cristopher columbus

Colombia: Discourses of Empire in Spanish America 139 as an emblem of Bolívar, and of his iconicity as a national and Pan-American symbol, the ‘Oath of Rome’ faithfully represents a foundational scene of Latin American identity.”91 Indeed, today the “Oath” is still important in Venezuela’s self-image: it is memorized by Venezuelan school children and quoted by politicians. O’Leary’s account of the scene of the “Oath” is typical in the historiography of Spanish American independence: “On Monte Sacro the sufferings of his own country overwhelmed his mind, and he knelt down and made that vow whose faithful fulfillment the emancipation of South America is the glorious witness.”92 In 1950, Venezuelan painter Tito Salas captured the scene of the “Oath,” with Bolívar overlooking the ruins of the Roman forum, in a painting that hangs in the National Pantheon in Caracas (see Figure 8). On the surface, the “Oath” appears to be a simple statement against the tyranny of empire. Before modern historiographers clarified the geography of Rome, the Mons Sacer on which Bolívar purportedly stood was often confused with the Aventine; both places were sites to which the plebian lower class seceded in its struggle to end debt-slavery and win official recognition for its representatives, its own assembly, and access to magistracies.93 This struggle is recorded in Livy’s History of Rome, which both Bolívar and Rodríguez likely read. Livy’s narrative notes how the plebs of the Republic withdrew to the Aventine in order to pres- sure the patricians (who resided on the Palatine hill) into political negotiations. And it is at the site of the plebs’ struggle with the perceived tyranny of the patricians that Bolívar declares he will set Spanish America free from the tyranny of the Spanish Empire. Yet, Bolívar’s stance regarding empire is not so clear-cut in the “Oath.” The republican and imperial phases of Roman history are lumped together, and both are declared failures. The first part of the “Oath,” where, in Lynch’s words, “the pen of Rodríguez may well have prevailed,”94 reads as follows:

140 The Legacy of Christopher Columbus in the Americas Figure 8.  Tito Salas, El juramento en el Monte Sacro. Courtesy of Alberto Borrego. So then, this is the nation of Romulus and Numa, of the Gracchi and the Horaces, of Augustus and Nero, of Caesar and Brutus, of Tiberius and Trajan? Here every manner of grandeur has had its type, all miseries their cradle. Octavian masks himself in the cloak of public piety to conceal his untrusting character and his bloody outbursts; Brutus thrusts his dagger into the heart of his

Colombia: Discourses of Empire in Spanish America 141 patron so as to replace Caesar’s tyranny with his own; Antony renounces his claim to glory to set sail on the galleys of a whore; with no projects of reform, Sulla beheads his fellow countrymen and Tiberius, dark as night and depraved as crime itself, divides his time between lust and slaughter. For every Cinncinatus there were a hundred Caracallas, a hundred Caligulas for every Trajan, a hundred Claudiuses for every Vespasian. This nation has examples of everything: severity for former times, austerity for republics, depravity for emperors, catacombs for Christians, courage for conquering the entire world, ambition for turn- ing every nation on earth into a fertile field for tribute; women capable of driving the sacrilegious wheels of their carriages over the decapitated bodies of their parents; orators, like Cicero capable of stirring crowds to action; poets, like Virgil, for seduc- ing with their song; satirists, like Juvenal and Lucretius; weak minded philosophers, like Seneca; complete citizens, like Cato.95 This text collapses the Roman Republic and Empire, a collapse that points to the porous line between the categories of empire and republic in much of the political discourse of the Americas during the Age of Revolution. The “Oath” refers indiscriminately to fig- ures of Roman history, moving from the Roman kings Romulus and Numa to the republican figures of the Gracchi brothers, and then to the emperors Augustus and Nero, among others. Bolívar’s point is that both the Roman Republic and the Roman Empire failed in the “emancipation of the spirit” and in the “final per- fectibility of reason,” despite their greatness: “This nation has examples for everything, except for the cause of humanity: corrupt Messalinas, gutless Agrippas, great historians, distinguished nat- uralists, heroic warriors, rapacious consuls, unrestrained sybarites, golden virtues, and foul crimes; but for the emancipation of the spirit, the elimination of cares, the exaltation of man, and the final perfectibility of reason, little or nothing.”96 It is only in the New World, Bolívar then posits, that the unfulfilled grandeur of Rome, both Republic and Empire, will be realized.

142 The Legacy of Christopher Columbus in the Americas For Bolívar both the Roman Republic and the Roman Empire were useful models to be superseded. Here Leopoldo Zea’s obser- vation about the meaning of Rome in Bolívar’s thought is helpful: Before it transformed into Empire, Rome had been the creator of the republican archetype for free men. Bolívar would attempt to do something more than Rome did, not extend dominium, but create other republics, not [engage in] imperial expansion, but in the reproduction of the republic throughout the America that Bolívar would go about liberating. That is, [he sought] to create multiple republics and, with all of them, form a Confederation of Republics. Not an Empire but rather a great community of free republics equally formed by free men. Both the Republic and the Empire of Rome supplied models for attaining what could seem an impossible libertarian dream.97 It is within this context of a murky employment of political typologies reflecting his understanding of Rome that Bolívar sug- gests that the post-independence nation-state be named after Columbus, a figure associated for centuries with empire. The second foundational text, also probably apocryphal, which some attribute to Simón Bolívar, is “My Delirium on Chimborazo,” published for the first time in 1833, after Bolívar’s death. Most experts find some reason to doubt the authenticity of this document, the original of which has never been located.98 Lynch writes that “the lack of collaborative evidence and con- temporary reference invites an agnostic response.” 99 Narrated in first person, the piece relates Bolívar’s supposed trek to the sum- mit of Chimborazo, which at an altitude of 20,565 feet above sea level was thought at the beginning of the nineteenth century to be the highest mountain in the world. After surpassing the tracks of Humboldt, who climbed partway up the mountain in 1802, Bolívar finally reaches the top, when, the text reads, “a feverish delirium suspends my mental faculties. I feel as if I were aflame with a strange, higher fire. It was the God of Colombia taking

Colombia: Discourses of Empire in Spanish America 143 possession of me.” He then converses with Time about the past and the future, and he is finally revived by “the tremendous voice of Colombia”: “Absorbed, frozen in time, so to speak, I lay lifeless for a long time, stretched out on that immense diamond serving as my bed. Finally, the tremendous voice of Colombia cries out to me. I come back to life, sit up, open my heavy eyelids with my own hands. I become a man again, and write down my delirium.”100 Regardless of this text’s authenticity, its status in the Spanish American cultural tradition merits our consideration. Angel Grisanti, writing in 1964, called it “the most profoundly lyrical of Bolívar’s writings and one of the most beautiful pieces of litera- ture in the Spanish language.”101 Grisanti contended that Bolívar climbed the mountain on 5 July 1822, inspired by the eleventh anniversary of the Declaration of Independence of Venezuela. According to Grisanti, “The Liberator is euphoric, beside himself, impassioned, burning with the glow of so many glorious memo- ries. Along the route, Venezuela is on the hearts and minds of everyone.  .  .  . And it is Bolívar, as protagonist of the epic, who becomes most delirious.”102 Given the complicity between epic and empire, the epic being the story of domination told by the dominators, it is apt that Grisanti refers to Bolívar as the pro- tagonist of the epic of Venezuelan (and Spanish American) inde- pendence. It is also fitting that the “God of Colombia tak[es] possession” of Bolívar during the spiritual experience described in the “Delirium,” for Columbus has always been an archetype of empire.



Conclusion The Meaning of Empire in Nationalist Discourses of the United States and Spanish America As discussed in detail in the Introduction, in the last decade   or so an increasing number of scholars have critiqued the dominance of the nation-state as a unit of analysis. In doing so, they have challenged exceptionalist views of US history, accord- ing to which empire and the nation-state are viewed as opposi- tional, empire being replaced by the nation-state at the moment it is born from the ashes of the colonial experience. Scholarship critical of this view takes its impetus from the so-called “global turn” and is sometimes called post-national American studies or “New Americanist Studies.”1 Although this recent scholarship has created a better under- standing of the nation as empire, it has yet to consider the sig- nificance of Columbus as he was represented in the Americas in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries. Instead, our view of Columbus has remained impeded by nation-centric methodolo- gies that exclude the supranational contexts in which the mean- ings of Columbus were constructed. This book attempts to rectify this situation. Understanding the figure of Columbus in the Americas requires a comparative approach. The American nationalists of the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries who were responsible for appropriating Columbus as a nationalistic symbol of empire did not live in isolated linguistic bubbles. Instead, they were citizens 145

146 The Legacy of Christopher Columbus in the Americas of the Atlantic “republic of letters”: they read widely and were familiar with the textual conversations in different languages and through the centuries about Columbus, and indeed about empire and conquest in the Western world, with which he became so closely associated. If we seek to understand the meaning of the word “Colombia” as it appears on the flag of the first Venezuelan republic, we must consider Francisco de Miranda’s own experi- ence with the term. This entails our investigation of how it was employed in the United States during Miranda’s travels there as well as Miranda’s encounters with Columbus and his legacy throughout his diverse readings of the canonical texts, both his- toriographic and literary, in the various languages used in the Atlantic republic of letters and in the Hispanic tradition. By opening the field of inquiry and going beyond nation-­ centered traditions, I have argued that the meaning of Columbus in the Americas is constructed by a transatlantic discourse that was originally created by Columbus himself, later perpetuated by historiographers and literati, and eventually taken up by writers in the Americas, both North and South. Through this discourse, the figure of Columbus was constructed as an archetype of empire that was uniquely suited to convey not only the imperial designs for real territorial expansion in the United States during the eigh- teenth and nineteenth centuries, but also the desire of Spanish Americans for imperial grandeur. The embracing of Columbus as a figure of empire by New- World republics breaking free from Old-World empires shows the imperial underpinnings of the nation-state. Discourses about Columbus in the Americas reveal the desire of nationalists to set the New World apart from the Old. Yet these discourses simulta- neously illustrate an aspiration to these same old imperial ideals via the consistent employment of the classic narrative of the translatio imperii, the westward transfer of empire. The meaning of the figure of Columbus, however, was not set in stone as soon as Columbus portrayed himself as a

