General principle Of The Structure Of Language (Vol.1)

^ 260 GRAMMATICAL SKETCHES : TAGALA. [sect. hi. These verbs seem to be expressive of internal subjective states,^ or such beings or doings as so determine the subject that it is not thought independently of them. The supply of prepositions seems to . be similar to that of Annatom or Mare. 45. These Melanesian languages, \\\\^hich are so numerous that a different one is 'supposed to be spoken by about every 5000 people,^ seem to have a considerable similarity of structure. The detachment of fine verbal particles from the verbal stem, which is to be seen in most of them, manifests a power to think fine fragments separately. But, on the other hand, the close combuaation with the verbal stem of other elements, such as those of transition and direction, gives them a less fragmentary character than that which belongs to Poly- nesian, and in general expression is not quite so broken in the speech of the dark races as in that of the remarkable race which has over- run the eastern islands. There is not so great prevalence of dis- —syllabic roots in the Melanesian languages as there is in Polynesian, as the race has a more careful character more mindful of the general conditions of utility and success. They are, therefore, more apt to generalise and think objects as in their nature abstract or as particular instances of a general (see Book I., chap, i., 7). The appended table gives the principal pronominal forms in the Melanesian languages. TAGALA. 46. In the Tagala language, which is spoken in Luzon, the largest and most northerly of the Philippine Islands, there is such a modifi- cation of the teiidencies of these Oceanic languages as to make it one of the most remarkable of all the known forms of human speech. The structure of the Bisayan language, sjDoken in Mindanao, the other great island in the same group, far to the south of Luzon, is said to be the same as that of the Tagala. In Tagala there is the same want of subjectivity in the verbal stem as has been observed in the rest of these island languages, and conse- quently as great facility as in any of them for other parts of speech, nouns, adjectives, pronouns, adverbs, to take the verbal particles and become verbs. Even prepositions can take up the nature of a verb, showing that they are not thought properly as transitional elements of relation (Def. 8). 47. Substantive objects are thought with little particularisation by articles. The article aii, used with common nouns, is neither definite nor indefinite, but marks the substantive as such by directing attention to it as an entire object of thought, in the same way that Athe article does in some of these languages (16, 17). different article si is used with proper nouns, probably, as in the Loyalty Islands (34), on account of their greater distinctness as an entire ^ Gabelentz, Melanesischen Sprachen, vol. ii. sect. 357. \" Life of Bishop Patteson, vol. ii. p. 581. ^ Crawfurd's Malay Grammar, Dissertation, p. 122.

Fijtftn. Aunatom. Brrotnango. TVmo. Sosako. Atnbrym. Ist pcrs. pron. tau '\"» tiau, au nia poss. pors. ik -nga subj. pera. itnak, -i ka, a -li 2d pers. pron. tio, ko,o aiek, yeuk W/,- ' vnum, -m nUAgo, koa neAa ii posaper^ aitn^ yfn in . ku,ko rira nai subj. pers. Sd pers, pron. koya poss. pers. ixndaru et-' Itoi in dura nininda ba ^ subj. pera. to rundua ken akaidau 1st pers. incl. toru gemaru poss. pers. Ttdaru u4au,-dau ningami subj. pers. keirau a rundua ffumrau i-am in durit 1st pers. excl. umrau poss. pers. •irau j Eubj. pera. egru- a 2d pen. pron. kemundrau gaurau kirn induru nimiu k-o ffumuru rundua poss. pera. 'faundrau unamirau subj. pers. koru 3d pers. pron. irandui'U ,,. rundua poss. pers. -ndrau subj. pers. eru- 'b^ro 1st. pere. incL kendatou kaiaid hot in dint ktnnil po68. pers. ndatou subj. pers. inl let pers. excl. Ixitou ffumtaidf ham in disil gema aul matul poss. pera. 'itou gumu tut i subj. pers. •mitul H 2d pers. pron. kemundou gautaid\" t kirn in te$d mum poss. pers. -mundou subj. pers. 3d pera. pron. 'ttdratou ahtaid irar in diiU iraltar nie tul poss. pers. kenda -aktait koi ketaha tul subj. pera. taik- bum 1st pera. iDcl. kaida niiiginda tu ken bona poss. pera. -nda vda, -ida •ninda .nktn subj. pera. tu gema int- kamaka ningami au Ist pers. excl. keimami kavia kam.ka Agami poss. pere. unama, -ma Hmi J subj. pere. fgr- 2d pera, pron. kemuni kaua Jiimui ku gimi poss. pers. subj. pers. ak- ku 3d pera. pron. tira, -ra irara Ualui nda \"a™ tic po88. pere. ndra inein lui subj. pera. yehki this OliffO 5* onfjori that nagasi who! what [To face page i«0.)

. Viinmararan Kari. Lini. Diiauni. Bauro. Maha^ Ciliuloiilji. nail m„ mi ?ingo inau k nalinao ko nubo iiigUf rio ioi igoi to ko nalio kca bud, rev. ?r,«v. iet la ru nubone nindra ia nda ru karu nuboneAo, ananindra. ki ru ceewe nito ,-, ke naliet ra mura ta lata igaraa rogita di koro na lindi di enht niho ro garni aba naliba meno niho kuru aha rogamu ot naliot koro nindro larua le nam U katol kita ratd a ta eid'e ke gau gUa dia nda ke nda aAanita, rev. la (> na lindia dia kamai,ka ehnige niAunie ke meu garni abe mai ke na libi kiti abe kimi bunid'e nihunie itigu, lio igamu lio na Hat buid'e niundro :;: ran ko ti la na lila m t'cla ka id In ndia la t'eli d-ie taha kena drei ko la tiki Ida kava hci hamna

aHfeiii/iuii tu lb aa ail eutiie uujeub ui Liiuuyiiu, iii liib stiiiit! \\va_y iiiaL Athe article does in some of these languages (16, 17). different article si is used with proper nouns, probably, as in the Loyalty Islands (34), on account of their greater distinctness as an entire ^ Gabelentz, Melanesischen Sprachen, vol. ii. sect. 357. - Life of Bishop Patteson, vol. ii. p. 581. ^ Crawfurd's Malay Grammar, Dissertation, p. 122.

- SECT. III.] GRAMMATICAL SKETCHES : TAGALA. 261 object of thought ; s seems to be an element of locality. There is a singularly -weak sense of possession, so that in common nouns and in the demonstrative pronouns there is no distinction between the genitive and the accusative, both being denoted in demonstrative pronouns by prefixing n, and in common nouns by nan going before them, in which latter col is the article, and in both n represents the governor, whether it be substantive or verb. Possession by a named person is more strongly thought ; and proper nouns have a possessive used exclusively as such, expressed by 7ii preceding them, in which, doubtless, 7i repre- sents the governor. These genitives, with nan, or 7ii, or n, when governed by a noun, denote only possession.^ Proper names may also be preceded by kajj, which is said to include dative, accusative, and ablative, and means to, with ; and common nouns, when in a dative or ablative relation, may be preceded by sa, denoting a general rela- tion of locality, which is determined to various meanings according to the sentence in which it occurs. 48. There is great use made of demonstratives, as if the noun needed their help to be thought as an object ; for the demonstrative pronouns are not only put before their noun but repeated after it, and the demonstrative adverbs are used to define the relation to, in reference to a noun which is affected with the corresponding that man that there to demonstrative pronoun ; as yaoii faico'ii yaon, that man ; d'oon sa man that tawo yaon, to that man; ito'ii tawo'n ito, this man; d'ifo sa taioo'n ifo, to this man ; ^ n is connective (50). There are four demonstra- tive pronouns, ito, this yari, this nearer ; ^ yaon, that ; iyan, that, ; more emphatic.-^ 49. There is a deficient sense of individuality, as if there was a weakness of the element of substance in the substantive ideas. Hence there is a tendency to mass individual objects in such expressions as that which has been observed in Hawaiian (see 9, Example 4). Thus, we ye kami ni Pedro, I and Peter ; Icayo ni Juan, thou and John ; ^ ni is the particle which precedes the genitive of proper nouns ; Jiami Icayo is the aggregate of the two individuals thought as pertaining to Peter or John because he is one of them (VI. 170). In the same way, na Pedro may mean Peter and his company, or Peter and his house, or Peter and any persons or things not named which form with him one group of which he is the principal object ; ^ it may be declined as a proper noun, si na Pedro nominative, ni na Pedro genitive, liai na Pedro dative, &c. ; here na (50) is a pronominal element referring to the whole group, bi;t constructed with Pedro as pertaining to him by his being one of them. Ye and John is expressed by hayo ni na Juan ; ^ here kayo, ye, is thought as a particular case of na Juan, which has just been explained, and therefore belonging to it as to a genitive. ^ Arte y Reglas, de la lengua Tagala, por el P. Fr. Francisco de S. Joseph : Arte, sect. 10. - Ibid. Reglas, sect. 765. 3 Arte, sect. 21, &c. •* Ibid. sect. 24. ''' Ibid, sects. 25, 57. 8 Ibid. sect. 19. ^ ii,id, sect. 2. » Ibid. sect. 20.

;^ 262 GEAMMATICAL SKETCHES: TAGALA. [sect. iii. ye they they you __ In Tcayo ni la, ye and he,^ and in sila ni no, they and you,^ la includes kayo, and no includes sila, so that ni expresses a genitive Magrelation. is an element expressive of increase or multiplicity, which, amongst its many uses, serves to denote a combination of cor- relatives which Tefer to each other, as father and son, master and master servant ; and when prefixed to one expresses both ; thus, mag-paninoon father-in-law means master and slave, mag • hianan father-in-law and son-in-law. Such expressions indicate a tendency to mass objects in an aggregate when brought together in a correlation. 50. There is an extraordinary weakness of the sense of relation, which appears in the deficiency of prepositions and conjunctions. To this cause is due the great use of the pronominal element n to connect those members of the sentence which are thought iu closest connection with each other, as an adjective or demonstrative pronoun or adverb with the word which it affects. The way in which n is used for this purpose is similar to what has been observed in the genitive and accusative particles ni and naii, in which n represents the governor in relation with the governed noun. So in the general connective par- ticle na, n represents the element which precedes, carried on by a to the element which follows. If the former end in n, the connective may sometimes be subjoined to the latter ; except in those cases, if the former end in n or a single vowel, na euphonically coalesces with it, dropping a and generally changing n to ?L^. 51. The noun, as in all these languages, does not involve in itself any element of number, and plurality is expressed for nouns and demonstrative pronouns by the separate element mana put before them. There is no dual number, except in the personal pronoun Mia, which means I and thou. I my me my I and thou poss. ohj. poss. 52. The personal pronouns are aA\"o, A'o, a/t-m / Idta, ta, kanita ; inclusive inclusive we our us our we our us our thou thy thee thy ye taijo, natin, atin ; Tcami, namin, amin ; ikao ka, mo, iyo ; kayo kamo, singular plural your you (obj.) your .3d per. nom. poss. obj. poss. nom. poss. obj. poss. nino, ino siya, niya,kaniya, sila, nila, kajiila. In all these the possessive generally follows its noun, but the objective used as possessive precedes.^ In the second person iJcao precedes its verb and ka follows it ; kayo and kamo are dialectical varieties. The possessive, whether of noun or pronoun, as a rule follows its governing I noun, and the subject its verb ; and Avhen they precede they are thought more independently. Sometimes when another word precedes it, the pure possessive of the personal pronoun may go before its certainly thy field that noun,^ as tanto mo'h hukid yaon ; here, however, the possessive may be taken as predicate, that field is certainly thine. The interrogative 1 Arte, sect. 20. ^ Reglas, sect. 340. ^ i^-^^ gects. 926-936. •* Arte, sects. 13, 33. '\" Ibid. sect. 14.

