Literature Review in Sociology Example

SAMPLELITERATURE REVIEW IN SOCIOLOGY SOCIAL MOVEMENTS      Literature on social movements is very complex. Here, too, I will ignore the questioning of sophisticated theoretical discussions. I will just follow the classic definitions of social movements that Charles Tilly and Sidney Tarrow gave: A social movement is a continuous challenge for the holders of power on behalf of the population living under their jurisdiction, by constantly re-demonstrating the population, its commitment, its unity and its value (Tilly, 1993, p. 7); Social movements are ... forms of collective opposition that are based on common goals and social solidarity, in a continuous interaction with elites, opposes and authorities (Tarrow, 2011, p. 9).      Let's consider what this means. Social movements, according to Tilly and Tarrow, are not groups but types of collective action, focused on social interaction. The interaction is complex, moving both within the movement as well as between the movement and those outside it. Constantly, it is about counter-action. Tarrow uses the metaphor of \"strangers at the door\" (Tarrow, 2012) to draw attention to the fact that social movements challenge the existing normative limits of what the regime and the dominant culture prescribed, sanctioned or allowed. Social movement policy is a combat. But how can this collective opposition be justified? In the core of justification we usually find an explicit statement that the social movement is struggling to correct injustice, that is, to establish justice for a particular population in a particular area of life. Thus, the action is represented as reactive, or in response to a situation that is presented as illegitimate. In more detail, the legitimacy response focuses on a situation that is presented as a state of inequality, oppression or unjustified denial of certain social, political, economic or cultural requirements. From this angle, social movements are seen as highly contextualized in given circumstances: their occurrence, existence and type of action depend on the problems they react. Reacting to the perceived injustice, the social movement addresses those outside it. Tilly to call the name by sending the WUNC message. The message reads: we are 1) worthiness, 2) unity, 

LITERATURE REVIEW IN SOCIOLOGY/ SOCIAL MOVEMENTS 3) numbers and 4) commitment. Tilly immediately adds that this is a kind ofmystification. There may be tension or even contradiction between these four elements.However, this does not mean that the message is misplaced: this is not a factual one, buta symbolic one claims. Actions are performative. Though other types of collectiveaction may also be a struggle, the key feature of social movements is their interactionwith those who do not belong to them, seen as addressees of their messages: silent oruninterested populations, opponents, elites, and authorities. Social movements areoccurring as a conversation ... The elementary set of parties involved consists of actorswho make the request, those to which the request is made by the actor and a publicwho has an interest in the fate of at least one of the two sides (Tilly, 1998, p. 467).     My other category is constitutive power. The central theoretical questions here are:who makes the first law, by which authority, when and how? Does the originalauthorship really matter, for example, for those who care about democratic legitimacy?In the classical considerations of the 18th century constituent power is presented as asource of constitution (constitutive power). But it was also clear that constituent powerwas not just \"writing\" and constitutional adoption. There is also a source of authorityfor establishing the first legal authority in the political community. In other words, thetheory of constitutive power is concerned with the emergence of the first legal norm,one that establishes a political community. One theoretical appendix asks what ishappening to the originator of the original authority once the constitutional order hasbeen established once. Constituent power theory often rests on a difficult-to-understand dualism between the original power and the constituted powers: they oftenassume that constitutive power remains beyond the limits of the establishedconstitutional order. Sometimes it is said that the bearer of that original power is thenation (nation) as the predestined category. But the people are also seen as the ultimatebearer of the constitutionally-formulated highest authority: this is expressed in theconcept of constitutionalism, according to which the people are legally established anda constrained entity. Such ambiguity in the identification of peoples leads to circularresonance (the \"paradox of constitutive power\"): the ultimate author of the constitutionis constitutional creation. This and the related ambiguities of this concept have exertedconstituent power from the center of attention to constitutional theory and the theoryof democracy. However, the issue remains important both for theory and for politicalpractice - study of new European social movements.     So it is claimed that the movement brings economic, legal and political novelties. Thenovelty comes to us in response to the crisis, but its purposes go beyond the cost ofreaction. Let's set the contextual interpretation, which says that the crisis sealed theessence of liberal constitutional democracy and expelled it as a rule of domination bylaw; the primary objective of this domination is to protect capital. Or, to serve thecolorful phrase of Michael Hardt and Antonius Negri from their Declaration of 2012:\"Human beings are transformed into a mass of subjects who are subordinate,meditated, overlapped and represented\". These are the four cardinal wonders ofmodernity, among which, as a company, a bit strange together, found subordination 