Conclusion 147 representative of empire. While I do believe that Columbus, as a sign, has generally been interpreted as a figure associated with empire, conquest, and colonization, and although I have focused on this argument, there are clearly other interpretations of him. For Italian Americans in the United States, for example, the figure of Columbus has been a symbol of Catholicism and ethnic and cultural identity. For some commentators in Spanish America, Columbus is a racial link to Europe and limpieza de s­angre (purity of blood), or a cultural link to Spain and Hispanidad. The dif- ferent meanings of Columbus constructed by various groups that uphold him as their hero or symbol have been thoroughly dis- cussed by various scholars. I seek to add to the scholarship about Columbus by taking the long view of the transatlantic history of Columbus representations, whereby it becomes apparent that a great many of the contexts in which these representations have been produced are thematically related to empire, in a variety of meanings. Indeed, I would argue that it was the West’s obsession with empire, its history and its future, that gave life to the symbol of Columbus in the Americas. The Meaning of Empire in Nationalist Discourses of the United States and Spanish America A critical study of the articulations of Columbus in the Americas reveals that empire was very much at the heart of the ideologi- cal foundations of the modern nation-states in the New World. It helped supply the language with which the new nations were rhetorically constructed. But what did empire mean in British America and in Spanish America? In both his 1991 essay and his 2008 book, The Language of Empire: Rome and the Idea of Empire from the Third Century BC to the Second Century AD, John Richardson examines the “extension of meaning” of the term imperium during the growth of the Roman

148 The Legacy of Christopher Columbus in the Americas Empire, from the third century BCE, when imperium referred sim- ply to the power granted to a magistrate, to the early decades of the first century ACE, when the term also came to mean some- thing more: “The earlier significance, the right of command within the Roman state . . . was never lost, but in addition the meaning ‘empire,’ in an increasingly concrete, territorial sense came to be a normal usage, so that, at least from the second half of the first century AD, imperium Romanum is used as we would use ‘Roman Empire.’ ” Richardson encourages us to think of this “extension of meaning” as having created a continuum: “It is apparent that we are not dealing with two alternative and incompatible meanings [of the term imperium], but with the co-existence of a pair of meanings, of which in any particular case one is likely to be more dominant than the other.”2 The second meaning of the term imperium (the territory over which power is exercised) developed as the Roman Empire grew, and it soon subsumed the first meaning of the term (the power of a magistrate). This notion of a semantic continuum whereby imperium is defined is helpful when we consider the meaning of empire in the Americas during the period covered in this book. As discussed in the Introduction, references to empire in nationalist discourses were often nothing more than vague allusions to power or to the grandeur that was popularly associated with Rome. But some- times they were particular references to the kind of territo- rial expansion that had become part and parcel of what Rome meant in the Western imagination. In British America and later the United States, then, we can think of empire as meaning both power and territory. There, the term “empire” was employed with territorial expansion in mind much more frequently than in it was in Spanish America. This jibed with the political realities of the day. In the early United States there was consistent pres- sure to acquire territory and influence abroad that was absent in the early independent republics of Spanish America. Bolívar recognized that his project to create a politically unified state

Conclusion 149 was impossible, and the issue of territorial expansion was never a dominant theme in nationalist discourses, except perhaps for short periods of time in the cases of border disputes and later in the nineteenth century. But even in these cases, only a limited amount of territory believed to belong to the nation was desired, and the issue at hand was not territorial expansion per se, as it was in many instances in the United States. In Spanish America, therefore, the meaning of the term “empire” tends to remain closer to the first side of the continuum—that is, it refers to power and authority, or the ethos of empire, and only very infre- quently does it refer to territory. Even in the case of Iturbide’s Mexican Empire (1821–23), when the language of empire was employed to great effect and the imperial trappings of the royal courts of Europe were imitated, territorial expansion was not an issue. In considering further the meaning of empire in post- independence Spanish America, I return to Richardson’s essay and, in particular, to his reminder that even in Rome there was a certain obscurity to the term imperium, as the authority granted to a consul or praetor in part came from the gods. “Even in the period of the late republic and early empire,” he writes, “at least a certain element of the mysterious is to be expected: in part impe- rium belongs not to the precise complexities of constitutional law but to the proper obscurities of religion.”3 This brings to mind the mystical tenor of the Spanish American foundational texts that I analyzed in Chapter 4. In those texts, the language of empire is used to describe the new nations in a highly lyrical mode. That intense lyrical quality is lacking in similar foundational texts of the United States. This is not to say that texts produced in British America and the United States did not wax poetic when they used the language of empire; rather, I wish to point out that the lyricism of the Spanish American texts is more pronounced, more profound, often even venturing on the mystical. Surely part of this aesthetic difference

150 The Legacy of Christopher Columbus in the Americas is explained by the different influences and characteristics of the literary traditions in the North and South. But I would suggest, too, that another explanation is found in the different natures of the Spanish and English colonial expe- riences. Spain’s colonial system was more hierarchical and con- trolled by the metropolis than England’s for multiple reasons: the different timing of the Spanish and the British colonial proj- ects in the Americas (the British beginning theirs roughly a cen- tury after the Spanish), the differences in national traditions and previous histories of conquest, and the differences among the American landscapes and peoples the Spanish and the British encountered.4 The daily lives of British colonists were gener- ally less restricted by colonial government than were the lives of their Spanish counterparts, but this depended on where both sets of colonists lived and how they made their living. The Spanish Empire in the Americas also lasted more than three hundred years, much longer than Britain’s empire. My point is that the long shadow of the colonial experience rendered the possibility of thinking about territorial expansion largely irrelevant for the early Spanish American nationalists of the nineteenth century. Conquering new territory in order to incorporate it into the new nations was simply not on their agenda. How different was the situation in the early United States. While post-independence Spanish American Creoles con- jured up visions of their new nation-states as greater than Rome, and while they used the language of empire to describe them, the manner in which they did so took on a poetic air. It was almost as if telling the story of their becoming an empire, becoming all- powerful, after years of colonial subjugation, required a highly charged lyricism. Again, I do not wish to imply that US texts that deal with empire and Columbus are not lyrical. Joel Barlow’s Columbiad and Thomas Brower Peacock’s Columbian Ode, for example, are certainly lyrical and surely contain elements of fan- tasy, but I would not venture to say they are as ethereal as the

Conclusion 151 passages in Spanish American foundational texts such as “The Oath Taken in Rome” and “My Delirum on Chimborazo,” both of which are discussed in Chapter 4. Echoing Richardson’s description of the religious authority signified by the Roman word imperium, we may effectively char- acterize the language of empire in Spanish American national discourses as consistently containing “a certain element of the mysterious.”



Notes introduction 1. Enrique Dussel, for one, argues that modernity is a discursive construct that emerged out of the dialectic initiated by the European encounter with America, whereby Europe defined itself as the center in relation to the “other” of the periphery. “Eurocentrism and Modernity,” 65–76. 2. Jefferson, Memoir, Correspondence and Miscellanies, 1:433. 3. The most thorough study of the translatio imperii trope I have read is Breuninger, “Morals, the Market, and History,” chs. 8 and 9. 4. Anthony Pagden explains, “The modern term ‘empire’ and the related words ‘emperor,’ ‘imperialism,’ etc., all derive, significantly, from the Latin word imperium, which in ancient Rome indicated supreme power involving both command in war and the magistrate’s right to execute law. The term has therefore linked the history of European imperialism very closely to the legacy of the Roman Empire. Originally, it meant little more than ‘sovereignty,’ a sense it retained until at least the eighteenth century. Ever since the days of the Roman Republic, however, ‘empire’ has also been a word used to describe government over vast territories.” Pagden, Peoples and Empires, xxi–xxii. For more on the primacy of the Aeneid in this regard, see Waswo, The Founding Legend of Western Civilization. 5. Virgil, Aeneid 1.278–79. Livy’s History of Rome also incorporates the view that Rome was destined for world domination. Specifically, in his story about the founding of Rome he writes that the god of boundaries, Terminus, was the only god absent: “This was interpreted as an omen and augury: the fact that the seat of Terminus was not moved and that he alone of all the gods was not summoned from his consecrated boundaries portended that everything would be stable and secure. After this auspice of permanence had been received, another prodigy portending the greatness of empire ensued. It is said that a human head, its features intact, was found by the men who were digging the foundations of the temple. This phenomenon undoubtedly foretold that this was to be the citadel of empire and the head or capital of the world.” Livy, History of Rome, 1:55, 76. 153