SECT. III.] GRAMMATICAL SKETCHES : TAGALA. 263 who whose whom whose which what pronouns are: sino nino Jianino ; alin, anoj si in sino, siya, sila, is the nominative proper article ; aUn, ana are both declined like common nouns. 53. There is no separate verb substantive. When the subject, owing to emphasis, precedes the predicate or the verb, the particle ai is used between them ; but this particle seems to be of a demonstra- tive or relative nature, referring back to what precedes to connect it with what it belongs to, like the same particle in Polynesian (see 9, Examples 6, 12); and like Hawaiian ai,'^ it drops a after a word ending in a, and on other occasions. It is used sometimes to connect a preceding clause which does not of itself combine, because it is not in its normal place.- The adjective follows its noun, but does not seem to be much used. The subject generally follows an active verb and is followed by the object, but the use of active verbs is limited. There is no element of person in the verb. 54. The Tagala verb is said to have five tenses, and a mood used write imp. subj. inf. perfect for imperative, subjunctive, and infinitive, as sulat sumulat sunmulat, present future pluperfect future perfect sunmusulaf, sui^ulaf, ncOmstilat, makasulaf, the inserted 7i7n or w'lm tie imp. subj. inf. being followed by the vowel of the first syllable ; silo, sumilo, perfect present future sunrnilo, sumnisilo, sisilo, though here u may be euphonically changed to i. Now the so-called pluperfect and future perfect can scarcely be regarded as pure tenses, for their element Aa is a derivative element which has for one of its significations what comes up to the full measure of what the root denotes (64, 3) ; it aff'ects the root sulat, so as to signify finish writing,^ and is an element in the fact itself, which is spoken of, rather than in the position of that fact in time. The future perfect is given also, and probably with more correctness, as malasusulat, which is the regular future of the derived verb mraaliasulaf. The elements ma and na are similar to the and n which in Maori are used to represent a fact in the possessive construction mwhere represents a future fact, and n a present or a past (10). So min the above Tagala tenses, ii is associated with both in the present and the past. The analogy is stronger in the Tagala verbs which are imper. subj. infin. perfect present formed with ma, as mahasag, break (neuter), nahamg, nahahasag future mahahasag. Xow, the present and past are quite distinct from each other as to position in time, but they have close afiiuity in reference to the process of the fact if the present be thought as an accom- plishment going on, and the past as accomplishment absolutely ; and this being the view taken of fact W'here the verb is so objective, having so little sense of the subject as in Tagala and Polynesian, the future may naturally be thought as that -which has in it a capability of ^ Alexander's Hawaiian Grammar, Part I. sect. 53. - Arte, sect. 37. 2 Ibid, sects. 53, 54. * Ibid. sect. 59,

264 GRAMMATICAL SKETCHES : TAGALA. [sect, hi accomplislimeiit. Such difference is expressed in Maori by making on represent the future, and n the present and the past. In Tagala, m has a similar significance without any reference to time ; for it mbelongs not only to the future in the conjugation as above, but in both the above conjugations to the subjunctive, to that which is commanded or desired, to the bare idea of the fact in the infinitive, and also to the idea of the fact in the present and perfect of the um conjugation being in these brought to accomplishment by being com- bined with n. The movement of accomplishment in the present, and the movement towards accomplishment in the future, are expressed by reduplication, so that all the elements of tense seem to refer to position, not in the general succession of facts, but in that of the process of accomplishment. It is to be observed that the present, when it denotes not accomplishment going on, but rather engagement of the subject going on, as when we say I am eating, I am threshing, is expressed in Tagala not by the present, but by the imperative subjunctive.^ It is thought not as coming out into actuality, but rather as a potential energy; because the tendency is so strong to think doing and being in its end as forming its result, that when not thought so the sense of its actuality is diminished. When the present does not signify the actual, but rather the exercise of an occupation, it may drop n in the um conjugation.^ That the Tagala tenses refer principally to the process of the fact, appears from the future being used for the habitual present,^ because both involve a strong sense of going on, and the present for the habitual past for a like reason.'^ And so strong is the sense of process that a different particle is used to express when, in reference to those tenses which involve movement of process, namely, the future and the present, from that which is used in reference to the past in which process has ceased. With the present and future kun is used to signify when ; but for the past there are three different particles, owing probably to the weak definition of time in the verb ; nan being used ordinarily to signify when in the past, nion to express it emphatically as we say then when, and sa with more distinct reference to a particular point of time ; ^ in nan and nion, n pronominally repre- sents one of the contemporaneous events, and an or ion the other. 55. There is a very scanty development of mood. The imperative when thou come here serves also for subjunctive, as (1.) hun ikao ai dumatin ailo, when you come here ; ^ and with narvd utinam for optative ; <\" but Tagala also uses a remarkable construction which is found in Polynesian too, and in Mar6 and Lifu, and which serves for a subjunctive mood without requiring a special form of the verb. This consists essen- tially of such a reduction of the; subjective realisation of the verb, that the fact is thought as belonging to the subject, like a substantive thing, rather than is realised in it; so that the subject in Tagala becomes a genitive. In Tagala and Polynesian, the verb remains vinchanged ; 1 Reglas, sectf3. 5, 71. ^ ibj^^ ggct. 968. ^ ibid, sects. 3, 68. * Arte, sect. 55. ^ Ibid, sects. 55, 57. ^ Ibid. sect. 59, and Reglas, sect. 70. ^ Arte, sect. 49.

SECT. III.] GEMIMATICAL SKETCHES: TAGALA. 265 in Mar6 and Lifu it takes a neuter element (see 7 ; 9, Example 13; 10 ; 34; 36, Examples 3, 8 ; 37 ; 39, Examples 11, 14, 15, 17). This construction is not noted by Er. Erancisco, but it is to be that man saw thy found among his examples; as (2.) yaoii taioo'n yao'n na-Mta mo here yesterday he art. stole d-lto kaliajoon ai siyaii nagnakao, that man -whom you saw here yesterday is he that stole ; ^ »i is connective (50) ; the demonstrative yaon is repeated after the noun, according to what has been observed above (48) ; nakita is in the past tense, active voice ; 7no is genitive, because it stands for subject in a relative clause ; ai refers back to the subject of the sentence ; ai'i is the article, and makes tlie verb narjnal-ao participiaL 56. There are three conjugations of the verb in Tagala, namely, one Avith lun and two with vi ; for with the latter the conjugation differs maccording as the and n affect the root itself, or only an element prefixed to the root. (1.) An example of the um conjugation has been given for a root beginning with a consonant (54) ; the following is for a root begin- instruct imper. &c. perfect present future ning with a vowel : aval, umaral, uhinaral, iinmaaral, aaraJ.'^ (2.) The ??i conjugation, affecting the root immediately, agrees with the 'um conjugation in the future, but it reduplicates n in the present, go imper. &c. perfect present future (dis, nialis, ncdis, nanalis, aalis.^ If the root begin with jj or h the pnasal takes the initial's place owing to the felt affinity between ox h enter imper. &c. perfect present future mand (60), ^ja-so/r, masol; nasok, nanasok, ijapasolc^ (3.) The ?/?. conjugation affecting the prefix wiar/ is as follows : verbal learning imper. &c. perfect present future mnoun, jjag-aral, raag-aral, nag-aral, nag-aaral, mag-aaral/^ The con- jugation affecting the prefix man is similar, but if the root begins with 2J, b, s, t, or k, the initial consonant is apt to be changed into the nasal of the same organ, and it is this nasal that is reduplicated in the present baptize imper. &c. perfect present future and the future, hinag, maminag, naminag, namiminag, mamiminag.^ If the root begins with a vowel the n of the prefix often becomes ii. sad mThe conjugation affecting the prefix ?/;a is as already given : lumbai, imper. &c. perfect present future malumhai, nalumhai, nalidumhai, malidumhaiJ If the verbal stem begin with p and be a polysyllable, the begin- grant ning of it is felt as a prefix, and the conjugation corresponds paiiayi ; imper. &c. perfect present future maiiayi, naiiayi, nahahayi, mahanayi.^ Um is evidently a stronger expression for the potential or ideal accomplishment than m, and it is very remarkable how it and ii are taken up into the root. \"With roots beginning with a vowel they ^ Arte, sect. 39. - Reglas, .sect. 7. ^ Ibid, sects. 8, 9. * Ibid. sect. 10. ^ ibid. sect. 13. « Ibid, sects. 33-42. \" Ibid, sects. 5G2-566. » jbid. sect. 11.

266 GRAMMATICAL SKETCHES : TAGALA. [sect, hi, seem to be more external, but this is due only to the phonetic im- I possibility of including them -within the first syllable. Roots also m mwhich begin with absorb into it the conjugational or n, and do not take?<nz; but roots beginning with n may take it.^ The sense of process of accomplishment penetrates into the idea of the verbs \"of the um conjugation ; and in the future the potentiality disappears in the sense of the movement towards accomplishment which is expressed m mby the reduplication of the root. In the conjugation, when the and n immediately affect the root, the latter has such close union with the sense of process, that in it too the future has too much movement towards accomplishment to admit the potential element ; that element is too remote from the actual to suit it. On the other hand, an external n does not satisfy its sense of the accomplishment actually going on in the present, and n is reduplicated. When the verb is formed from a root by means of a prefix, the idea of the verb is less j^enetrated with a sense of the process of accomplishment ; this is mweaker, the future admits the potential ; and the n of the present is not reduplicated. mThe verbs which are conjugated with m?«, or with affecting the root, are those which signify a process of change ^ or movement in the subject,^ or an action directed towards the subject which is thought without involving in the idea of it any end or aim Avhich attracts interest in itself, \"* or an action thought in the doing of it even though it be transitive to an object.^ These all involve a sense of the process rather than of the end ; whereas those verbal ideas, in which the end or outcome of the doing or being makes itself more felt, break into process and end, expressed by prefix and root, and belong to the third conjugation. This distinction will be seen when the formation of these latter verbal stems comes to be considered (see 60). It is to be observed, Avith regard to those roots which are most penetrated by the process, that the penetration is only partial ; for they, like the other roots, are dissyllabic, and it is only the first syllable that takes it up. 57. There are three passive conjugations quite unconnected with the three active or neuter conjugations just spoken of. They arise from the different connections of the verb with its objects and con- ditions, and are due to the nature of the idea which the verbal stem expresses, only so far as it affects those connections. The use of these passive forms is the most peculiar and character- istic feature in the Tagala language. \" All the principal mechanism of this language,\" vv^rites Fr. Francisco, \" rests on the three passives. So that he Avho is weU founded in them is, as it were, master of this language. And he who is imperfect in this which is the substance and foundation, cannot possibly say a thing right.\" ^ Such is the tendency to think the fact in its accomplishment in the objects and with the conditions, that the verb tends to combine with the direct object as a result realised or to be realised in it, or with the instrument, cause, occasion, or necessary condition, as a result realised or to be realised in it, or with the indirect object or 1 Reglas, sect. 12. ^ Ibid. sect. 17. =* Ibid. sect. 20. 4 Ibid. sect. 55. ^ ibj^j, sects. 48, 49. s Ibid. sect. 58.