LITERATURE REVIEW IN SOCIOLOGY/ SOCIAL MOVEMENTS and political representation. In our eyes, this formalized violence conventionallyreferred to as constitutional democracy is placed in the service of protecting the socialand political state of affairs, even though this state does not meet the minimumrequirements of justice (Mils, 2013).      Things can only change better if the regime of ownership, its state and its right arerejected and replaced by a common asset regime. Here's how the Statute Valle identifieslegal news and its relationship to the old regime: Shared assets are a new legal category,independent of property, directly related to the values of the Constitution ... The statepower that wants to privatize common goods extends its constitutional mandate.Occupation is a justified response in the light of the Italian Constitution.On the one hand, the thing is that it violates the law to challenge the regime (civicdisobedience) and has shown to the general public why the movement thinks theregime is illegitimate. But, as Mattei says, the attitude of the social movements \"towardsinstitutions of the state is often strategic, dependent on circumstances andopportunistic\" (Bailey & Mattei, 2013). Here, however, this opportunistic attitude to thelaw largely reflects not only Lenin's attitude to existing law (Lenin, 1962), but also aposition that was inherent in the US constitution of the 18th century when separationfrom Britain was justified by the thesis of the necessity of the defense of Britishconstitutionalism (Becker, 1956). The rejection of the authority of the state and the lawgoes along with allegations of attachment to the basic normative provisions of theItalian Constitution, hence the Constitution of the regime with which the movement isopposed.     However, that is not enough. Two key issues remain. First, you can use Leninisttactics, but after all, you will need no one opportunistic, but one principled attitude toend up justifying the termination of the reality of existing laws and policies. That is whythe movement disputes the legitimacy of the legal and political order by arguing thatthe character and gravity of the injustice necessitated autonomously to bring about adifficult but only correct decision to step out of the legal and political framework andaccept the status of \"stranger at the door\". Yet, and this is another problem, one mustanswer the question we are about to circulate all the time. How to imagine a new,alternative law and order? Mattei insists that the new order must surpass the falsedualism of the economy and state of the old regime. This can be achieved only by acomplete rejection of private property, individualism, and competition: The commonsystem-based legal system must use the \"eco-system\" as a model where a singlecommunity of individuals or social groups links mutually horizontal links to a networkin which power scattered; it should completely reject the idea of hierarchy (andcompetition, produced by the same logic) in favor of the model of participation andcooperation, which prevents concentration of power in one party or entity, placing thecenter of community interest (Mattei, 2011).

LITERATURE REVIEW IN SOCIOLOGY/ SOCIAL MOVEMENTS  REFERENCES Tilly, C. (1993). Social Movements as Historically Specific Clusters of Political Performances”, Berkeley Journal of Sociology, Vol. 38. Tarrow, S. (2011). Power in Movement. Social Movements and Contentious Politics, Revised and updated 3rd edition. New York: Cambridge University Press. Tarrow, S. (2012). Strangers at the Gates. Movements and States in Contentious Politics. New York: Cambridge University Press. Tilly, C. (1998). Social Movements and (All Sorts of) Other Political Interactions – Local, National, and International – Including Identities, Theory and Society, Vol. 27, No. 4. Hardt, M. & Negri, A. (2012). Declaration, 2012, available at http://antonionegriinenglish.wordpress.com/2012/05/16/declaration-by- hardt-and-negri/  Mills, F. (2013). Commons & Constituent Power: Notes from the Social Movements and the Struggles in Italy, 7. november 2013, available at http://www.globalproject.info/it/in_movimento/commons-constituent- power-notes-from-the-socialmovements-and-the-struggles-in-italy/15667 Statute of Teatro Valle Bene Comune, available at http://www.teatrovalleoccupato.it/teatro-valle-occupato-one-year-and- half-of-commoning-english-version Bailey, S. & Mattei, U. (2013). Social Movements as Constituent Power: The Italian Struggle for the Commons”, Indiana Journal of Global Legal Studies, Vol. 20, Issue 2. Lenin, V. I. (1962). Two Tactics of Social-Democracy in the Democratic Revolution, in Collected Works, Vol. 9. Moscow: Progress Publishers. Becker, C. (1956). The Declaration of Independence. A Study in the History of Political Ideas. New York: Alfred Knopf. Mattei, U. (2011). The State, the Market, and some Preliminary Questions about the Commons, available at http://dupublicaucommun.blogspot.com/2011/03/contribution-dugo-mattei- pour-le-seance.html