154 Notes to Pages 6–11 6. Bolton, “The Epic of Greater America,” 448. Bolton delivered this address to the American Historical Association on 28 December 1932, and it was subsequently published in the American Historical Review in April 1933. 7. See Rowe, Literary Culture and US Imperialism; Rowe, The New American Studies; Rowe, Post-Nationalist American Studies; Gillman, “The New, Newest Thing: Have American Studies Gone Imperial?”; Brückner, “The Critical Place of Empire in Early American Studies”; and Kaplan and Pease, Cultures of United States Imperialism. In that volume, see, in particular, Kaplan, “ ‘Left Alone With America’: The Absence of Empire in the Study of American Culture,” 3–21. See also Kaplan, The Anarchy of Empire in the Making of US Culture. 8. Burton, “Introduction: On the Inadequacy and the Indispensability of the Nation,” 4. 9. For a discussion on the different perspective of “early Americanists” and what she calls “US-Americanists,” see Sandra Gustafson, “Histories of Democracy and Empire.” Regarding Latin America, postcoloniality has been thoroughly theorized in the work of Enrique Dussel, Aníbal Quijano, and Walter Mignolo. See also Moraña, Dussel, and Jauregui, Coloniality at Large: Latin America and the Postcolonial Debate. 10. The bibliography is too extensive to list here. Among the works I have found helpful are the following: Bellini and Martini, Colombo e la scoperta nelle grandi opere letterarie; Bushman, America Discovers Columbus; Cock Hincapié, Historia del nombre de Colombia; Hart, Columbus, Shakespeare, and the Interpretation of the New World; Larner, “North American Hero?”; Regazzoni, Cristoforo Colombo nella letteratura spagnola dell’Ottocento; Sale, The Conquest of Paradise; Schlereth, “Columbia, Columbus, and Columbianism”; Spengemann, A New World of Words; Spina, Cristoforo Colombo e la poesia; Stavans, Imagining Columbus; and Steiner, Cristoforo Colombo nella poesia epica italiana. 11. Spengemann, A New World of Words, 118. 12. Ibid., 122. 13. Ibid., 171. 14. Limerick, The Legacy of Conquest. See also, for example, Walter Nugent’s discussion of the issue of territorial boundaries in the charters of the colonies and the US peace treaties of 1782–83 in Habits of Empire, ch. 1. 15. Las Casas’s detailed account of Columbus and his life appears in his Historia de las Indias, which although not published until 1875–76 was well known to Atlantic intellectuals before then in manuscript form. See Las Casas, Historia de las Indias, 2:35–40, 91, 114–19, 132–34, 140–41.

Notes to Pages 12–22 155 16. Las Casas, Las Casas on Columbus, 24–25. 17. Arias, Retórica, historia y polémica, 49. 18. Cock Hincapié, Historia del nombre de Colombia, 43. 19. See Larner, “North American Hero?” 48. 20. “The Speech of his Grace . . .” 21. See, for example, Samuel Sewall, Phaenoomena quaedam apocalyptica, 49–50; Cotton Mather, Magnalia Christi Americana, 1:581; and William Douglass, A Summary, Historical and Political, 1:65. 22. This is the argument proposed in Dennis, “The Eighteenth-Century Discovery of Columbus,” 209. chapter 1 1. Cartagena, Poesía, 126. 2. Frances Yates (Astraea), Marie Tanner (The Last Descendant of Aeneas), and Anthony Pagden (Lords of all the World) have all written about the meaning of empire and the imperial legacy in Spain during the reign of the Hapsburgs, especially when Charles V claimed the title to the Holy Roman Empire from 1519 to 1556. Peggy Liss (“Isabel of Castile”) analyzes the long and vibrant tradition of empire in Spain before the Hapsburgs. 3. For more on this topic, see Milhou, Colón y su mentalidad mesiánica, ch. 3. 4. Liss, Isabel the Queen, 43. 5. Muldoon, Empire and Order. 6. Milhou, Colón y su mentalidad mesiánica, 438. 7. Liss, “Isabel of Castile,” 128. See also Fraker, The Scope of History, 5. 8. Liss, “Isabel of Castile,” 127–28. 9. Ibid., 144. 10. Ibid., 144n71. 11. “Bula Inter caetera de 3 de mayo,” 14–17. 12. López de Gómara, Historia general de las Indias, 8. My translation. López de Gómara’s history was written in the early 1540s but not published until 1552. The original reads: “Comenzaron las conquistas de los indios acabadas la de moros, por que siempre guerreasen españoles contra infieles.” 13. Elliott, Imperial Spain, 49. 14. See Muldoon, Empire and Order; and Weckmann, The Medieval Heritage of Mexico. 15. Elliott, Imperial Spain, 33. 16. Ibid., 50. 17. Some of this discussion draws on Bartosik-Vélez, “The First Interpretations of the Columbian Enterprise.”

156 Notes to Pages 22–24 18. We should note that one pre-discovery document, a “Salvoconducto” (or Letter of Safe Conduct) given to Columbus and signed by the royal secretary on behalf of the king and queen, refers to a religious purpose of the voyage. Written in Latin, the letter is addressed to the sovereigns Columbus might encounter and reads in part: “Mittimus in presenciarum nobilem virum Christoforum Colon cun tribus caravelis armatis per maria Oceania ad partes Indie, pro alquibus causis et negociis, servicium Dei ac fidei ortodoxe augmentum, necnon benefficium et utilitatem nostram, concernentibus.” “Salvoconducto,” 23. (By these presents we sent the noble Christopher Columbus with three caravels fitted out for the ocean sea toward the regions of India for certain reasons and matters regarding the diffusion of the divine faith as well as for our use and benefit.) I use the translation provided by Taviani, “Notes for the Historicogeographical Reconstruction,” 77. 19. Zamora, Reading Columbus, 28. 20. Nader argues that Ferdinand and Isabel, in commissioning Columbus in 1492, sought to mimic the Portuguese method of building a trade empire. “The End of the Old World,” 797. See also Kicza, “Patterns in Early Spanish Overseas Expansion.” Morison points out the similarities of the Capitulaciones to the letter of donation issued in 1486 by the Portuguese King João II to the Flemish explorer Fernão Dulmo, a.k.a. Ferdinand van Olm. Morison, “The Earliest Colonial Policy,” 544. Morison cites Bensaúde, Lacunes et surprises de l’histoire des découvertes maritimes. 21. Regarding “missionary purpose,” see Weckmann, The Medieval Heritage of Mexico, 179; and Zunzunegui, “Los orígenes de las misiones.” 22. Cf. Muldoon, Popes, Lawyers, and Infidels, 133. 23. Phillips, The Medieval Expansion of Europe, 95. 24. Columbus, The Journal, 1:9. The originals read: “este presente año de 1492, después de Vuestras Altezas aver dado fin a la guerra de los moros” and “después de aver echado fuera todos los judíos de todos vuestros reinos y señoríos.” Colón, Textos, 95–96. 25. Milhou, Colón y su mentalidad mesiánica, 177–78. 26. Columbus, The Journal, 1:9. The original: “para ver los dichos prínçipes y los pueblos y las tierras y la disposiçión d’ellas y de todo. . . . para ver los dichos príncipes y los pueblos y las tierras y la disposición d’ellas y de todo, y la manera que se pudiera tener para la conversión d’ellas a nuestra sancta fe.” Colón, Textos, 95­–96. 27. Columbus, The Journal, 1:9. “cathólicos cristianos y prínçipes amadores de la sancta fe cristiana y acreçentadores d’ella y enemigos de la secta de Mahoma y de todas idolatrías y heregías.” Colón, Textos, 95.

Notes to Pages 25–26 157 28. Columbus, The Journal, 1:9. “muchas vezes él y sus anteçessores avían enbiado a Roma a pedir doctores en nuestra sancta fe porque le enseñasen en ella, y que nunca el Sancto Padre le avía proveído y se perdían tantos pueblos, cayendo en idolatrías e resçibiendo en sí sectas de perdiçión.” Colón, Textos, 95. 29. I follow David Henige’s suggestion to refer to the original record kept by Columbus, which is now lost, as the “log” in order to distinguish it from the particular version of the log created by Las Casas. Henige, In Search of Columbus, 8. 30. Any conclusions based on a textual analysis of the Diario are necessarily tentative because the original was lost, and the only extant version of it is Las Casas’s summary of a copy of it. Despite Consuelo Varela’s faith in the “overall integrity of Las Casas’s text of the Journal,” it is impossible to verify how much of the Diario is Las Casas’s creation as opposed to Columbus’s. Varela, “Notes,” 55. So, while some maintain that Columbus is the author of the Diario (see, for example, Varela, “Notes,” 55–58; Gil, Introduction to Textos y documentos completos, 30; and Morison, “Texts,” 239), Henige and Zamora treat the document as a constructed text manipulated and mediated by Las Casas. Zamora emphasizes Las Casas’s own ideological agenda, reminding us that his primary goal was the peaceful evangelization of the natives. She asserts that Las Casas’s version of the Diario was likely designed to serve him as an “aide mémoire” in the production of his own writings as opposed to a faithful reproduction of Columbus’s original log. Zamora, Reading Columbus, 42. 31. Columbus, The Journal, 1:213, 215. “Y dize qu’espera en Dios que, a la buelta que él entendía hazer de Castilla, avía de hallar un tonel de oro, que avrían resgatado los que avía de dexar, y que avrían hallado la mina del oro y la espeçería, y aquello en tanta cantidad que los Reyes antes de tres años emprendiesen y adereçasen para ir a conquistar la Casa Sancta, ‘que así,’ dize él, ‘protesté a Vuestras Altezas que toda la ganançia d’esta mi empresa se gastase en la conquista de Hierusalem, y Vuestras Altezas se rieron y dixeron que les plazía, y que sin esto tenían aquella gana.’ ” Colón, Textos, 181. 32. I refer to these letters collectively as “the Santángel/Sánchez letter.” The original Santángel and Sánchez letters are lost. Available copies share the same content but different dates (and signatures, probably due to the translators of the letters and/or their publishers). The Santángel letter is dated 15 February 1493, and the Sánchez letter is dated 14 March 1493. While both missives underwent multiple editions, the Sánchez letter was more widely distributed in Europe. See Rumeu de Armas, Libro copiador, 1:51. The