SECT. III.] GRAMMATICAL SKETCHES : TAGALA. 267 place or local aim as a result realised or to be realised in it. The verb then becomes passive, with one of these for its subject, and having different forms according to the way in which it is thought as realised passively in these subjects ; for what the accomplishment of an action is to its direct object, is different from Avhat it is to its instru- ment or to its indirect object, place, or local aim. The agent becomes genitive, but the other relations of the sentence are not changed.^ It may facilitate the conception of these Tagala passives to observe, that when, as in this language, the verb is thought in close connection with the objects and conditions, it is apt to take up into its own idea its relations to these. Thus, for example, in the two following —sentences on account of this cause you ran with the food to that —man; and on account of this cause you ran for the food to that man, the two relations with and for would in Tagala be thought in the idea of the running, and food would be the direct object of the verb so thought in the two sentences. But the other relations in the sentence can in like manner be taken up into the verb, as run-on-account-of this cause, run-to this man and these all may be turned into passives, ; as the food was run-for, the food was run-with, this cause was run on- account-of, that man was run-to. Such are the Tagala passives. mThe three passive conjugations are the i conjugation, the con- jugation, and the a?i conjugation. The i conjugation is formed, as —write imper. &c. perfect present future the following, from sulat isulat, isinulat, isimisulat, isusulaf ; in is inserted in the first syllable in the perfect and present, but as this cannot be done when the verbal stem begins with a vowel, ini or ina is then prefixed. Sometimes, even when the initial is a consonant, instead of in being inserted, ina or ini is prefixed, and the use differs in different places. When the verbal stem begins with h, instead of in being inserted, ini and sometimes ina is prefixed. ^ seek —The in passive conjugation is formed, as the following, from Imnap imper. &c. perfect present future hanapin, hinanap, Mnalianap, halianainn ; when the verbal stem begins with a vowel, in cannot be inserted in the first syllable of perfect and present, and it is prefixed.^ —Thea?z passive conjugation is formed, as the following, from sidat imper. &c. perfect present future imper. &c. —sulatan, sinnlatan, sinusulatan, susidatan ; from aval aralan, perfect ' present future inaralan, inaaralan, aaralan.^ Often h is inserted at the end of the root before in and an ; this h is radical, and having been dropped because Tagala does not admit h at the end of words or syllables, it reappears before in and an as the initial of these syllables.^ AVhen the passive realisation of the verb is in the instrument, cause, occasion, or necessary condition as its subject, the verb must be what cause reach that —in the / conjugation; as (1.) ano-ii dahelaii invabut mo wiyan ' Reglas, sect. 140. - Ibid, sects. 60-63. 3 Ibid, sects. 64, 6.'). •* Ibid, sects. 66, 67. 5 Ibid. sect. 72 ; Crawfurd's Malay Grammar, Dissertation, p. 108.

268 GEAMMATICAL SKETCHES: TAGALA. [sect. iir. thither to doon Imi Pedro ? for what cause did you reach that to Peter ; ^ dalielan is subject of inrabut, the perfect of the i conjugation of abut ; mo is genitive ' of second personal pronoun ; niyan is the general case (47), which is connected by n with the verb ; what cause is reach-on-account-of-ed by you with that to Peter. When the passive realisation is in the indirect object or place or run local aim, the verb must be in the an conjugation ; ^ as (2.) takboTi'an nom. such a one this food mo si • kowan n'ito'n hanin, run with this food to such a one;^ takholian is imperative of the an passive conjugation of talzbo ; mo is genitive of second personal pronoun; si Jwivan (52) is subject of taJc- bohan ; nito is the general case (47) in which n representsthe governing verb ; n is connective (50) ; let such a one be run to by you with this food. When the passive realisation is in the direct object the verb may be either in the i or in the in conjugation, according to the idea of the verb. If the verb be thought as tending froin the agent, it takes the i conjuga- tion when realised passively in the direct object of the action ; if it be thought as tending towards the agent, it takes the in conjugation.^ Some verbs may be thought in either way, as reach this to him, or, reach reach this to him reach that that (for yourself); (3.) vabut mo yeri d-iyan. (4.) Abut'inmoiyan ;'^ yeri is subject of the passive verb imperative iabuf, and iyan of abutin : mo is the genitive of the second person singular, let this be reached run this by you to him, let that be reached by you. (5.) rtakbo mo ito'ii food thither to house of art. governor hanin doon sa haliay n'aii maginoo, run with this food to the house of run art. food thither to house of art. governor the governor. (6.) TaJcboh'in mo an hanin doon sa baliay wan maginoo, run for the food to the house of the governor ; '-> hanin is nominative in both, being the subject of the passive verb imperative, mo is genitive ; let the food be run-for (or-with) by you to the house of the governor. Other verbs denote in themselves an action from the agent, as give, throw, and are not capable of being thought as towards him.'' And others, on the contrary, can be thought only as in the latter Anddirection, as take, receive, pull.'^ all actions are conceived as having either of these directions.'^ In Polynesian the verbs are thought in connection with directives, but these are relative to the view of the speaker (6) ; the Tagala directions are to or from the agent. On the nature and uses of the three passives, it may be observed that there are more passive elements in the i conjugation than in either of the others, and that i being prefixed determines the whole idea to a passive sense, Avhereas in the others there is no passive prefix. The passive element, therefore, prevails most in the i conjugation. And, accordingly, it is used with the direct object when the action goes from the agent, because the verb then most completely parts with the sense of his activity ; and with the instrument, cause, or necessary condition, 1 Reglas, sect. 78. \" Ibid. sect. 79. =* Ibid. sect. 74. * Ibid. sect. 78. 5 Ibid. sect. 79. ^ ibid. sect. 82. ^ Ibid, sects. 85-112.

SECT. III.] GRAMMATICAL SKETCHES : TAGALA. 269 for the accomplishment, -when thought as a result realised in these, is so closely connected with them as indispensable to it that it tends to be thought apart from the energy of the agent. The in conjugation and the an conjugation are less passive ; for the action which goes towards the agent cannot, in combining with the object, so completely part Avith a sense of the agent as such ; and the indirect object or place or local aim has no efficiency of its own to antagonise the sense of the activity of the agent. The verb, when realised passively in the indirect object or non-necessary condition, takes a form significant of locality, just as the common noun in those oblique relations is pre- ceded by the general element of locality sa ; and the element which it takes is characterised by a, expressive of the transition of relation to an external correlative. Owing to the sense of process or succession in the Tagala verb, the time of an accomplishment has an affinity for the verb as strong as an indispensable condition, and when the fact is thought as a result realised in the time of its occurrence, it is expressed by the i conjugation. ^ It often happens that a member of a fact may be variously thoiight so as to be the subject of different passives ^ ; and sometimes in hurried speech the niceties of expression with the passives are disregarded.^ AATiat causes the passive to be used with any member of the fact for its subject is the emphasis with which that member is thought in connection with the accomplishment ; and such is the tendency in favour of this construction, that it is generally used with the direct object when thought with such particularity as the definite article expresses,* unless there is an emphasis on the agent.^ 58. The tendency to think fact in the entire accomplishment is accompanied in Tagala by a remarkably synthetic structure of verbs and verbal nouns and adjectives, the nature of which merits close attention in reference to the subject of this chapter, in order to see Avhether the polysynthetic formations are such as belong to a frag- Nowmentary or to a massive quality of thought (II. 3, 4). the Tagala formations are like the Kalir nouns (see I. 3), and unlike the deri- vative formations of Eskimo and of Cree (II. 5, 18), and of other American languages in this respect, that while the formations are exceedingly numerous, the supply of derivative elements used in them is not large, being about a dozen ; and that most of these have a large variety of meanings, springing in each from a general signi- fication belonging to it. When an element of speech is thus used to express different meanings, it must be because those meanings have a common element which is thought Avith sufficient strength to suggest on each occasion the same expression. It is that common element thus generally thought which is associated with the common element of expression as its own proper signification, and which the mind thinks in adopting that expression. The expression, however, is adopted to convey the present meaning and there is thus in each ; application of such an element a twofold mental action. There is 1 Reglas, sect. 160. - Ibid. .sect. 200. 3 jbid. sect. 197. ^ Ibid. sect. 183. = Ibid. sect. 186.

