Riot. 14

A prominent Malay politician Sharizat Abdul Jalil, at her party’s general assembly warned that the May 13 tragedy might be repeated should UMNO become weak and unable to overcome its challenges. And yet another Malay politician, Jamal Yunos, well-known for his antics and controversial public (mis)behavior announced in his Facebook: “I vow that the May 13 tragedy will be repeated and parang will fly if Bersih 5 is held at the same time, date and place as the #BERSIH5 rally scheduled on November 19. Long live the Malays!” (“IGP: Police will probe Jamal’s alleged May 13 remarks,” 2016). The Inspector-General of Police (IGP) Khalid Abu Bakar was reported in saying that the police will act against Red Shirts leader Jamal Yunos for allegedly threatening a repeat of the May 13 race riot. A more recent threat of the repeat of the May 13, 1969 riots emerged when the government discussed ratifying the International Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination (ICERD). It was reported in the national media that Ahmad Farouk Musa, a Muslim activist said “This kind of sudden departure from the commitment was expected because it seems that right-wing Malay groups, especially like Gagasan Kuasa 3, were trying to incite racial hatred and bloodshed by invoking memories of the May 13 riots” (“No choice but to axe ICERD after unrest threats, says activist”. Figure 9: The Riot 15

5.0 Conclusion The origin and demise of the Malayan Union, although seemingly short-lived, resonated in the aftermath. A distinguishing feature of the union is that it was a fundamental departure from traditional British policy, and as all Malaysian historians know, Malaya was primarily a country of Malay. With the formation of the Malayan Union, Britain has taken a drastic first step to lay the foundation for a truly multi-ethnic independent state, transferring the sovereignty of Malay rulers to the British crown and equalizing to non-Malays in which were given a citizenship of Malaya as their permanent home and object of loyalty. The non-Malay population seemingly increased equally to the number of Malays in Malaya. UMNO and Malay rulers were dissatisfied with London's Colonial Office by petitioning British lawmakers and conducting public relations campaigns. Britain finally agreed with Malays demands to return sovereignty to Malay rulers and strengthen civil rights laws such as Chinese and Indians. In exchange, UMNO and the Malay rulers agreed with the British proposal to establish the Malaysian Federation as a mutually acceptable governmental frame to replace the Malays Union. 16

6.0 List of Archival MALAYAN UNION Accession Number Description On 12th of September 1985, the Director General of the National 1985/0008965W Archives of Malaysia, Datuk Dr Sulaiman Bin Daud gave the opening speech on the “Kolokium Sejarah Malayan Union”. 1957/0619136W Malayan Press Digest: Explained about the non -Malays in Malaya in politics and related to their movements which are said to be dangerous if they gain political power that might have an impact on the economy. They are almost labelled as “Red Indian of America” because of their action. 1957/0618912W Describe the application to change the position of \"Education Officer\" as it was before the World War. The proposed title is such as Acting Senior Inspectors of School or Acting Superintendents Of Education. Questioning about the officer’s salary is also included due to the change of rank. Happened during 5th April 1946. 1957/0572031W Proposal to create the Malayan Union flag on 21 December 1945 by mix the various features of the union under British Administration. 1957/0304775W Under Malayan Union Secretariat Circular No. 80/47, it consists of the ruling regarding the absence of government servant from duty in connection with the “Hartal” as a protest against the constitutional proposals. Civil servants were instructed not to get involved with the demonstrations. The shops were closed except for the Chinese School which was running as usual. 2001/0047748W Lieutenant Colonel Musa bin Yusof speaks before Captain Gammors and Tuan Rees Williams opposed the Malayan Union movement in front of the Istana Besar, Kuala Lumpur on 31 December 1946. 17

1957/0304899W Payment of salaries to be charged against civil servants serving 1957/0304995W mainly in Perak, Negeri Sembilan, Selangor and Pahang as 1957/0305073W presented by F.G.H Harry to the Perak Municipal Department. The 1957/0304106W payment of salary must be referred if the employee applies for 1957/0472658W leave before retirement whether given a full or half of payment. 1957/0304115W 1957/0304737W Recommends the issue of a Malayan Union notice and promptly return to all officers the possession or containment of all official books, files, etc. obtained between Japan and B.M.O. Information on the bankruptcy law of the Malayan Union Regulations applied by the Malaysian state. Thus, Notice of Insolvency was issued in 1948 by court of Perak. Various annual reports have been published to discuss issues in a particular category. An order to reduce the hiring of new employees were conducted for five years started from 1941 until 1946. Due to that, any employed Settlement Officers are required to take an examination while their eligibility are evaluated before promotion were made. On 3rd October 1947, the Resident Commissioner of Penang wrote a letter of application to appoint a new representative of commercial interests in Federal Legislative Council for Malayan Union. An issue occurred with uses of the word “kuli” or cooly (as written in the Malayan Union Circular No.81) for labourer or workman which is deemed as an offensive word by Indian people. Misunderstanding occurred between Trade Union regarding of the incorporation “the Ballot Rule”. Each member shall receive a ballot and envelope while the Executive Council takes all steps to ensure that the vote is adequate. 18

1957/0304847W Explained the job scope of Accounting Officer in Financial 1957/0304207W Department. The concern regarding negligence and ignorance of the officer within their responsibilities were caught by Audit Department. Thus, a regulation has been enacted which draw the attention of officers to observe all the activities within the department. Contains information on compensation for the widower and children of the dead who served the Malayan Union. Former employees who perform well in the workplace will be given a good reward. This article applies from January 1, 1947. 19