158 Notes to Pages 26–29 letter most often cited in current scholarship is that addressed to Santángel. For a discussion of the likely dates, locales, and circumstances of the letters Columbus wrote immediately after the “discovery,” including the 4 March 1493 letter to the sovereigns, see Rumeu de Armas, Libro copiador, 1:27–51; and Davidson, Columbus Then and Now, 196. Regarding the argument that Columbus’s 4 March 1493 letter to the sovereigns is the product of a royal revision of the Santángel/Sanchez letter, see Ramos Pérez, La primera noticia de América; and Zamora, Reading Columbus. 33. Zamora, Reading Columbus, 26–27. 34. Zamora, Reading Columbus, 190. The original Spanish reads: “Aquel eterno Dios que a dado tantas victorias a V.Al., agora les dió la mas alta que hasta oy a dado a prínçipes.” Colón, Textos, 227. 35. Zamora, Reading Columbus, 190. I have modified Zamora’s translation slightly to reflect more literally the repetitive use of the first person pronoun. The original reads: “Yo bengo de las Yndias con el armada que V. Al. me dieron, adonde yo pasé en treinta y tres días después que yo partí de vuestros reinos.” Colón, Textos, 227–28 (emphasis added). 36. Columbus, Journal, 309. “Señor: Porque sé que avréis plazer de la gran vitoria que nuestro Señor me ha dado en mi viaje vos escrivo ésta, por la cual sabréis cómo en treinta y tres días pasé a las Indias.” Colón, Textos, 219–20. 37. Zamora, Reading Columbus, 194. Because Zamora does not attempt to render the damaged portions of the document, I have supplemented her translation. The damaged sections are noted by asterisk in the original: “Mas Nuestro Señor, qu’es lumbre y fuerça de todos aquellos que andan a buen fin y les da victoria de cosas que pareçen inposibles, quiso hordenar que yo hallase y oviese de hallar oro y minas d’él y espeçería y gente sin número, * * * unos dispuestos para ser christianos y otros para que los christianos * * *” Colón, Textos, 231. 38. Columbus, The Journal, 1:321. “Eterno Dios nuestro Señor, el cual da a todos aquellos que andan su camino victoria de cosas que parecen imposibles.” Colón, Textos, 225. 39. Zamora, Reading Columbus, 194–95. “Concluyo aquí que, mediante la graçia divinal de Aquél qu’es comienço de todas cosas virtuosas y buenas y que da favor y victoria a todos aquellos que van en su camino, que de oy en siete años yo podré pagar a V. Al. çinco mill de cavallo y çincuenta mill de pie en la guerra e conquista de Jherusalem, sobre el cual propósito se tomó esta empresa; y dende a çinco años otros çinco mill de cavallo y cincuenta mill

Notes to Pages 29–32 159 de pie, que serían diez mill de cavallo y çient mill de pie, y esto con muy poca costa que faga agora V.A. en este comienço, para que se tengan todas las Yndias y lo que en ellas ay en la mano, como después diré por palabra a V.A. Y para esto tengo razón y no hablo inçierto, y no se deve dormir en ello, como se a fecho en la esecuçión d’esta enpresa, de que Dios perdone a quien a sido causa d’ello.” Colón, Textos, 232. 40. See Bartosik-Vélez, “The Three Rhetorical Strategies of Christopher Columbus.” 41. See Colón, Textos, 481. 42. Zamora, Reading Columbus, 20. 43. Diffie and Winius, Foundations of the Portuguese Empire, 171–72. 44. Ramos Pérez, La primera noticia de América, 66. 45. Zamora, Reading Columbus, 195. “Muy poderosos prínçipes, [de] toda la christianidad deve hazer muy grandísimas fiestas y en espeçial la Yglesia de Dios, por aver fallado tanta multidumbre de pueblos tan allegados, para <que> con poco trabajo se tornen a nuestra sancta fee, y de tantas tierras llenas de tantos bienes a nos muy neçesarios, en que abrán todos <los> christianos refrigerio y ganançia, donde todo estava incógnito ni se contava d’ello salvo en manera de fábulas. Grandes alegrías y fiestas en las igle(sias y mu)chas alabanças a la Sancta Trinidad deve en espeçial mandar hazer V. Al. (en todos) sus reinos y señoríos por el gran amor que les a amostrado, más que a otro prínçipe.” Colón, Textos, 232–33. 46. Columbus, The Journal, 1:321. The Spanish reads: “Así que, pues nuestro Redemtor dio esta victoria a nuestros illustrísimos Rey e Reina e a sus reinos famosos de tan alta cosa, adonde toda la christiandad deve tomar alegría y fazer grandes fiestas y dar gracias solemnes a la Sancta Trinidad con muchas oraciones solemnes, por el tanto enxalçamiento que havrán en tornándose tantos pueblos a nuestra sancta fe, y después por los bienes temporales que no solamente a la España, mas a todos los christianos ternán aquí refrigerio y ganancia.” Colón, Textos, 226. 47. Morison provides this English translation in Journals and Other Documents, 203–4. The original reads: “Primeramente, pues á Dios nuestro Señor plugo por su alta misericordia descobrir las dichas islas, é tierra-firme al Rey é á la Reina nuestros Señores por industria del dicho D. Cristóbal Colon, su Almirante, Visorey, é Gobernador dellas, el cual ha fecho relacion á sus Altezas, que las gentes que en ellas falló pobladas, conoció dellas ser gentes muy aparejadas para se convertir á nuestra Santa Fe Católica, porque no tienen ninguna ley ni seta; de lo cual ha placido y place mucho á sus Altezas, porque en todo es razon que se tenga principalmente respeto

160 Notes to Pages 33–34 al servicio de Dios nuestro Señor, é ensalzamiento de nuestra Santa Fe Católica: por ende sus Altezas deseando que nuestra Santa Fe Católica sea aumentada é acrescentada, mandan é encargan al dicho Almirante, Visorey, é Gobernador, que por todas las vias é maneras que pudiere procure é trabaje atraer á los moradores de las dichas islas é tierra-firme, á que se conviertan á nuestra Santa Fe Católica.” Quoted in Fernández de Navarrete, Colección de los viajes y descubrimientos, 2:83–84. 48. Morison, Admiral of the Ocean Sea, 368. 49. Juan Gil’s disagreement with this idea is not supported by the text. Gil says, “Columbus alludes to the conquest of land, but only at the end of the relation on the third voyage.” (A la conquista de tierra alude Colón, pero sólo al fin de la relación del tercer viaje.) Gil, “Génesis y desarrollo del proyecto colombino,” 83n2. My translation. 50. Wey Gómez, Tropics of Empire. 51. My translation. “En el cual cabo de Alfa e O puse colunas con cruz en nombre y señal de V.Al., por ser el estremo cabo de oriente de la tierra firme, ansí como tiene en poniente el cavo de Finisterre, qu’es otro cabo estremo de la tierra firme a poniente, en medio de los cuales amos <cavos> se contiene todo el poblado del mundo.” Colón, Textos, 292. 52. Columbus, Accounts and Letters, 211. “Cada año mucho abremos de acreçentar en la pintura, porque <se> descubrirá continuamente.” Colón, Textos, 240. 53. Columbus, Accounts and Letters, 89. “Creo qu’esta tierra que agora mandaron descubrir V. Al. sea grandísima e aya otras muchas en el austro.” Colón, Textos, 380. 54. See, for example, Colón, Textos, 383. 55. My translation. “Estoy inclinado con todos los sentidos a le dar descanso y alegría y a le acresçentar su alto Señorío.” Colón, Textos, 472. 56. On surpassing the ancients, see Lupher, Romans in a New World. Lupher focuses on later conquistadors, but his argument is also useful for understanding Columbus. 57. My translation. The original, from a fragment of a letter from Columbus to the sovereigns, written between September 1498 and October 1500, reads: “Digo que me respondan, quien leyó las historias de griegos y de romanos, si con toda poca cosa ensancharon su señorío tan grandemente, como agora hizo Vuestra Alteza aquel de la España con las Indias.” Colón, Textos, 410. 58. Columbus, Accounts and Letters, 65. “Ni valía dezir que yo nunca avía leído que prínçipes de Castilla jamás obiesen ganado tierra fuera d’ella, y que acá es otro mundo en que se trabajaron romanos y Alexandre y griegos, para le aver, con grandes exerçiçios.” Colón, Textos, 368.

Notes to Pages 34–37 161 59. My translation. In Columbus’s February 1502 letter to Pope Alexander VI, he writes: “Gozara mi ánima y descansara si agora en fin pudiera venir a Vuestra Santidad con mi escriptura, la cual tengo para ello, que es en la forma de los Comentarios e uso de César, en que he proseguido desde el primero día fasta agora, que se atravesó a que yo aya de haçer en nombre de la Sancta Trinidad viaje nuevo, el cual será a su gloria y honra de la Santa Religión Cristiana.” Colón, Textos, 480. 60. See Bartosik-Vélez, “The Three Rhetorical Strategies of Christopher Columbus.” 61. Regarding Gorricio’s role in the Book of Prophecies, see Rusconi, Introduction to The Book of Prophecies, 15, 26; and Rusconi, “Escatologia e conversione,” 278. 62. Columbus, The Book of Prophecies, 317. This prophecy was erroneously attributed to Joachim of Fiore (c.1132–1202). 63. Ibid., 77. It is likely, however, that Columbus never sent the Book of Prophecies to the sovereigns. 64. Focusing on his status as victim and his insufficiently rewarded dedication to Spain’s empire, Columbus himself, not Las Casas as is commonly argued, sowed the seed of the “Black Legend,” which alleged Spain was primarily motivated by greed and cruelty in the colonization of the New World. 65. Colón, Textos, 218. 66. Jane, The Four Voyages, 2:lxxxviii. The original reads: “Ha placido así darme el galardón d’estos afanes y peligros. Veramente abalumado con esta grande vitoria, plege a Dios que se reduzgan los disfamadores de mi honra, que con tanta deshoesidad y mal<i>cia han fecho burla de mí e disfamado mi empresa sin coñoscimiento de mi dezir y del servicio e acrescentamiento de Sus Altesas.” Colón, Textos, 218. 67. Columbus’s complaints about the Spaniards who accompanied him are not without merit. The Crown had encouraged people to enlist in Columbus’s first voyage by granting pardon to convicted criminals. Recognizing the need for better control, the Crown established the Casa de la Contratación in Seville in 1503 in order to administer the Indies. Among this administrative entity’s responsibilities was to control who was permitted to emigrate to Spanish territories overseas. See Fisher, The Economic Aspects of Spanish Imperialism, 47. 68. Columbus, Accounts and Letters, 27. “Item: diréis a Sus Altesas e suplicaréis de mi parte cuanto más umildemente puede . . . que para las cosas del servicio de Sus Altesas escojan tales personas que non se tengan recelo d’ellas, e que miren más a lo porqué se envía que non a sus propios intereses.” Colón, Textos, 262.