270 GRAMMATICAL SKETCHES: TAGALA. [sect. in. first the thought of a general signification belonging to it in its various uses, and then a determination of it to a special meaning in its present application. If the meaning of the element, instead of varying much, varied little in its different applications, there being more elements in use, and each having a restricted range of meaning, then the present, meaning would suggest the use of the expression without the mind leaving the particular application. But where the range of meaning is large, the mind, in using the element, partly leaves the present combination to think the element generally, and then comes back with it to|.turn it to its present use. If the tran- sitions were completely accomplished, the elements would become separate words. But the mind does not quite leave the combination to think the derivative element. It mingles with the thought of that element a partial sense of that combination in its most nearly related parts. Aiid thought thus spreads from one element into another so as to concatenate them together. 59. Now the essential difference of fragmentary from massive thought, as it appears in language, is the smallness of the object of thought wliich is at one time before the mind. In the massive languages may be found fine elements as well as in the fragmentary, but in the former these will be massed with other elements by being- thought with those others present at the same time to the mind ; in the latter they will be thought more or less separately. In the frag- mentary languages thought may spread from one element into another so as to mingle them partially one with another, and concatenate them in large combinations ; but such elements will be small in themselves and in the extent to which one mingles with another, so that there will really be only a contracted object present at once to the mind, namely, one small element and part of another. The smallness of the object of each act of the mind is the measure of its fragmentary action. And to estimate Tagala thought in this respect, as shown in its synthetic formations, the magnitude of the elements, as well as the degree in which they mingle, must be taken into account. The range of their various meanings will show the degree of separateness with which they are thought in each application of them. And the common signification from which those meanings spring will show the degree of fineness which properly belongs to the element. The derivative elements thought in their general significations with partial separateness in the Tagala formations have not that excessive fineness which in the Kafir nominal prefixes characterises highly frag- mentary thought ; and yet they are fine parts of ideas, and present to the mind small objects of thought. In order that their nature may be understood, they must be studied in their various uses. 60. One of the most important and most extensively used of these elements is mag, with the general signification of increase. In has been already mentioned in sect. 49 as forming with a noun of rela- tion a derived noun, Avhich denotes a combination of such relative and a correlative, and it is akin to mana, the plural element of nouns. But its principal use is in the formation of verbal stems. In these m pthe changes into ii in the perfect and the present, and into in

; SECT. III.] GRAMMATICAL SKETCHES: TACxALA. 271 the verbal noun and in the passive,^ being assimilated in the former by the n, which expresses the actual, and reduced in the latter to the tenuis with stoppage of the breath, to represent that it is ab.stracted as a noun from the movement of succession which is in the verb, or thought as a passive in the end of that movement —(56). In verbal stems mag has the following meanings : (1.) Plurality of subjects, frequency, or both these together, as from imper. imper. sulat: siimulaf, write; marfsulat, write many or often; from taiiis : imper. imper. tumatains, weep ; magiafns, weep many or often.\" The future of frequentatives may,^ be used participially as a frequentative noun, the future expressing the sense of habitual (54). (2.) Reciprocation of subject and object, or of direct object and indirect object or condition, imper. imper. as from avai : umavai, quarrel ; mag-avai, quarrel Avith one another ; * imper. from babao, in front : mcufbabao, put in front one of another ; ^ from imper. imper. IcqJit : ilajnt, be joined; pag lajpitin, be joined to one another.*^ The being joined to one another seems to be thought as a weaker passive (57) than one thing being joined to another, perhap.s because the single subject is thought more completely as subject than the reciprocal subject, which is partly indirect object. (3.) Correlation with a relative denoted by the root, as from bianan, father-in-law ; mag'bianan, be in correlation with father-in-law, i.e., be son-in-law.'^ The correlation, which is predicated of the subject, involves the first correlative, and it is the second member of the correlation that is expressed by the root, because in an imperfect analysis the first member is liable to be merged in the correlation, the relation being thought in apposition to it, and therefore with it present to the mind —(see 49). (4.) Production, use of means to an end 5a7; a?, house mag'bahai, make or sell a house; laiiis, vinegar; mag'lani.'^, make or sell vinegar; alalc, wine; mag'alah\\ make or sell wine; bato, stone; mag'bato, work stones or cut them from the quarry ; dahon, leaf mag'rahon, put forth leaves ; asin, salt ; mag'asin, make salt, or sell it, or use it in food; palai, rice ; magyalai, sell rice, pay tribute in rice ; sabon, soap ; mag'sahon, sell soap, wash with soap ; mag'tagalog, speak Tagala, dress, eat, &c., like the Tagala; mag'castila, speak Spanish, do the Spaniard (i.e., produce him in yourself) ; pandai, smith ; mag' pandai, work as a smith ; mag'p)are, officiate as padre. ^ \"With roots signifying movement,^ and some^ others, mag is causative, as alis, imper. imper. imper. imper. malts, go ; mag' alls, take away ; lapit, lumapit, approach ; mag'lapif, imper. imper. imper. bring near ; panhil; manliik, ascend ; magpanhiTi, raise ; babao, mabao, imper. imper. imper. go in front; mag'babao, put in front; bili, mili, buy; mag'bi/i sell'\" (cause to buy) : bahai, house ; sa bahai, in house ; sumabahai, be in 1 Reglas, sects. 15, 2.5. = Ibid. sect. 24. ^ j^jj^ ge^t. 349. * Ibid. sect. 293. « Ibid. sect. 301. « Ibid. sect. 29S. = Ibid. sect. 344. s Ibid, sects. 353-362. » Ibid, sects. 20, 21. \" Ibid. sect. 28.

— ;; 272 GRAMMATICAL SKETCHES : TAGALA. [sect. hi. house; mag 'sa'bahai, 'p'^t in house ;i dito, here; dumito, be here; mag'dito, put here.^ (5.) Doing or being, thought as accompHshing imper. imper. an end aval, umaral, teach ; mag 'aval, learn (get instructed) ; ahit, imper. imper. um'ahit, shave (another) ; mag-ahit, get shaved (whether by self or by imper. imper. another) gapas, gumapas, reap (as a reaper) ; mag'gapas, reap (as ; imper. the master who gets reaping done) gamot, medicine- cure gumamot, ; ; imper. cure (another) ; mag'gamot, be under treatment for health ; hinag, imper. imper. minag, baptize (perform the rite) ; mag'hinag, get baptism (as the baptized, and the party who bring him to be baptized) ; kaliz, sword imper. imper. imper. kumaliz, strike with sword; mag'kaliz, bring a sword; &^7^V^., milin, imper. take a turn (by going round) ; mag-bilin, give a turn (by leading imper. imper. round) pilii, milit, force (another) ; mag'pilit, force (yourself to do ; something).^ In these the mag formations have more sense of an mend to be accomplished than the um or formations, and it is to be noted that even in these in which mag is most intimately combined with the root, it is uttered separately, so that g does not form one syllable with an initial vowel of the root.^ It appears from the above that mag may have different meanings with the same root. Sometimes those different meanings are dis- tinguished by the context ; sometimes by accompanying difference of formation. Thus, when mag denotes plurahty or frequency, the root is reduplicated and mag accented ^ when it is necessary to dis- tinguish the formation from another mag formation of the same root, as hili mill buy, mag'hili sell, mdg'bibili buy many. There is also distuiction needed between the verbal noun of the mag formations, and the verbal noun of the more simple verbs of the msame root Avhich are conjugated with 7im or with afi'ectmg the root for the verbal nouns of both are formed with pag. The distinction is made by reduplicating the root in the verbal noun of the 7nag formation ; ^ to sum up the whole succession as one entire object of thought (Def. 4). But what is remarkable in the use of this element, as indicating the degree of readiness of the Tagala mind to concentrate itself on small objects, is the great diversity of its meanings in its various uses. Between some of these there is no connection to cause one to suggest the same expression as the other, except a fine abstract sense of increase which seems to pervade them all, but which takes such different forms that in thinking it as a common element it must be well abstracted from its particular concomitants, and thought rather in its general associations. This indicates a considerable tendency towards fragmentary thought, though far from what is to be seen in pure African speech ; for a sense of increase is a much larger element of thought than that which constitutes the meaning of most of the 1 Reglas, sect. 766. ^ Ibid. sect. 20. ^ Ibid, sects. 48-51. ^ Ibid. sect. 13. ^ jbi^. sects. 29, 30. « Ibid. sect. 23.

— ;; SECT. III.] GEAMMATICAL SKETCHES: TAGALA. 273 Kafir nominal prefixes or of the detached fragments of the West African languages. Similar observations are applicable to the other derivative elements, as will be seen from an account of their various uses. 61. The element man involves a sense of increase like mag, but has less force, and signifies continuity rather than multiplicity or single productive actions. It often changes the initial letter of the root by pthe assimilating influence of n, so that if the initial be or h, it becomes m, \\i s ov t it becomes n, if k it becomes n; and it is this nasal that is then repeated in the present and in the future. If the root begins \\di\\\\ a vo-\\vel, n often becomes n, and the syllable which that vowel forms with n is repeated in the present and in the future. The meanings of man are : (1.) Plurality, when prefixed to the roots of verbs which denote a process of change in the subject. With this meaning there is no assimilation of the initial letter of the root, nor nasal reduplication present in the present or future ; thus galin, good gunmagaliii, improves ; present present nanfjafialii'i, improve (many) ; sama, bad ; suilmasama, becomes worse ; present nanmsama, become worse (many).i In this meaning the continuity is not given by the prefix to the root, but is in the root already, the prefix being only adapted to it by taking up continuity ; and hence probably it is that the n does not exert any assimilating influence. (2.) jN'ouns of office or profession (continuous productive occupation) are formed by man without assimilation of initial letter of root or nasal reduplication, as futures which are used participially and express the future future habitual present (60, 1); thus aliit, aaJnt,vfi]l shave; mawaaliit, barber future future Irokan, Iwliolam, will bewitch; mau'lwJcolam, wizard.^ (3.) Continuity of increase, acquisition, use, or possession ; the initial is assimilated, and the nasal reduplicated, as described above. AVhen prefixed to words denoting game or natural productions it forms verbs expressive of going in search of these or taking them present thus palio, a species of fruit ; namamaho, goes in search of it ; sisiu, present chicken; maninisiu, goes in search of, to catch and eat, chickens.' With noims denoting instruments it forms verbs, which mean to go imper. on using those instruments ; * thus holes, a harpoon ; molos, strike with it ; mamolos, go fish with it : ^ with other words it has various imper. meanings coming under the above head ; linag, mi/yirf, baptize imper. imper. maminag, administer baptism to many ; ^ sonor, sumonor, follow iiiammor, follow much (these involve increase with continuity) ; \"> ^ Reglas, sect. 47. - Ibid. sect. 660. 3 jbid. sect. 40. * Ibid. sect. 41. ' Ibid. sect. .34. « Ibid. sect. 33. ^ Ibid. sect. 35.