7.0 References Boon, K.C. (n.d.). The malayan union and its impact. Malaysian Bar. https://www.malaysianbar.org.my/article/news/legal-and-general-news/general-news/the- malayan-union-and-its-impact Dee, L. (2016, March 3). A Black Day in May for Malaysia. Association for Diplomatic Studies & Training. Retrieved from https://adst.org/2016/03/a-black-day-for-malaysia/ Dominik M. Mueller (2014). Islam, Politics and Youth in Malaysia: The Pop-Islamist Reinvention of PAS. Routledge. pp. 13–14. ISBN 978-0-415-84475-8. Ken, W. L. (1982). The malayan union: a historical retrospect, Journal of Southeast Asian Studies, 13(1), 184–191. Retrieved from http://www.jstor.org/stable/20070478 Liana Chua (2012). The Christianity of culture : conversion, ethnic citizenship, and the matter of religion in Malaysian Borneo. Palgrave Macmillan. p. 39. ISBN 978-1-137-01272-2. Liaw, J. O. H., & Moiden, A. H. B. (2017). The 13 may 1969 incident: Public relations strategies in crisis management. International Journal of Economic Perspectives, 11(2), 706-711. Retrieved from http://search.proquest.com.ezaccess.library.uitm.edu.my/scholarly-journals/13-may-1969- incident-public-relations-strategies/docview/2038224373/se-2?accountid=42518 Leon Comber. (nd). Peristiwa 13 Mei 1969: Chapter 07 - The 13 May Riots | 13 May 1969. Blogger. Retrieved from http://peristiwa13mei.blogspot.com/2013/07/chapter-seven-13-may-riots-13- may-1969.html UKEssays. (November 2018). Introduction The May 13th Incident History Essay. Retrieved from https://www.ukessays.com/essays/history/introduction-the-may-13th-incident-history- essay.php?vref=1 20

Malachi, V. E. (2020). The Malaysian Albatross of May 13, 1969 Racial Riots. Sun Yat-Sen Journal of Humanities, 49, 19–41. Online finding AIDS - kandungan bahan. (n.d.). Retrieved from https://ofa.arkib.gov.my/ofa/digital/asset/402230 Online finding AIDS - kandungan bahan. (n.d.). Retrieved from https://ofa.arkib.gov.my/ofa/digital/asset/404443 Online finding AIDS - kandungan bahan. (n.d.). Retrieved from https://ofa.arkib.gov.my/ofa/digital/asset/408445 Online finding AIDS - kandungan bahan. (n.d.). Retrieved from https://ofa.arkib.gov.my/ofa/digital/asset/394060 Online finding AIDS - kandungan bahan. (n.d.). Retrieved from https://ofa.arkib.gov.my/ofa/digital/asset/562697 Online finding AIDS - kandungan bahan. (n.d.). Retrieved from https://ofa.arkib.gov.my/ofa/digital/asset/396597 Online finding AIDS - kandungan bahan. (n.d.). Retrieved from https://ofa.arkib.gov.my/ofa/digital/asset/401118 Online finding AIDS - kandungan bahan. (n.d.). Retrieved from https://ofa.arkib.gov.my/ofa/digital/asset/398549 Online finding AIDS - kandungan bahan. (n.d.). Retrieved from https://ofa.arkib.gov.my/ofa/digital/asset/400881 Online finding AIDS - kandungan bahan. (n.d.). Retrieved from https://ofa.arkib.gov.my/ofa/digital/asset/871242 21

Online finding AIDS - kandungan bahan. (n.d.). Retrieved from https://ofa.arkib.gov.my/ofa/digital/asset/403380 Online finding AIDS - kandungan bahan. (n.d.). Retrieved from https://ofa.arkib.gov.my/ofa/digital/asset/645933 Online finding AIDS - kandungan bahan. (n.d.). Retrieved from https://ofa.arkib.gov.my/ofa/digital/asset/688395 Online finding AIDS - kandungan bahan. (n.d.). Retrieved from https://ofa.arkib.gov.my/ofa/digital/asset/686085 Online finding AIDS - kandungan bahan. (n.d.). Retrieved from https://ofa.arkib.gov.my/ofa/digital/asset/1171782 PDRM 2016. (n.d.). Portal Rasmi Polis Diraja Malaysia. Peristiwa 13 mei. Retrieved from https://www-rmp-gov-my.translate.goog/infor-korporate/polis-diraja malaysia/sejarah/peristiwa- 13-mei?_x_tr_sl=ms&_x_tr_tl=en&_x_tr_pto=op%2Csc Riduan, N. M. (2022, May 13). HarakahDaily. Events of May 13, 1969: Bloody Monuments as a Mirror of the Times. Retrieved from https://harakahdaily- net.translate.goog/index.php/2022/05/13/peristiwa-13-mei-1969-monumen-berdarah-sebagai- cermin-zaman/?_x_tr_sl=ms&_x_tr_tl=en&_x_tr_hl=en&_x_tr_pto=sc. Show, Y. X. (2021). Narrating the racial riots of 13 May 1969: Gender and Postmemory in Malaysian literature. South East Asia Research, 29(2), 214–230. https://doi.org/10.1080/0967828x.2021.1914515 Ying Xin Show. (2021). Narrating the racial riots of 13 May 1969: gender and postmemory in Malaysian literature. Taylor & Francis Online. Retrieved from https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/full/10.1080/0967828X.2021.1914515 (2019). May 13, never again. MK. Retrieved from https://pages.malaysiakini.com/may13/en/ 22