162 Notes to Pages 37–41 69. Columbus, Accounts and Letters, 13. “Me encomendaréis en sus Altezas como a Rey e Reina mis señores naturales, en cuyo servicio yo deseo fenecer mis días.” Colón, Textos, 254. 70. Jane, The Four Voyages, 2:54. “Seis meses avía que yo estava despachado para venir a Sus Altezas . . . y fuir de governar gente dissoluta, que no teme a Dios ni a su Rey ni Reina, llena de achaques y de malicias.” Colón, Textos, 432. 71. Jane, The Four Voyages, 2:60. I have modified Jane’s translation slightly to better reflect the sense of the phrase “acrecentar el señorío.” The original reads: “Mas el sostener de la justiçia y acrecentar el señorío de Sus Altezas fasta agora me tiene al fondo.” Colón, Textos, 434. 72. Jane, The Four Voyages, 2:50. “Si yo robara las Indias e tierra que ia[n] faze en ello, de que agora es la fabla, del altar de San Pedro y las diera a los moros, no pudieran en España amostrarme mayor enemiga. ¿Quién creyera tal adonde ovo tanta nobleza?” Colón, Textos, 430–31. 73. See Jane, The Four Voyages, 2:66, 68; Colón, Textos, 436. 74. Thacher, Christopher Columbus, 2:294 (emphasis added). The original reads: “Yo he perdido en esto mi juventud y la parte que me pertenece d’estas cosas y la honra d’ello; mas non fuera de Castilla, adonde se julgarán mis fechos y seré julgado como a capitán que fue a conquistar d’España fasta las Indias, y non a gobernar cibdad ni villa ni pueblo puesto en regimiento, salvo a poner so el señorío de Sus Altezas gente salvaje, belicosa y que biben por sierras y montes.” Colón, Textos, 438. Varela’s comment about the nature of this document (“Debe de ser el borrador de una carta a los miembres del Consejo de Castilla”) is also found on p. 438. 75. The subject of Marie Tanner’s The Last Descendant of Aeneas is the frequent manipulation throughout the sixteenth century of the Trojan and Argonautic legends in Europe. 76. Ibid., 17. 77. Ibid., 149–50. 78. Ibid., 150. 79. Seneca, Hercules, 377. 80. Venient annis secula seris, quibus Occeanus vincula rerum laxet, et ingens pateat te<l>lus tiphisque novos detegat orbes, nec sit terris ultima Thule. (Columbus, The Book of Prophecies, 290.) 81. Romm, “New World and ‘novos orbes,’ ” 84.

Notes to Pages 41–49 163 82. Clay, “Columbus’s Senecan Prophecy,” 618–19. 83. Columbus, The Book of Prophecies, 291. 84. Columbus, Accounts and Letters, 143 (emphasis added). 85. Rusconi, Introduction to The Book of Prophecies, 34. 86. Romm, “New World and ‘noves orbes,’ ” 84. 87. Brading, The First America, 23. chapter 2 1. Brinton, “The Ships of Columbus in Brant’s Virgil,” 86. 2. Ibid., 83. 3. Mortimer, “Vergil in the Light of the Sixteenth Century,” 160. 4. Wilson-Okamura, “Virgilian Models of Colonization in Shakespeare’s Tempest,” 711. 5. “Civilized” and “civilization” are, of course, relative terms. I do not mean to imply that “the West” is civilized and the rest of the world is not. Rather, the West (and the North) has generally been politically and economically dominant and has imposed its civilization and values on others whom it has deemed savage by virtue of the fact that their values differ from those of the West (and North). 6. Waswo, “The Formation of Natural Law to Justify Colonialism, 1539–1689,” 744. 7. Waswo, The Founding Legend, 27. 8. Virgil, Aeneid 1.279. 9. Quint, “Epic and Empire,” 15. 10. Hamilton, Virgil and  The Tempest, 65. 11. Kallendorf, “Virgil’s Post-classical Legacy,” 576. Kallendorf cites Tanner, The Last Descendant of Aeneas, another excellent source that discusses the importance of the Virgilian model and how it was appropriated by European rulers. 12. Thacher, Christopher Columbus, 2:294. The original text describes the natives as “gente salvaje, belicosa y que biben por sierras y montes.” Colón, Textos, 438. 13. This discussion draws on Bartosik-Vélez, “Translatio imperii: Virgil and Peter Martyr’s Columbus.” 14. Regarding references to alternate years of his birth, see Lunardi, The Discovery of the New World in the Writings of Peter Martyr of Anghiera, 371. 15. López Grigera, “Iberian Peninsula,” 198. 16. Martire d’Anghiera, The Discovery, 245. “Scipsit enim ad me Praefectus ipse marinus, cui sum intima familiaritate devinctus” (ibid., 246).

164 Notes to Pages 50–52 17. Although an unauthorized version of the first Decade was published in 1504 in Venice, the volume was not published in a complete form until 1511 in Seville. The first three Decades were then published at Alcalá in 1516 by the Spanish humanist Antonio de Nebrija. For a detailed publishing history of the many different editions of the Decades, see Brennan, “The Texts of Peter Martyr’s De orbe novo decades.” I quote the Latin-English edition published in 1992 by the Nuova Raccolta Colombiana, which collates the editions published by the following: Nebrija (1516), M. de Eguía (1530), I. Bebel (1533), and R. Hakluyt (1587). English translations are based on those provided in the Nuova Raccolta Colombiana edition and graciously modified by Christopher Francese. Martire d’Anghiera, The Discovery of the New World in the Writings of Peter Martyr of Anghiera. 18. Sale, The Conquest of Paradise, 222–26. 19. Martire d’Anghiera, The Discovery, 241. “Varios ibi esse reges hosque illis atque illos his potentiores inveniunt, uti fabulosum legimus Aeneam in varios divisum reperisse Latium, Latinum puta Mezentiumque ac Turnum et Tarchontem, qui angustis limitibus discriminabantur et huiuscemodi reliqua per tyrannos dispartita” (ibid., 240). 20. Ibid., 223. “Ad foetus procreandos equas, oves, iuvencas, et plura alia cum sui generis masculis, legumina, triticum, hordeum, et reliqua iis similia, non solum alimenti, verum etiam seminandi gratia Praefectus apparat” (ibid., 222). 21. Ibid., 225. “Instrumenta omnia fabrilia ac demum alia cuncta, quae ad novam civitatem in alienis regionibus condendam faciunt” (ibid., 224). 22. I use Robert Fagles’s translation of the Aeneid, 47 (emphasis added). The original reads: Arma virumque cano, Troiae qui primus ab oris Italiam, fato profugus, Laviniaque venit litora, multum ille et terris iactatus et alto vi superum saevae memorem Iunonis ob iram; multa quoque et bello passus, dum conderet urbem, inferretque deos Latio, genus unde Latinum, Albanique patres, atque altae moenia Romae. (1.1–7, emphasis added) 23. Morwood, “Aeneas, Augustus, and the Theme of the City.” On the importance of the word “condere” in the Aeneid, see James, “Establishing Rome with the Sword.” 24. Quint, Epic and Empire, 83. 25. Waswo, The Founding Legend, 24.

Notes to Pages 52–56 165 26. Martire d’Anghiera, The Discovery, 247, 249. “Ipse propinquum portui cuidam editum locum ad civitatem condendam elegit ibique intra paucos dies domibus, ut brevitas temporis passa est, et sacello erectis eo die quo Trium Regum solennia celebramus, divina nostro ritu, in alio, potest dici, orbe, tam extero, tam ab omni cultu et religione alieno, sacra sunt decantata, terdecim sacerdotibus ministrantibus” (ibid., 246). 27. Ibid., 253. “Super edito igitur colle a septentrione civitatem erigere decrevit” (ibid., 252). 28. Ibid., 255. “Sed redeamus ad condendam urbem” (ibid., 254). 29. Ibid., 255. “Fossis et aggeribus urbe circumvallata, ut si, eo absente, praelium incolae tentarent, sese qui relinquebantur tutari possint, pridie Idus Martii cum omnibus equitibus, peditibus autem circiter quadringentis, ipsemet ad auriferam regionem recta ad meridiem proficiscitur; fluvium praeterlabitur, transgreditur planitiem, montem, qui aliud planitiei latus cingit, superat” (ibid., 254). 30. Ibid., 255. “Cum iam secundum et septuagesimum ab urbe lapidem intra regionem auriferam profectus fuisset, . . . condere arcem instituit ut interioris regionis secreta inde tuto paulatim scrutarentur” (ibid., 254). 31. Ibid., 221. “Octo et triginta viros apud eum regem . . . reliquit” (ibid., 220). 32. Ibid., 221. “De vita et salute ac tutela eorum quos ibi relinquebat, quibus potuit modis, egit” (ibid., 220). 33. Ibid., 239. “Cum autem ad castellum ligneum et casas quas sibi, aggere circunducto, nostri construxerant pervenissent.” (ibid., 240). 34. See Gil, “Decades de Pedro Mártir de Anglería,” 18–19. 35. Martire d’Anghiera, The Discovery, 211. “Viros, quorum industria et animi magnitudine ignotae maioribus eorum terrae panderentur” (ibid., 210). 36. Ibid., 211. “Ab ipsius . . . initio rei, ne sim cuiquam iniurius, exordiri est animus. Christophorus Colonus, quidam Ligur vir . . .” (ibid., 210). 37. Virgil, Aeneid 12.794–95. 38. Lunardi, The Discovery of the New World, 410. 39. Cicero, Orations 2.35, 173. 40. Virgil’s Georgics, 189, 2.170–72. The original reads: “Et te, maxime Caesar, / qui nunc extremis Asiae iam victor in oris / imbellem avertis Romanis arcibus Indum.” 41. Martire d’Anghiera, The Discovery, 213. The original reads: “Se deceptos fuisse ab homine Ligure, in praeceps trahi qua nunquam redire licebit” (ibid., 212). 42. Ibid., 213. “Proditione quoque taxandos esse a Regibus, si adversi quicquam in eum molirentur, si parere recusarent, praedicabat” (ibid., 212).