274 GEAMMATICAL SKETCHES : TAGALA. [sect. in. imper, hahai, house; mag-hahai, make a house; mamahai, live in a house ;i present boto, bone ; namomoto, affects the bones ^ (gains or holds possession of present them) ; hanaga, stranger ; namamanaga, lives as a stranger ^ (does the present stranger continuously) (60, 4) ; hini, deaf ; nabihini, is in process of present deafness ^ (is getting deaf and is deaf) ; namimini, feels a weakness of hearing\"^ (is getting deaf, in the beginning of deafness as if acquiring it). mThe verbal noun of all these verbs is formed by changing the of the prefix into^, and redupKcating the root.^ There are also nouns denoting the instrument, which are formed by prefixing pan to the root without reduplication, but with nasalisation of its initial letter, when this is p, b, s, t, or k ; the n seems to change to ii in instruments for taking game and natural productions when the root begins with a vowel,\" indicating apparently closer union, for the vowels are essentially guttural, being sounded in the throat. The meaning of ^^ccn seems to be continuous production, thought as abiding potentially in an instrument. 62. The element ma is akin to mag and man, but weaker than either. It signifies increase or growth in what comes to completion without involving a sense of productive energy. (1.) Prefixed to nouns or to roots or stems of verbs it forms adjec- tives or nouns expressive of abounding in that which those words denote ; as from pcdai, rice, mayalai, abounding in rice ; from laban, resist, ma'laban, one who resists much ; from mag'avai, quarrel with each other, mapagavai, those who quarrel often.'^ (2.) Prefixed to roots of verbs, or to passive verbal stems of the i or ail conjugation, it means capability of doing or being what the root or stem expresses. Though these formations are in their nature nouns, yet if they are thought in the future they may reduplicate after ma, and if in the past they may change 7na into na.^ (3.) Prefixed to abstract nouns it forms adjectives expressive of possessing the abstract, as dunuh, wisdom ; marunuti, wise ; ^ verbal stems may be formed from these by prefixing mag : mag'marunun, take for wise, do the wise man.^*^ (4.) Prefixed to doubled words it expresses realisation in a high degree of what the word denotes, but it is only in the present that this is denoted as actual ; in the imperative-subjunctive or ideal mood, it is denoted as only apparent ; as from tawo, man, nafatawotawo, is in very truth a man ; from bagi/o, a magpie, mabagyohagyo, though not a magpie is very like one ^^ (as if there was in it the potentiality of a magpie). (5.) Prefixed to~roots of verbs or to passive verbal stems of the i or 1 Reglas, sect. 37. ^ i\\^\\^ ggct. 38. ^ ibjd. sect. 564. 4 Ibid. sect. 33. 6 jbij. sects. 641-650. ^ j^i^j gect_ 47, » Ibid. sect. 568. 7 Ibid, sects. 542, 738. i« Ibid, sects. 552, 569. « Ibid, sects. 558-560. \" Ibid, sects. 573-575.

; SECT. III.] GRAMMATICAL SKETCHES : TAGALA. 275 an conjugation it expresses passive completion, consummation; as ma'lcaen, be eaten; mivisulaf, be written completely.^ (6.) Prefixed to other words it forms neuter verbs, expressive not of what is done purposely, but of what comes to pass ; as from hasag, imper. imper, masag, break (active transitive), mahasag, break (neuter) ; tliese with a plural subject add -I'la to the prefix like the plural element of nouns, 63. The element x^a has the general signification of motion towards. (1.) Prefixed immediately to words which of themselves define direction, and to otlier words with the local preposition sa inter- vening, this element forms stems denoting movement towards the defined end ; thus from huliir, field, ixibiikir, go afield, napahu- huliir, goes afield; from doon, there, ixiroon^ go there; from haliai, house, jJctsahahai, go to the house, napasasahahai, goes to the house.^ (2.) Prefixed to words which define posture, it forms stems which express the having come into that posture ; thus from dapa, on the face, najmrapa, fell on his face, napaparapa, is on his face ; from tagilir, on one side, nap>afagiUr, was on his side.^ (3.) Prefixed to the roots of active verbs, it means to ask for, or to permit, the action which the verb denotes ; thvis from amjyon, protect, pa'ampon, ask for protection ; from talo, conquer, patalo, let conquer.^ (4.) Prefixed to Avords thought only as such, it means to utter the word ; thus from diJe, no, jjarile say no.*^ In the above meanings (1,3, and 4), this element is thought rather as simple movement than as effective force ; and the verbs which it forms are thought with a strong sense of an end distinct from the movement. These two parts do not combine into an idea of an accomplishment it is only the end of the movement which is thought as an accomplish- ment, and it is therefore this element and not the prefix pa which is reduplicated in the present and future to express an accomplish- ment not completed, whether of an action or of a passive effect. Not being combined into an idea of an accomplishment, these formations do not take any element of production or accomplishment to be applied to them except what is necessary to distinguish the actual. The accomplishment being confined to what follows j)*^ ^^ the formation, the production of accomplishment, active and passive, is expressed by p)a, and of the former the present and past are denoted by napa. The verbal noun takes p^ag-, and does not reduplicate. In the second meaning j^a is little more than a preposition, and combines with the root so as to be reduplicated in the present active. The formation seems to occur as active in the present and perfect only. In the passive the meaning is, to be put in the position, and pa is followed by the reduplication as in the other formations. In the three following meanings this element is thought with effectiveness, embodying itself in the accomplishment so as in the the active to be part of the root. In order to become an active 1 Reglas, sect. f)??. ' Ibid, sects. 562, 563. =* Ibid, sects. 584, 585. * Ibid. sect. 612. ^ Ibid. sect. 588. « Ibid. sect. 629.

; 276 GRAMMATICAL SKETCHES : TAGALA. [sect. hi. verbal stem it has to take the prefix mag, and in the present and future im is reduplicated. In the passive, however, pa is felt as production of the passive effect rather than as part of the effect itself and the root which denotes the effect is reduplicated in the present and in the future. In the verbal noun pag is prefixed, and pa is reduplicated. \" - (5.) Prefixed to the roots of active verbs, p)a means to command or to allow the action which the verb denotes ; thus, from sulat, suiimu- sulat, writes ; nagpapasuJat, commands or allows to write.- (6.) Prefixed to roots of verbs or to nouns which denote sources of influence, pa may mean to submit one's self to the action or influence ; thus from arao, the sun, 7iagpapaarao, he suns himself ; daos, com- plete, nagpaparaos, lets (another) finish (his business).^ (7.) Prefixed to roots of verbs and nouns pa may mean to accord, to give ; thus from Inihai, life, nagpapahuhai, grants life ; haen, eat, nagpapalmen, gives to eat.'* (8.) This element 2?a may also mean more or with more force; and may either precede or follow a verb. When it follows it means more in the sense of continuance ; when it precedes it means with more force, or in a greater degree.\"^ It is remarkable that a particle so loosely connected with the verbal element is yet included in the passive of the i formation so as to be preceded by i ; thus from tago, hide, ipatago, be hid more carefullj''.'^ There is an accent on pa, and it is pronounced distinct from the rest of the formation,'^ showing how open in their texture these formations may be. When prefixed to the root of a verb in an active imperative sense it dispenses with other elements ; thus from lapit, lumapif, draw near palapit, draw nearer.^ ; 64. The element Ixt, has the general signification of coincidence. (1.) Prefixed to roots of verbs it forms nouns which denote one who is engaged along with another in that which the root signifies, tliat other being denoted by a genitive ; thus from avai, quarrel, my Tcaavai ho, my enemy (companion in quarrelling).^ (2.) Prefixed to words it means equal in that which the word denotes; thus from htiti, handsome, hahuti, equally handsome. ^^ (3.) In combination with other derivative elements it often means what comes up to the full measure of what the root signifies ; thus from passives in -an, taken participially and thought as nouns signifying the ground on which the root may be realised (57), nouns are formed by prefixing ha to denote that which is competent to the realisation of the root; as bahay, house; hahaltayan, materials out of which a house may be built ; ^^ banal, just ; habanalan, justice ; '^ prefixed to a doubled word without -an it means sufficient to cause that which the word signifies.^^ ^ Reglas, sect. 206. - Ibid, sects. 205, 222. ^ i^id. sect. 232. * Ibid, sects. 240-242. ^ Ibid. sect. 634. « Ibid. sect. 635. 7 Ibid. sect. 635. « Ibid. sect. 638. » Ibid. sect. 423. ' 1 1\" Ibid. sect. 435. i- Ibid. sect. 440, \" Ibid. sect. 455. 1* Ibid, sect, 469,

; SECT. III.] GRAMMATICAL SKETCHES: TAGALA. 277 (4.) Prefixed to a root of a verb reduplicated, ha signifies coinci- dence with a defined time, of the moment of ending what the root signifies, 1 and if the root be doubled, ka signifies coincidence with a defined time, of the moment of beginning it;- prefixed to a passive in -an it means such coincidence of the proximity of the action Avhicli the root signifies,^ for this passive may belong to the proximate as its subject (57), and consequently denote that subject when taken par- ticipially as a noun ; for the passives in their most abstract form, that is, the imperative, subjunctive, infinitive, thus originate nouns prefixed to ^jar/ followed by a root ka means time coincident with the beginning of the action ; but if another ha follows |;a^, this ha has meaning 3, and the formation means time coincident with the com- pletion of an action,* ^ja// being in both the nominal form of wag. 65. There are also some other elements and combinations of the foregoing elements with special meanings. Paha prefixed to a root of a verb intensifies its meaning,'^ or gives a sense of will and efficacy,'' taking rnarj- to form the active verbal stem and ma- the neuter. It is compounded probably of xxi with meaning 8 or 5, and ha with meaning 3. Maha, compounded of 7na 2 and ha 3, is prefixed to roots of verbs with the meaning, to be able to do what the root denotes ; ^ ka combines with ma and not with the root, and the root is reduplicated in the present and future. Maha prefixed to words expresses causation of what the word denotes,^ ma apparently having a sense of production, and ha probably having meaning 3 ; the root is reduplicated in the present and future ; and the future in the sense of (54) habitual present may be taken as a noun to signify causer,^ being then uttered more briefly. ^'^ Paha in the passive form is used to express what is made equiva- lent to what the root denotes. Here ha has the meaning 2 ; thus from habui, a pig, pinahabahui, was ecjuivalent to a pig ; that is, was given as an equivalent for a pig ; ^^ from matai/, die, pinahamatau, was taken for dead.^- Ma is a prohibitive prefix difl'erent from the foregoing elements, and may be strengthened Ity ha^^^ probably in meaning 3. Maijin is prefixed to words with the meaning to become that which the word denotes ; its forms are as if (jin Avere a verbal root with neuter prefix ma, &c.^* Mar/si prefixed to verbs denotes that the act is attributed to many and to all equally (see Siii on next page).^^ Mala, conjugated like neuter verb la with prefix ma, is prefixed to denote frequency, ^'j Mahi, similarly conjugated, is prefixed to active verbs or nouns ^ Reglas, sect. 460. - Ibid. sect. 466. ^ Ibid. sect. 471. 1 Ibid, sects. 775, 776. « Ibid. sect. 483. ^ Ibid. sect. 475. \" Ibid. sect. 500. 7 Ibid. sect. 490. ^- Ibid. sect. 504. I\" Ibid. sect. 501. » Ibid. sect. 493. ^' Ibid. sect. 363. ^^ Ibid. sect. 502. \" Ibid, sects. 506-530. » Ibid. sect. 667. 16 Ibid, sects. 682, 6S6.