166 Notes to Pages 57–68 43. Lunardi, The Discovery of the New World in the Writings of Peter Martyr of Anghiera, 443. 44. Ibid., 447. 45. Martire d’Anghiera, The Discovery, 355. “Vitam egere mensibus decem Vergiliani Achemenidis vita” (ibid., 354). 46. Ibid., 357. “Invalidi omnes et egestate rerum extenuati veniunt ad Hispaniolam. Quid inde illis successerit non intellexi” (ibid., 356). 47. Kallendorf, “Virgil’s Post-classical Legacy,” 575. 48. See the Introduction, n6. 49. In Epic and Empire Quint refines the definition of epic, arguing that there are, in fact, two kinds: epics of winners who have successfully subjugated others and epics of the losers who have been subjugated. 50. Virgil, Aeneid 1.1–2. My translation of Gambara. The original Latin reads: “Perenotte, uirum referam qui littora primus / Ingentis tetigit Cubae.” Yruela Guerrero, Introduction to La navegación de Cristóbal Colón, xlviii. 51. Hofmann, “Adveniat tandem Typhis qui detegat orbes,” 432, 444, 446–47. See also Yruela Guerrero, ibid. 52. Gambara, De navigatione Christophori Columbi, 222. 4.535–38. Translation by Christopher Francese. 53. Virgil, Aeneid 3.716–18; Fagles’s translation, 126. 54. Hofmann, “Adveniat tandem Typhis qui detegat orbes,” 446. 55. Juan Gil also notes the similarities between Columbus and Aeneas in Stella’s poem. See Gil, “La épica Latina quiñentista,” 236. 56. Hofmann, “Adveniat tandem Typhis qui detegat orbes,” 472–73. 57. Torres Martínez, Introduction to Columbus; Sánchez Marín and Torres Martínez, “El poema épico Columbus de Ubertino Carrara,” 214. 58. Boccage, La Colombiade, 38, 115. 59. Ibid., 40. Translations of Du Boccage’s text graciously provided by Kristin Beach. 60. Ibid., 41. “Nos guerriers, dans l’ardeur que ce discours inspire, / D’un nouvel univers se promettent l’empire, / Et leur espoir déjà voit une autre Colchos.” 61. Ibid., 69–70. chapter 3 1. See Bushman, America Discovers Columbus, 53–55. 2. Nathaniel Morton and his uncle William Bradford, for example, both refer to Martyr’s Decades. Morton, New-England’s Memorial, 44; Bradford, Of Plymouth Plantation, 122.

Notes to Pages 68–75 167 3. Eden, The Decades of the Newe World or West India, 51. 4. Armitage, The Ideological Origins of the British Empire, 78. 5. For a discussion of how Hakluyt’s work was grounded in his Christian morals, as opposed to imperial or nationalistic ambitions, as critics have often argued, see Boruchoff, “Piety, Patriotism, and Empire.” 6. Sacks, “Richard Hakluyt’s Navigations in Time,” 34. In the dedication to Walter Ralegh of his 1587 edition of Martyr’s Decades, Hakluyt contends that he lives in a time similar to the beginnings of the Roman Empire. Here he compares Ralegh to Achilles, Martyr to Homer, and himself to Martyr. See Sacks, ibid. 7. Waswo, The Founding Legend, 68. 8. Bushman, America Discovers Columbus, 29–30. 9. Excerpts of Robertson’s History of America, including book 2, which focuses on Columbus, were published in 1780 in the Pennsylvania Packet and in 1784 and 1785 in both the Massachusetts Spy and the Continental Journal. 10. Robertson, The History of America, vi. 11. Ibid. 12. Van Alstyne, The Rising American Empire, 10. 13. Ibid., 9. 14. This notion of an empire that safeguards liberty was at the heart of British exceptionalist views of its own maritime, trade-based empire. Its commercial maritime empire, based on liberty and trade, was believed to be different in kind from the territorial universal monarchies of Europe, which were based on conquest that did not allow for personal liberties. See Armitage, The Ideological Origins of the British Empire, ch. 5. 15. Freneau, “Columbus to Ferdinand,” 40. The first publication of “Columbus to Ferdinand” misattributes the quote to Plato. See Ronnick, “A Note on the Text of Freneau’s ‘Columbus to Ferdinand.’ ” 16. For a discussion of which of the two poets is responsible for which parts of the poem, see Smeall, “The Respective Roles of Hugh Brackenridge and Philip Freneau.” I use the 1772 edition, which appears to be mostly the work of Freneau. 17. Freneau, On the Rising Glory, 3–4. 18. Wertheimer, “Commencement Ceremonies,” 35. 19. Freneau, On the Rising Glory, 16. 20. The dependence of commerce on science, and science on liberty, is described by the character Leander. Ibid., 18–19. 21. Ibid., 20–21. 22. Ibid., 26–27.

168 Notes to Pages 75–80 23. In his study of millennialism in British America, Ernest Lee Tuveson explains the idea of five empires. In the “lunatic fringe of the central ideology of millennialism” during the English Civil War period, the “Fifth Monarchy, technically, is the name of the kingdom of righteousness, however its advent and character are understood, since it succeeds the four regimes thought to be predicted in Daniel. Even the most conservative theologians soon regarded its coming as a distinct certainty.” Tuveson, Redeemer Nation, 31–32. See also Breuninger, “Morals, the Market, and History,” chapters 8 and 9, passim. 24. Freneau, “Pictures of Columbus,” 127. 25. Dwight, America, 11. 26. Ibid., 12. 27. Barlow, The Columbiad, 1. 28. Virgil, Aeneid 1.1–3. My translation. 29. Blakemore,  Joel Barlow’s Columbiad, 18. 30. David Shields writes that Whig poetry in particular seized on the theme of the translatio imperii. See Shields, Oracles of Empire, 32. See also Shalev, Rome Reborn on Western Shores, 28–35. 31. For a discussion of Berkeley’s influence on Freneau, see Lubbers, “ ‘ Westward the Course of Empire.’ ” 32. Silverman, A Cultural History of the American Revolution, 10. 33. Regarding England’s corruption, see Bailyn, The Ideological Origins of the American Revolution, 86–93. 34. Armitage, The Ideological Origins of the British Empire, 133–39. 35. Berkeley, “An Essay toward Preventing the Ruin of Great Britain,” 185, 191. 36. For the imperialist nature of Berkeley’s plan, see Lubbers, “ ‘Westward the Course of Empire,’ ” 333. 37. Berkeley, “Verses on the Prospect of Planting Arts and Learning in America,” 366. 38. Breuninger, “Morals, the Market, and History,” 395. 39. Regarding the origins of the idea of the British Empire, see Armitage, Ideological Origins of the British Empire, 170–71. 40. Ibid., 175. 41. See Tennenhouse, The Importance of Feeling English. See also Murrin, “A Roof Without Walls.” 42. Freneau, On the Rising Glory, 13, 20–21, 27. 43. Dwight, America, 7, 11. 44. Kafer, “The Making of Timothy Dwight,” 205. 45. Dwight, “Columbia: An Ode,” n.p.

Notes to Pages 81–96 169 46. The bibliography on the topic of Columbus in British America is too vast to list here. Among others, see Bushman, America Discovers Columbus; Larner, “North American Hero?”; Sale, The Conquest of Paradise; Schlereth, “Columbia, Columbus, and Columbianism”; Stavans, Imagining Columbus; and Trouillot, “Good Day Columbus.” 47. Armitage, The Ideological Origins of the British Empire, 11, 132, 139. 48. Onuf, Jefferson’s Empire, 16. 49. Pagden, Peoples and Empires, xxi–xxii. 50. Oxford English Dictionary Online, s.v. “empire,” accessed May 15, 2013, www. oed.com. 51. “But not withstanding this increase, so vast is the Territory of North America, that it will require many ages to settle it fully; and till it is fully settled, labour will never be cheap here.” Franklin, “Observations Concerning the Increase of Mankind, Peopling of Countries,” 313. 52. Nugent, Habits of Empire, 22. 53. See Adorno, “Washington Irving’s Romantic Hispanicism,” 61. 54. Irving, The Life and Voyages, 1:6. 55. Ibid., 1:178. 56. Ibid., 1:179. 57. Ibid., 2:201 58. Ibid., 2:195, 189. 59. Ibid., 2:187. 60. Irving writes that Columbus bequeathed a breviary given to him by Pope Alexander IV to his native republic of Genoa. Ibid., 2:187, 196. 61. Fryd, Art and Empire, 55–56. 62. Ibid., 1. See also Buscaglia-Salgado, Undoing Empire, 16–25. 63. Quoted in Fryd, Art and Empire, 128–29. 64. See, for example, Larner, “North American Hero? Christopher Columbus 1702–2002,” 50n22. 65. For a discussion of Crofutt’s commission, see Fifer, American Progress, 202–4. 66. See, for example, Nugent, Habits of Empire and Gardner, LaFeber, and McCormick, The Creation of the American Empire. 67. Rydell, All the World’s a Fair, 2–3. 68. Bancroft, The Book of the Fair, Preface [n.p.] 69. Depew, The Columbian Oration, 3. 70. Ibid., 3–4 (emphasis added). 71. Ibid., 12. 72. Peacock, The Columbian Ode, 8.

170 Notes to Pages 96–111 73. Ibid., 5. 74. Ibid. 75. Ibid., 7. 76. Ibid., 8. 77. Benedict, “International Exhibitions,” 5. 78. Rydell, All the World’s a Fair, 55–56. 79. Walker, “A World’s Fair,” n.p. 80. See, for example, William Appleman Williams, Empire as a Way of Life and Drinnon, Facing West. 81. Quoted in Slotkin, “Buffalo Bill’s ‘Wild West,’ ” 165. 82. Burke, “Buffalo Bill,” 196. In her illuminating study of Buffalo Bill Cody, Joy S. Kasson argues that he made explicit “claims to the tradition of Columbus,” although she does not focus on the reverberations of empire within that tradition. Kasson, Buffalo Bill’s Wild West, 98. 83. Slotkin, “Buffalo Bill’s ‘Wild West,’ ” 173. chapter 4 1. Kirkpatrick Sale estimates that there are “65 geopolitical entities in the United States using ‘Columbus,’ ‘Columbia,’ or some variation thereof in 37 states (plus, of course, the District of Columbia).” Sale, The Conquest of Paradise, 360. 2. Brading, The First America, 433. 3. Miranda, América espera, 24. 4. Uslar Pietri, Los libros de Miranda. 5. Racine, Francisco de Miranda, 103. 6. See Uslar Pietri, “Catálogo de las dos Subastas, Londres, 1828 y 1833” in Los libros de Miranda, 41; Miranda, Archivo del General de Miranda (AGM), 1:288. 7. The preliminary articles of the Treaty of Paris that ended the war had already been signed in Paris in November 1782. The treaty itself was signed later, on 3 September 1783. 8. Crito [pseud.], “Peace.” South Carolina Weekly Gazette, June 21, 1783, vol. 1, no. 19, 4. 9. Part of book 8 of The History of America had been reprinted earlier in the Pennsylvania Packet, 1 February 1780. 10. See Uslar Pietri, “Apéndice: Lista de libros en el archivo de Miranda” in Los libros de Miranda, LVI, LX. 11. Miranda, Archivo General de Miranda (hereafter AGM ), 7:36. 12. Racine, Francisco de Miranda, 108.

Notes to Pages 111–116 171 13. The original French reads: “La Ville Federale sera batie dans le point le plus central (peut-être dans l’Isthme) et portera le nom auguste de Colombo á qui le monde doit la decouverte de cette belle partie de la terre . . .” Miranda, AGM, 16:159 (ellipses in original). 14. Robertson, The Life of Miranda, 1:230. 15. Rosenblat, El nombre de Venezuela, 44–45; Ardao, La idea de la Magna Colombia, 11–12, 12n12. 16. Miranda, AGM, 15:128. 17. Ibid., 17:89 18. See, for example, Ibid., 15:357. 19. The Act of Paris, which was written in French and signed by Miranda and fellow Spanish Americans José Godoy del Pozo y Sucre and Manuel José de Salas, refers to “l’amerique Méridionale,” “les Colonies hispano- américaines,” and “le Continent Hispano-Americain” (South America, the Spanish American Colonies, and The Spanish American Continent). Grisanti, Miranda: Precursor del Congreso de Panamá y del panamericanismo, 77–85. 20. Miranda, AGM, 16:77–78. 21. Ibid., 15:145–46. I thank Lucile Duperron for help with the translations. 22. In his letter to Hamilton dated 6 April 1798, Miranda repeats this hemispheric appeal: “Il paroit que le moment de notre Emancipation aproche, et que l’Establissement de la Liberté sur tout le Continent du Nouveau Monde nous est Confié par la providence!” (“It seems the time of our emancipation nears, and the establishment of liberty on the entire continent of the New World is entrusted to us by providence!” Miranda, AGM, 16:41. 23. Quoted in Robertson, The Life of Miranda, 1:149. 24. In a memorandum Miranda wrote in preparation for his meeting in October 1804 with Lord Melville, he recommends that a British-aided expedition land first in the north, then at Buenos Aires, and then on the Pacific side at Chile. Miranda, AGM, 17:94–96. Miranda was aware that a British-sponsored invasion of Buenos Aires, led by Sir Home Popham, was carried out almost at the same time that his own attempt was made. 25. Robertson, Francisco Miranda and the Revolutionizing of Spanish America, 397. 26. Racine, Francisco de Miranda, 164. 27. The English translation of the “proclamation” is mine. The original is located in Miranda, AGM, 18:105–9.

172 Notes to Pages 116–121 28. Ibid., 18:112 29. Ibid., 18:115. 30. Racine, Francisco de Miranda, 199. 31. Article 223 reads: “En todos los actos públicos se usará de la Era Colombiana y para evitar toda confusión en los cómputos al comparar esta época con la vulgar Cristiana . . . comenzará aquella a contarse desde el día primero, del año de N. S. mil ochocientos once que será el primero de nuestra independencia” (In all public acts the Columbian Era will be used and to avoid confusion when comparing this era with the common Christian era . . . the former will begin on the first day of the year of our Lord 1811, which will be the first day of our Independence.) (emphasis added). 32. Ardao, La idea de la Magna Colombia, 15. 33. Robertson, The Life of Miranda, 2:116–17. 34. William Spence Robertson notes Miranda’s similarity to Columbus in that he was willing to accept the support of any nation that would help him achieve his goal. Robertson, The Life of Miranda, 2:247. 35. Racine, Francisco de Miranda, 110. 36. Miranda, AGM, 15:207. 37. Racine, Francisco de Miranda, 107. 38. Robertson, Francisco de Miranda and the Revolutionizing of Spanish America, 420. 39. Robertson, The Life of Miranda, 1:242. 40. Mexican historian Carlos Pereyra characterizes Viscardo’s Letter as “un documento que puede llamarse el Acta de la Independencia de la América Español” (a document that can be called the Declaration of Independence of Spanish America). Pereyra, Breve historia de América, 344. 41. Norman Fiering writes that the Letter “was a spur to action comparable, in some respects to Thomas Paine’s ‘Common Sense.’ ” Fiering, “Preface,” vii. Timothy Anna, for one, argues that the importance of Viscardo’s Letter has been overstated, mostly because it was not read by large numbers of people. Anna, Review of Los escritos de Juan Pablo Viscardo y Guzmán. Incidentally, the widespread influence of Thomas Paine’s Common Sense has also been questioned. See Loughran, “Disseminating Common Sense.” Regardless of the issue of its contemporary diffusion, Viscardo’s Letter clearly struck a chord with Miranda and reflects ways in which many Creoles thought about independence. 42. For a concise and accurate discussion of the convoluted publication history of the Letter, see Edwards, “Bibliographical Note.” 43. Racine, Francisco de Miranda, 147.

Notes to Pages 122–126 173 44. See Weckmann, The Medieval Heritage of Mexico, 350–66. 45. Brading, Classical Republicanism and Creole Patriotism; Brading, The First America; Brading, The Origins of Mexican Nationalism. See also Pagden, Spanish Imperialism, chs. 4–5. 46. Viscardo y Guzmán, Obra completa (hereafter OC), 205. This and subsequent translations are mine. The original: “La proximidad en que nos encontramos del cuarto siglo después de que nuestros ancestros comenzaron a establecerse en el Nuevo Mundo, es un acontecimiento demasiado notable para no atraer más seriamente nuestra atención.” 47. Ibid. “A pesar que nuestra historia de tres siglos, en lo que respecta a las causas y efectos más dignos de atención, sea tan pareja y conocida que pueda ser abreviada en las cuatro palabras siguientes: Ingratitud, Injusticia, Esclavitud y Desolación, nos conviene leerla un poco más detenidamente” (emphasis in original). 48. See Armitage, “The Declaration of Independence and International Law,” 43. 49. Viscardo, OC, 205. “Nuestros Padres . . . [conquistaron las Indias] a costa de las mayores fatigas, peligros y gastos personales. . . . pero la inclinación natural hacia el país natal los llevó a hacerle el más generoso homenaje de sus inmensas adquisiciones, sin tener motivo para dudar que un servicio tan importante y gratuito les valiera un reconocimiento proporcional según la costumbre española de recompensar en España a todos los que habían contribuido a extender los dominios de la Nación.” 50. Ibid., 206. “Todo lo que hemos prodigado a España, lo hemos sustraído contra toda razón a nosotros mismos y a nuestros hijos.” 51. Ibid. 52. Ibid (emphasis added). “Al haberse frustrado las legítimas esperanzas y derechos de los conquistadores, sus descendientes y los de otros Españoles que fueron llegando progresivamente a América, y a pesar de que sólo reconocemos a ésta como nuestra Patria, y que toda nuestra subsistencia y la de nuestra descendencia se fundan en ella, hemos respetado, conservado y venerado sinceramente el cariño de nuestros Padres por su primera Patria; por ella hemos sacrificado infinitas riquezas de todo tipo, sólo por ella hemos resistido hasta aquí, y por ella hemos en todo encuentro vertido con entusiasmo nuestra sangre.” 53. Ibid. “Nuestra necedad nos ha hecho cargar cadenas.” 54. Ibid. “Un inmenso imperio, tesoros más grandes que todo lo que la imaginación hubiera podido desear en otras épocas, gloria y poderío superiores a todo lo que la antigüedad había conocido, he aquí los grandes títulos que nos hacen merecedores a la gratitud de España y de su gobierno