278 GRAMMATICAL SKETCHES: TAGALA. [sect. in. with the meaning to join others in, or seek share of, the action or thing. ^ The prefix man may have hi subjoined to it with a reflexive signi- fication, tlie verb to wlaich the compound manlii is prefixed still claanging into the corresponding nasal an initial 2^, ^j s, t, or k ; hi is reduplicated in the present and future, and the formation means a process having reference to self.^ Pa, with meaning 2, may have ti subjoined to it, and with mag prefixed signifies to take the position with will and force.^ Taga prefixed to roots of verbs, means one whose business it is to do for another that which the root denotes.* Sin prefixed to words means equal in what the word denotes ; if predicated of several the root is reduplicated ; if of one compared with another, that other is denoted by a genitive and ha prefixed to sin ; a verbal stem is formed with mag-.^ Sail as prefix means an entire aggregate.*^ Paglxa prefixed to a word means the being, mode of being, substance, of what that word denotes,^ ^a^ being the nominal form of mag, and. lia having meaning 3. Besides these combinations, which are in some degree special in their meanings, others may be formed by combining variously the elements jDreviously given so as to express many fine varieties of idea. 66. Connected with the derivative elements mag, ma, though not used like them in synthetic combinations, there is a particle mai-which. deserves special notice. It is used to assert a correlation without taking either correlative as its subject or governing either as its object. Like mag with a correlative (49), it is generally followed by the second term of the correlation,^ but, unlike mag, it does not combine with that term ; and, moreover, the first term of the correlation is expressed, and mai asserts the connection between the two. It does not itself express any element of relation except a sense of increase, which may belong to either term by virtue of its connection with the other, and both consequently are nominatives.^ Such connection serves sufficiently to express possession, because the second term in the correlation is distinguished by following mai; and though neither term is thought properly as subject or object, yet a sense of increase thought in passing from one to the other suggests a certain impersonal idea of possession of the second by the first. Both terms must be thought indefinitely to be so indifferent as they are to this relation.-^\" Other relations are denoted by being expressed after viai to define it, but still mai merely connects the two correlatives. Mai is also used substantively with a noun following it for possessor of what the noun denotes taken generally.\" It may also be taken without any first cor- relative to express abstractly the jjresence of a substantive object.^\" ^ There is a corresponding negative particle luala which seems to 1 Eeglas, sects. 702, 724, 725. - Ibid. sect. 663. 3 Ibid. sect. 625. 4 Ibid. sect. 691. ^ Ibid. sect. 763. s Ibid, sects. 751-758. \" Ibid. sect. 916. 7 Ibid. sect. 795. ^\" Ibid. sect. 925. « Ibid. sect. 917. \" Ibid. sect. 924. \" Ibid, sects. 918, 919.

SECT. III.] GEAMMATICAL SKETCHES : TAGALA. 279 express originally a sense of separation ; at least such seems to be the sense of icai in wdlat to extend, and icalai to leave Examples of the use of these particles will be found in 68, Examples 7-9. 67. The derivative elements all indicate in the same way as has been explained in connection with mag, a readiness in Tagala thought to think a small though not a very small object ; and its roots are mainly dissyllabic, thought being particular and concrete as in Polynesian (8). In the vocabulary at the end of Fr. Francisco's grammar, and which contains over nineteen hundred words, there are none of less than two syllables, and only a small minority of more than two, many of these probably not primitive. 68. Examples are necessary for showing the nature of the language : pass, approach of thee this thither (47) man connec. that (1.) i • lapit mo ito diyan i<a taico • n iijan, bring this to that man ; ^ the verb becomes passive in the object ito as its subject (see 57), the agent becoming genitive; the relation to is expressed partly take thou art. a man thither in diyan, sa being more general. (2.) Molia ka n'au isa'ii tairo doon (47) chief sa maginoo, take a man from the chief ; ^ the verb does not become passive in the object because this is indefinite (57) ; molia is im- perative of lioha, which is irregular;- nan is the article a«, connected by 11 with what governs it, this being represented by n; in isau, I'l is connective (50); isa is the numeral for one, doon consists of d to, and the demonstrative yaon, which is different from iyan on which art. man sin now diyan is formed; sa (47). (3.) Ah taico'n ma'Jca'sala'Wcm hayon may become just some connec. day ai sukat magin banal hala • h arao, the man (that is a) sinner now may become righteous some clay ; ^ for nmlcasakman (see 62, 1 ; 64, 3) ; sala takes n before an like some other roots which end in voAvels ; * ai refers back to the siibject to connect it with the verb (see 53) ; magin is given as a derivative prefix, but in this example it is printed separate. much pity Lord (47) man he (4.) Lnhhah rldna'a-aica n'aii Faninoon Dios sa tauv ah siya i pity neighbour ma'aica sa laqwica, the Lord God greatly takes pity on a man by reason of his being pitiful to his neighbour ; ^ the verb becomes passive in the cause as its subject, which is the clause following ah and referred to by ah like a noun ; the passive which is taken in such a case is the i form ; ildiiaaaxca is the present of the i passive of lia'aica, ha being taken with the neuter state fi?ra, because whereas a purposed action may naturally take up a thought of a necessary condition or of its time, and can then be connected with this without an intervening element, that which comes without purpose as a neuter state needs an interven- ing clement to connect it with its time or its necessary condition, and cannot become passive in either as its subject without the element la to conjoin it ; ^ nan is genitive of the article ah ; i is abbreviated from ^ Arte, sect. 7. * Reglas, sect. 56. ^ Arte, sect. 40. * Reglas, sect, 974. ^ ^rte, sect. 60. ^ Keglas, sects. 161, 162.

280 GRAMMATICAL SKETCHES: TAGALA. [sect. iil. house this a^, and refers back to the subject to connect it. (5.) Ba'hahayin ito'h timber lialpa, this timber is for making a house ^ hahwj is a noun signifying ; house, and becomes the future of a passive verb of the in conjunction by taking -in and being redupKcated, this timber is to be housed. (6.) Bvhianan'in Imia, I will make thee my father-in law ; - hianan is a notui signifying father-in-law, made into a passive verb of the in con- junction in the future ; liata is an inclusive dual of the first person, which is used to signify not only thou and I, but also thou by me.^ taken thou art. book there (47) pi. conn. chest (7.) Mai hinulia Jici kmja ah lihro doon sa maiia lihro'n sa ha'kahan, you have taken one of the books that were in the chest ; * mai expresses a correlation between Au and lihro, Avhich are both nomi- natives (see 66) ; the relation is defined by Idnolia, the perfect of the in passive of Iwha to take, and the first term therefore of the correla- tion is ah lihro. Though an is the article, it is not definite, for mai is used because the subject is indefinite ; ^ kaya seems to be adverbial, qualifying kinolia and akin to the preposition kai and the element 7ra, which denotes conjunction 3 the latter is prefixed to kaban, chest. encounter I a man (8.) Mai nayag'salohoh ako'hisa'h tatoo, a man met me;^ salohoii which seems to consist of the local preposition sa and a root, lohoh, expresses the idea of that relative position ^:)a(7'i;a/o6o;i is the abstract ; noun of this taken as a verb, and means a meeting ; and na is the actual neuter realisation of a meeting (62, 2, 6) which denotes the past when there is no reduplication ; this verb defines the relation, and the I second term of the correlation follows next ^ (see 66). (9.) Wala akoil bleed (47) him pa'kakarlit'in sa kaniya, I have no one whom to tell to bleed him icala is the negative which corresponds to mai, there is not pakakar- ; litin, the first correlative, is the future passive, taken participially of the this conn, church art. yeth pa'lcarlit, tell to bleed (see 63, 5). (10.) Ito • it simhalvan ahpina' bury (47) us principal son his paryhaowan sa main n'an maginoo sa anak n-iya, this church is where the principal told us to bury his son '^ simhalian is the an passive of ; simha, to Avorship, and is the form which that verb should take when it becomes passive in the place to which one goes to worship (57). Taken as a participial noun it denotes that place pag'haon is the ; verbal noun of haon, burial, taken as a verb, and means the burying papag'haon means to order burying (63, 5) ; pnnaijaghaonan is the perfect tense of the an passive of this verb, which has become passive in the place to which the order referred, but is here taken as a participial noun preceded by the article ah, and predicated of simhaltan ; maginoo is the agent preceded by the article in the genitive; the other relations are the same as if the action had not 1 Reglas, sect. 147. - Ibid. sect. 156. ^ Arte, sects. 16, 17. •* Reglas, sect. 192. « Ibid. sect. 219. ^ Ibid. sect. 195. \" Ibid. sect. 211.

;;; SECT. III.] GEAMMATICAL SKETCHES: TAGALA. 281 celebrity he art. he beauty become passive. (11-) Ipina(j'2ia2>cfpuri wiija ait Ica'nii/a huti, ho courts celebrity fur his beauty ; ^ 2^''^'''' n^eans celebrity or praise, 2m'puri, to seek praise (63, 3, G) ; mayycrpmri, to act for praise;^ ipinagpapapuii is the present tense of the i passive of this verb, which has become passive in the cause huti, changing may into pag (60) ; mija is the agent in the genitive ; kaniija is a stronger form of the genitive of iija, having not only it, to represent its governor in connection with it, but also the preposition lia, which expresses conjunction to connect them together ; aii is the article referring to clothes of thee Initi, which is the subject in the sentence.'^ (12.) Pa'pa'ramt'an mo principal this conn, boy sa magiiwo ito • n lata, get the principal to give clothes to this boy damit changed, euphonically to rami means clothes pa'ramif, to give ; clothes paparamit, to tell or cause to give clothes ; the imperative of ; this verb become passive in the indirect object, and therefore of the an conjugation, is pjajmramtan, with hata for subject ; mo is the agent in the genitive; marjinoo is in the same relation sa as if the action had not clothes pi. principal become passive. (13.) Na'pa'pagpa'ramit an fiscal sa maiia maginoo boy connec. dance sa mana hata • ii mag'sasagao, the fiscal commanded the principals to order clothes for the dancing boys;'^ magpja'vamit means to eli'ect the giving of clothes (see last example), and. becomes nominal, chang- ing mag into pjag when pa (63, 5) is prefixed ; napia is the past (63) magsasayo is the future taken participially, and in the sense of the habitual present (54). (14.) Nag-papakih^iglwan, in honour prefer- ring one another ; ^ the present tense taken participially of a formation whose root is pat'dhugliu, zeal, and which, Avith mag in the sense of 60, 2, and an in that of reference to, as in the an passive, signifies an action of many directed towards one another. This formation is to be distinguished from that given in 60, 2 ; thus tolofi means to help ; magloloii, to help one another, as when two men together lift a rock ; magtoloiian means that sometimes one gives help to the what that other, and. sometimes the latter to the former.*^ (15.) Ano yaoi'i reach plural man ipinag'aabid'an n'ioii -Diana taico, what is that which is handed by throw of thee dcni. those men from one to another 1 *\" (16.) Fapag'haJiah'awiu mo iijak two man dalaica liaiau-o, tell those two men to throAv at each other ; *^ J/a/.a means to throw; maghaliahan, throw at each oihei jjapagbakahan, ; tell to throAV at each other ; this becomes passive in the direct object mthought with particularity, and is in the conjugation, because the action of telling is not thought as going from the agent (57) kataivo means the men thought in conjunction with each othc], 1 Regla«, sect. 236. - Ibid. sect. 232. •* Ibid, sects. 250, 251. •* Ibid. sect. 256. ^^ Ibid. sect. 310. « Ibid. sect. 325. 7 Ibid. ^ect. 314. « Ibid. sect. 318.

282 GRAMMATICAL SKETCHES: TAGALA. [sect. ill. what conn. fret such a one (17.) Ano • n ipinag'mama'galit 7ii koioan, what makes such a one fretful, such a one grows fretful by reason of what ? ^ galit means to fret ; mwgaUt, fretful ; magmagalit, grow fretful ; this verb has become passive in the cause, and therefore is in the i conjugation (57) present though riches he and all tense. (18.) Bakit ma'yavian siya at Tia'yaman'yamaivan sa lahat he l)oor ai siya e nag'palca'ruMia'pa, though he was rich, yea, to a degree of exceeding riches above all, yet of his own will he became poor, and continued so ^ (see 62, 1 ; 64, 3 ; 65 ; 63, 8) ; ai refers to hakit with the sense of yet ; e is a lighter form of ay, and refers back to the art. all conn, man art. die subject. (19.) An lahat na tawo an jnnag paka ' viatayan n'an Lord ' paiHnoon Jesu Christo, it was for all mankind that the Lord Jesus Christ died ; ^ matai means to die ; mag'paka'matai, to accomplish voluntary death (65) ; pinagpakamatayan is this verb become passive in the indirect object, and therefore of the an conjugation, in the past tense taken as a participial noun with an. (20.) Aii iMna'pa'pag' beat Lord hampas ivan pcminoon Jesu Christ, the cause for which our Lord Jesus Christ submitted to much beating ; ^ liaivpas, to beat pag- ; hampas, much beating (60, 1), pa (63, 6); pap)aghampas becomes passive in the cause, and being neuter takes ka (see Example 4) ; ikinapapaghampas is the past tense of the i passive taken as participial utter that word noun. (21.) Ka'pagpahusap wait P. Jesu Christo nryoii tvika ai na'na' pa'ti'haya aii mana Judios, at the utterance by the Lord Jesus Christ of that word, the Jews fell back ; ^ haya means on their back pati ; bread this (65) ; na is plural in the verb. (22.) Papagin'tinajoayin mo yeri'ii stone hato, command that this stone be made bread ;*' tapai means to knead, hence tinapai, bread (57) ; pagin, the becoming bread (65) ; pa- com- who mand, the verb becomes passive in the object hato. (23.) Bino'n pina'hi' vinegar Vsuka • an mo ? of whom did you seek share of his vinegar paki (65), the verb becomes the a7i passive in indirect object. (24.) Nakiki' master house pag ' mai • hahai, he takes on as master of the house ; ^ this is the present of the paki formation on the verbal ^ja^/yjifa'ta/^az. what house (25.) Alio -n 2Jag'ka'lahai, what kind of a house is it;^ pagka (65). not I thee (26.) Dile ako makapagparamit sa iyo, I cannot get clothes for you;^*^ the negative as well as the prohibitive mon is of a verbal nature as in the other island languages, and tends as predicate to attract the subject; for maka see 65, pagparamit, Example 13. 1 Reglas, sect. 420. ^ ibj^. sect. 457. ^ Ibid. sect. 485. * Ibid. sect. 608. ^ jbid. sect. 615. ^ jbi^. sect. 669. ' Ibid. sect. 726. » Ibid. sect. 733. » Ibid. sect. 795. ^ Ibid. sect. 492.

— SECT. III.] GKAMMATICAL SKETCHES: MALAY. 283 MALAY. 69. The Malay language, though it has great etymological affinity for Tagala, differs remarkably from it in its structure and conception of fact. The interest which prevails in the Malay view of fact is not, as in Tagala, result of process of accomplishment, but rather seems to be action directed traditionally to substantive objects, for so the sentence exhibits the verb following the subject and carried through large relations to the objects and conditions. Yet the verb is as little penetrated by the subjectivity which ought properly to belong to it (Def. 11), as in any of these island languages. It takes up, indeed, as in Tagala, certain prefixes of a verbal nature, but it does not, except in the Javanese passive, incorporate in itself an element of process like the Tagala verb. And \"the same radical word will often stand for noun, adjective, or verb, according to its position in a sentence.\" ^ \" Many words can without the smallest change stand for noun and verb, noun and particle, verb and particle, substantive and adjective.\" ^ 70. Unlike Tagala, the Malay language is copious in so-called pre- positions and conjunctions. These, however, except two, di (on, at, in) and lia (to), Avhich are almost like case elements, have remarkable fulness, as if the thought of the verb involved so little sense of the objects and conditions as to need large connection with them, and as if the connective elements were not thought properly as relations with a due sense of the correlatives as such (Def. 8), but rather as inter- vening substantives or participles ; and most of them are as ready as substantives to become verbs. Thus in Dayak the preposition awi, by, may also mean to do ; vie'laican, against, to withstand ; hapan, with, to use. 2 The members of the sentence are less connected than in Tagala. There is less use in Malay of 7ia or n as a medium to connect them ; sometimes this is used to connect the genitive with its governor in Dayak, when the former ends in a vowel or h, it ; takes -n,^ and when it ends in a consonant it is followed by ain,* to refer to it pronominally. There is less strength and particularity of demonstration in determining the noun, for the demonstrative pronouns are fewer than in Tagala, and are not used, as in it, at once before and after the noun, 71. The Malay consonants are I; g, f, f, 'J, <j\\ f, d, j^, ^, h, s, w, ?/, I, r, n, n, n, m. The vowels are a, r, e, i, o, o, u. Consonants of the same organ are not carefully distinguished. 72. The demonstrative pronouns in Sumatran are inl, this; itu and sometimes nun, that ; ^ in Dayak to, this, te, that ; and the com- pounds deto, this ; detc, that, with stronger meaning.'^ The relative pronoun in Sumatran is yen or neh, but the latter is little used except in poetry ; '^ in Dayak, ide or au-aii ; *^ in Javanese kaii or sh'i.^ There is no use made of an article in Malay to distinguish the noun ^ Cravvfurd's Malay Grammar, p. 9. ^ Ibid. p. 18. ^ Gabelentz, Grammatik der Dayak Sprache, p. 9. ^ Crawfurd, p. 28. * Steinthal, Charakeristik, p. 170. 7 Crawfurd, p. 27. 6 Gabelentz, p. 24. \" Ibid. pp. 2-4, 9, * Ibid. Dissertation, p. 20.

284 GEAMMATICAL SKETCHES: MALAY. [sect. in. as such. The remote demonstrative, however, is used not only to signify that, but also to particularise as a deiinite article ; and the relative pronoun, too, is thought as particularising the noun by what it connects with it.^ Proper nouns have no article. Sa, which is the numeral one, may be prefixed to a noun to mark it indefinitely as singular. 73. There is no element of number involved in the noun. In Sumatran plurality is sometimes expressed as a collective by reduplica- tion. ^ In Dayak it may be expressed by kare preceding the noun.^ There is no distinction of case or gender ; and even difference of sex is not thought strongly enough to produce different nouns for boy and girl, brother and sister, e^^c, but such ideas are expressed by the same noun qualified as male and female.^ There is a general tendency in Sumatran to denote natural objects by a general noun followed by an adjective or genitive,^ rather than by an abstract root with a modifying element. This probably arises, as in Burmese, from the concreteness of thoiight (V. 21). There is great use made of the relative pronoun to supply a substance in wdiich the particularising'attributes may inhere. Also in the counting of familiar objects Avords are used to serve for units, which express ideas that are part of the idea of the object which is counted.*^ 74. The personal pronouns are the same, whether subject or object. In Sumatran they have only singular forms, except the first, which has two pliiral forms. In Dayak, however, the first person has a dual and all of them plural forms, while the first person plural has two forms, an inclusive and an exclusive ; but the distinction is 1st sing. 2d sing, not strictly observed.\" Sumatran aim, ku, dalu ; a/'i, kau, iim 1st plural 3d sing. incl. excl. 1st sing. 2d sing. 3d sing. 1st du. i//a, dii/a, ina; kita, kami.^ Dayak, aku, yakii ; ikau ; ir_; koc; 1st i^lui'al inch excl. 2d pi. 3d pi. ita, ikei ; keton ; <jcen. In Sumatran -kit, -mil, and -na, are suifixed as possessives of first, second, and third singular. In Dayak, -Tcu, -in, and -e are possessive suffixes of nouns and objective suttixes of j)i'e- positions. They, may in both be plural as Avell as singular, and are used in Dayak as subjective suffixes to some of the most subjective verbs, as those which mean to know, to see, to say, to find.^ In Sumatran, diri, self, may take the personal suffixes or be suffixed to the personal pronouns. 75. In Sumatran, and the same may be said of the other dialects, \"some radical words without any change in their form are transitive, and some intransitive verbs, while others are equally both ; but radicals generally are made verbs and verbal nouns by the application of certain inseparable prefixes and suffixes, or by the union of both 1 Crawfurd, pp. 27, 28 ; Gabelentz, pp. 24, 25. - Crawfiird, p. 11, 3 Gabelentz, p. 18. \"* Crawfurd, p. 10 ; Gabelentz, p. 18. 5 Crawfurd, p. 71. ^ Ibid. p. 11. ^ Gabelentz, p..22, ^5 Marsden's Malay Grammar, p. 45. \" Gabelentz, p. 23^