174 Notes to Pages 126–128 y a la protección y la benevolencia más distinguidas. Nuestra recompensa ha sido la que la más severa justicia hubiera podido dictar si hubiéramos sido enteramente culpables de los crímenes opuestos, exilándonos del antiguo mundo, alejándonos de la sociedad a la que estábamos tan estrechamente ligados.” 55. Ibid., 209. “Consultemos nuestros anales de tres siglos y después de la ingratitud, la injusticia y el incumplimiento de la Corte de España para con los compromisos que había contraído, primero con el gran Colón y luego con los otros conquistadores que le dieron el imperio del Nuevo Mundo bajo condiciones solemnemente estipuladas, encontramos en sus descendientes solo los efectos del desprecio y del odio con que fueron calumniados, perseguidos y arruinados.” 56. Ibid., 211. “Después de la época memorable en que el poder arbitrario y la injusticia de los últimos Reyes Godos llevaron a la ruina el imperio y la nación española, nuestros ancestros, durante el restablecimiento de su Reino y de su gobierno, no pensaron en nada tan cuidadosamente como en premunirse contra el poder absoluto, al que han aspirado siempre nuestros Reyes.” 57. Ibid., 212. “Por medio de la reunión de los Reinos de Castilla y Aragón, de los tesoros de las Indias, y de otros grandes estados, que casi al mismo tiempo les tocaron en suerte a los Reyes de España, la corona adquirió tanta preponderancia y tan imprevista, que en muy poco tiempo echó abajo todas las barreras con que la prudencia de nuestros abuelos había pensado asegurar la libertad de su descendencia; la autoridad Real inundó como el mar toda la Monarquía y la voluntad del Rey y de sus ministros se convirtió en la única ley universal.” 58. Ibid., 211. “el noble espíritu de la Libertad.” 59. See Conway, The Cult of Bolívar. 60. See Ardao, La idea de la Magna Colombia, 16–20. “Como su gloria depende de tomar a su cargo la empresa de marchar a Venezuela, a libertar la cuna de la independencia colombiana.” Bolívar, Doctrina del Libertador, 17. 61. Bolívar, Obras completas, 3:596. 62. Bolívar, Doctrina del Libertador, 72. 63. This nation was formed at Angostura in 1819, and it ceased to exist in 1830 when New Granada, Venezuela, and Ecuador became independent nation- states. Because New Granada assumed the name “Colombia” in 1863, the first Colombia (1819–30) is often referred to retrospectively as Greater Colombia (la Gran Colombia) to distinguish it from its later counterpart.

Notes to Pages 129–132 175 Here, since I do not deal with the second “Colombia,” I do not use the retrospective term “Greater Columbia.” 64. Bolívar, Doctrina del Libertador, 70. 65. O’Leary, Memorias, 2:20. 66. Regarding the manner in which Las Casas was incorporated into independence discourses, see Arias, “Las Casas as Genealogical Keystone” and Arias, Retórica, historia y polémica, 3–4. 67. Las Casas unambiguously supported the Catholic kings’ effort to construct a universal Christian empire. 68. Washington, The Writings of George Washington, 1:572; 8:424, 563; 11:392, 399; 12:266. 69. For a discussion of how settlement patterns in Spanish America changed in the mid to later nineteenth century, see Butland, “Frontiers of Settlement in South America.” 70. The translation above is found in Miller, Memoirs of General Miller, 2:453– 545. “Todas las Naciones y todos los Imperios fueron en su infancia débiles y pequeños, como el hombre mismo á quien deben su institucion. Esas grandes Ciudades que todavía asombran la imaginacion, Menfis, Palmira, Tebas, Alexandría, Tyro, la Capital misma de Belo y de Semiramís, y tu tambien sobervia Roma, Señora de la tierra, no fuiste en tus principios otra cosa que una mesquina y miserable Aldea. No era en el Capitolio, no en los Palacios de Agripa y de Trajano; era en una humilde choza, baxo un techo pagizo que Romulo sencillamente vestido, trazaba la Capital del Mundo, y ponia los fundamentos de su inmenso Imperio. Nada brillaba allí sino su genio; nada habia de grande sino él mismo. No es por el aparato, ni la magnificencia de nuestra instalacion, sino por los inmensos medios que la Naturaleza nos ha proporcionado, y por los inmensos planes que vosotros concibiereis para aprovecharlos, que deberá calcularse la grandeza y el poder futuro de nuestra República. Esta misma sencillez, y el esplendor de este grande acto de patriotismo de que el General BOLIVAR acaba de dar tan ilustre y memorable exemplo, imprime á esta solemnidad un carácter antiguo, que es ya un presagio de los altos destinos de nuestro Pais. Ni Roma ni Atenas, Esparta misma en los hermosos dias de la heroicidad y las virtudes públicas no presenta una escena mas sublime ni mas interesante. La imaginacion se exalta al contemplarla, desaparecen los siglos y las distancias, y nosotros mismos nos creemos contemporaneos de los Aristides y los Phociones, de los Camilos y los Epaminondas.” Acta de la instalación del Segundo congreso nacional de Venezuela, 5.

176 Notes to Pages 133–137 71. Here I use the English translation reprinted by the John Carter Brown Library in 2002 and originally published in London in 1810, as it foregrounds the notion that Spanish America will be an empire. Viscardo y Guzmán, Letter to the Spanish Americans, 85. The Spanish reads: “nuestra noble empresa ha de hacer renacer la gloria nacional en un campo tan vasto y de asegurarles un asilo, donde además de la hospitalidad fraternal, que siempre han encontrado, puedan respirar y actuar libremente de acuerdo a la razón y a la justicia.” Viscardo y Guzmán, OC, 217. 72. Viscardo y Guzmán, OC, 218. “De esta manera ¡por América se acercarían los extremos más alejados de la tierra, y sus habitantes se unirían en los intereses comunes de una sola gran familia de hermanos!” 73. Collier, “Nationality, Nationalism, Supranationalism,” 54. 74. Bolívar, Doctrina del Libertador, 72. “Es una idea grandiosa pretender formar de todo el Mundo Nuevo una sola nación con un solo vínculo que ligue sus partes entre sí y con el todo . . . ¡Qué bello sería que el Istmo de Panamá fuese para nosotros lo que el de Corinto para los griegos! Ojalá que algún día tengamos la fortuna de instalar allí un augusto congreso de los representantes de las repúblicas, reinos e imperios a tratar y discutir sobre los altos intereses de la paz y de la guerra, con las naciones de las otras partes del mundo.” 75. Bolívar, Obras completas, 3:665, 1:294, 1:619. 76. Collier, “Nationality, Nationalism, Supranationalism,” 49. 77. Lynch, Simón Bolívar, 213. 78. Collier, “Simón Bolívar as a Political Thinker,” 25. 79. Bolívar, Doctrina del Libertador, 178. 80. Collier, “Simón Bolívar as a Political Thinker,” 26. 81. Bolívar, Doctrina del Libertador, 216. 82. Ibid., 114. 83. Bolívar, OC, 2:151, 167. 84. Bolívar, Doctrina del Libertador, 218. 85. Bolívar, El Libertador: Writings, 53. The original can be found in Bolívar, Doctrina del Libertador, 126–27. 86. Bolívar, El Libertador: Writings, 30 (trans. modified). “Luego que seamos fuertes . . . se nos verá de acuerdo cultivar las virtudes y los talentos que conducen a la gloria; entonces seguiremos la marcha majestuosa hacia las grandes prosperidades a que está destinada la América meridional; entonces las ciencias y las artes que nacieron en el Oriente y han ilustrado la Europa volarán a Colombia libre, que las convidará con un asilo.” Bolívar, Doctrina del Libertador, 74.

Notes to Pages 138–143 177 87. Bolívar, Doctrina del Libertador, 4. “La civilización que ha soplado del Oriente, ha mostrado aquí todas sus faces, ha hecho ver todos sus elementos; mas en cuanto a resolver el gran problema del hombre en libertad, parece que el asunto ha sido desconocido y que el despejo de esa misteriosa incógnita no ha de verificarse sino en el Nuevo Mundo. ¡ J  uro delante de usted; juro por el Dios de mis padres; juro por ellos; juro por mi honor, y juro por mi Patria, que no daré descanso a mi brazo, ni reposo a mi alma, hasta que haya roto las cadenas que nos oprimen por voluntad del poder español!” 88. Bolívar, OC, 1:881. 89. Masur, Simón Bolívar, 59. 90. Rotker, “El evangelio apócrifo de Simón Bolívar,” 42 (emphasis in original). 91. Conway, The Cult of Bolívar, 152. 92. O’Leary, Memorias, 1:67–68. 93. Wiseman, Remus, 114–17. 94. Lynch, Simón Bolívar, 26. 95. Bolívar, El Libertador, 113. 96. Ibid. 97. Zea, “Imperio romano e imperio español,” 11. 98. See, for example, Masur, Simón Bolívar, 463n45. 99. Lynch, Simón Bolívar, 171. 100. Bolívar, El Libertador, 135–36. 101. Grisanti, Bolívar sí escaló el Chimborazo, 45. 102. Ibid., 54. conclusion 1. See Ch.1, n8. 2. Richardson, “Imperium Romanum: Empire and the Language of Power,” 1. 3. Ibid., 6. 4. A valuable comparative history of the British and Spanish conquests in the New World is Elliott, Empires of the Atlantic World.



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