; SECT. III.] GRAMMATICAL SKETCHES : MALAY. 285 these. \"With the exception of some pronouns, nouns representing material objects, the prepositions which stand, for the cases of lan- guages of complex structure, and a few conjunctions and adverbs, anj' part of speech may by the application of the inseparable particles thus alluded to be converted into a verb.\" ^ These particles, as written by Marsden,^ are in Sumatran men- or me-^ her- or he-, -lian and -i. The first of these, men- or me-, is of very general use, and forms both transitive and intransitive verbs. It seems to be akin to Tagala mag and man, but has no such diversity of meanings as these have, its sense being always to bring into realisa- tion that which the radical denotes. It undergoes no change from tense, but it is liable to be assimilated by the initial letter of the radical. If this be a nasal or /or r, the prefix is merely me-; if a vowel, it is men- ; if it be a mute consonant the n of the prefix is changed into the nasal of the same organ, and the initial if tenuis is dropped ; if the initial be s the n becomes n and the s is dropped. Thus from iduj), alive, is formed meiiidup, to live ; from dupa, incense, men'dupa, to fumigate with incense ; from jxida, equal, memada, to be equal -^ The prefix her-, per-, or he-, is intransitive, and means to be possessed of what the radical denotes (see 61, 3). Thus from edri, wife, is formed herestri, to have a wife ; from huicah, fruit, herhmvaJi, to bear fruit ; from putili, white, herpndih., to be white.* The suffixes -Icmi and -i give a transitive or causal meaning, and are used either with a simple root or with one which has men- or her- prefixed to it.^ They seem to be elements of transition to an object ; lian is akin to the preposition ahxn, to ; and such also is the meaning which -an has in the an passive of Tagala and in the formation mentioned in sect. 68 under Example 14 ; ^ is the preposition of the object in Polynesian. Verbal nouns are formed by the prefix pen-, signifying for the most part the agent or instrument.*^ This prefix combines with its radical like men-, except that it sometimes changes its n to r ; and the forma- tion seems to correspond to the Tagala formation with^yfm-, denoting the instrument (61) ; p^r- forms nouns of an intransitive nature.'^ Abstract nouns of the action or state are formed with -an, or with pen- and -an,^ which seem to correspond in form though not quite in meaning to the noims which spring from the an passive taken participially in Tagala. Abstract nouns are also formed with la- and -an like the Tagala formation in 64, 3.^ Verbal stems in j\\Ialay are apt to be thought like nouns, especially when they denote what is past or completed (9, 15 ; 10, 1-4) and with the preposition di or de before them (81, 4, 7, 8) they may mean a past state of action or of the eff\"ect of action (36, 3 ; 39, 11). Such seems to be the true nature of this formation, of which order Marsden gives the following examples and translations : ^ de surnh -na, ^ Crawfurd, p. 29. - Marsden, p. .02, &c. ^ Crawfurd, p. 36. * Ibid. p. 30. ' IVLirsden, p. 56 ; Crawfurd, p. 31. ^ Marsden, p. 98 ; Crawfurd, p. 42. ^ Marsden, p. 98. '^ Crawfurd, p. 38. > Marsden, p. 69.

286 GRAMMATICAL SKETCHES: MALAY. [sect. iii. seize thief he ordered ; de perhudt-na, he performed ; de tankajrna jjeii-fun, he attack by all warrior seized the thief; de xidrcu'vhan'na ulih sec/ala paMuwan, he was hear by king attacked by all the warriors ; de danar idih rdja^ it was heard by the king. \" In these last two examples,\" says Marsden, \" a passive form is given to the verb by the preposition uWi, although the sense is active.\"^ On the other hand, Crawfurd joins di as a prefix to the verbal stem, and takes the formation as being always passive, and -na as if tdili Avas understood before it.^ This construction of na would correspond with Tagala ; but -na could not be taken so in the last example but one. If the formation is to be understood as sometimes active and sometimes passive, most probably the relation of the sub- ject to it is not properly either the one or the other, but merely, as has been said, that of a genitive to which they may equally belong as a part to a whole ; ~na would then be, as it is in every other case, a possessive suffix, and di would govern a noim expressing a state. The prefix ier- gives intensity to adjectives and adverbs, and forms derivatives from roots with a sense of completion as passive participles. This prefix, however, cannot be used at will ; the formations belong to the dictionary rather than to the grammar.^ The prefix se- gives an adverbial sense to other parts of speech, whether primitive or derived ; * it is probably akin to the Tagala preposition sa. In Dayak the derivative particles are much the same as in Suma- tran,^ but nvm- and pen- seem to be more transitive than in Sumatrau, and have sometimes a instead of e ; and her- seems to have dropped its r. There is also a causative prefix pa- or mempa-. In Dayak the transitive suffix is -an, used with verbs, but not often ; and there is a prefix han- not in Sumatran, which gives a middle or reciprocal meaning. Not only are abstract nouns formed as in Sumatran with -an, with p)en- and -an, and with lea- and -an, but also with ka- without suffix, with ha- and -e, and with -e without prefix. Verbs may be formed from the abstract nouns which have ka- without suffix by prefixing men- ; they sometimes mean to come up to equality (64, 3). Verbal adjectives are formed with tara-, having the sense of the Latin participle in -ndics, as well as with tar- in sense of past passive participles. Adjectives and adverbs are formed with sa-. And han- or ha- is occasionally found forming nouns, adjectives, and adverbs with a sense of junction. In Sumatran as spoken, the prefixes and suffixes are little used.^ 76. IS'either in Sumatran nor in Dayak is there any element of mood or tense forming part of the verb. ISTor are these expressed by verbal particles, but by words of independent signification preceding the 1 Marsden, p. ^ - Crawfurd, p. 31. » i]ji(]_ pp_ 33^ 34, ^ Gabeleutz, p. 10-15. 69. \" Crawfurd, p. 52. 4 Marsdeu, p. 99.

; SECT, rii.] GRAMMATICAL SKETCHES : ]\\rALAY. 287 verb. The imperative is the verbal stem itself.^ The verb has no person,^ except as mentioned in 74. Dayak forms a passive by clianging men- into in-, the final nasal being the same in both ; and if the active prefix has no final nasal the passive prefix is i-.^ This is akin to the i- passive in Tagala, and like the Tagala passive it is always followed by the agent in the genitive. Javanese forms a passive by inserting -in- in the first syllable of the verbal stem, like the present and past tenses of the Tagala passive ; as jjundut, to take pimmdut, to be taken ; sapa, who ; sinajya, to be inquired after. 3 77. The subject in Malay generally precedes the verb, and the object follows it. The adjective and the genitive follow the noun on which they depend, and the adverb the verb.^ The order of the words seems to be more liable to be (changed in Dayak ^ than in Sumatran, emphasis on a member of a sentence causing it sometimes to precede instead of following. In Dayak the indirect object which, when it is a noun, generally follows the direct object, follows the verb when it is a pronoun, because it enters more readily than a noun into relation with the verb by reason of its lightness. The relative pronoun nrast always be subject of the relative clause, for the attraction of the antecedent causes it to begin that clause, and this place belongs properly to the subject. This often requires the verb of the relative clause to be passive. In Sumatran the relative may be object (see 81, 6). In Dayak a transitive verb cannot stand without an object, so strongly does the action refer to its object; and verbs of motion include in their idea the transition to place so as to govern this as direct object without a preposition, showing the strong sense 'of movement as directed. The words which define the time stand at the beginning of the sentence, as if fact was thought as determined by its season. The words which define tense precede the verb. The Dayak genitive and its governor may not only be connected by the pronominal element 7i or ain, but also by the third possessive suffix -e joined to the governor. The former resembles the Tagala construction, and in it 7i, though taken up euphonically by the govern- ing noun when it ends in a vowel, yet belongs properly to a particle intervening between it and the genitive, and represents the governing noun in relation with the genitive (47). In its full form as an inter- vening fparticle it is in Dayak ain, and combines with the genitive when this is one of the personal possessive suffixes; as aiu'ku my, house his uncle my aim thy, ai?ie his. The other construction is humcre ama'ku,^ house myof uncle ; and in it e represents the genitive in connection with the governor. 78. There is in Malay, as well as in Polynesian, a tendency to form an improper kind of compounds,^, by thinking elements of a fact 1 Crawfurd, p. 45-50 ; Gabelentz, p. 26-29. - Gabelentz, p. 30. 3 Crawfurd, Dissertation, p. xxiv. * Crawfurd, p. 58 ; Gabalentz, p. 40, &c. B Steinthal, p. 170. 6 Ibid. p. 171. ^ Crawfurd, p. 63 ; Marsden, p. 27 ; Gabelentz, p. 16.

288 '' GEAMMATICAL SKETCHES : MALAY. [sect. hi. rather as connected than as related; so that elements which occur often in connection with each other get agglutinated together. It arises from a weak sense of relations, and a consequent tendency to think ideas in juxtaposition with insufficient distinction. 79. Keduplication also and doubling are much used in ]\\Ialay, as in all these languages, to express not only intensity, duration, frequency, plurality, reciprocity, smallness, likeness, but also such modifications as the embodiment of a root in a concrete object or its application as an adverb.^ In Dayak, reduplication is said to denote rather diminu- tion or weakening of the radical idea, doubling to denote the increase or strengthening ^ of it. The derivative prefixes are not repeated in the Malay reduplication or doubling ; but there is this difi'erence among them that both in Sumatran and in Dayak, men- goes before the second member, the others are prefixed to the whole.- This indicates that the combination of men-, with its radical, is closer than that of the other prefixes. It is too much mingled with its radical to change it for that radical, reduplicated, or doubled. This mode of expressing such modifications of an idea by repeating in whole or in part that which expressed the idea simply, is charac- terised by want of subordination of a modifying element to the idea as relative to it. What is expressed in this way is in truth the additional attention which an idea gets in a remarkable instance of it, when this is thought not as a particular modification of the general idea, but rather as a special case of it. The sense of a particular modi- fication affecting a general idea produces an element additional to the idea and different from it, but speciality merely repeats the idea with additional expenditure of mental energy. Thus homunculus is a ' thought which involves liomo, and a particular modification of homo, namely, diminution. This latter thought brings out the element unculus, relative to liomo, so that he is no longer a liomo but a h oiiiunrAilus. But if the second mental act were a thought of the diminutive man without defining his peculiarity by comparison with the generality of men, it would be merely a more special thought of him as homo, and the expression might be liohomo or liomohomo. In such a thought there is no abstraction of a general element with a particularising addition to it. The radical idea includes sufficiently the speciality of the special case. It is repeated in that case, but it receives no additional element sufficient to prompt expression ; and its inclusion of the speciality shows the concrete fulness Avith which it is thought. The extent to which sucli expression is carried evidences concrete particularity^of thought, not only in Malay, but also in Pol}'- nesian (8), and in Australian of Adelaide (88). 80. The derivative prefixes, though etymologically they are so closely akin to the Tagala prefixes, difi\"er widely from these in respect of variety of meaning. The Malay prefixes vary little in their mean- ing. There is, therefore, in their case no such common source of various applications, nor any such recurrence of thought to a fundamental signification as is necessary with the Tagala prefixes to connect their various meanings, and cause the same prefix to be suggested as an ^ Crawfurd, pp. 44, 57 ; Gabelentz, p. 15. ^ Steinthal, p. 159.

SECT. III.] GRAMMATICAL SKETCHES : LIALAY. 289 expression for such clifierent elements of tliouglit (58). In Malay, the meaning Avhich the prefix is used to express in each application of it may suggest its use much more directly than in Tagala, because it is much the same element of thought which the prefix usually expresses as combined with its radical. That element is thought without the mind leaving the radical, and may suggest the prefix without any intervening mental act. The prefix will then be thought with the radical much more fully present to the mind than in Tagala, and therefore its use gives no evidence of a tendency of thought to con- centrate itself on fragmentary objects. Such evidence indeed is absent from the Malay languages. There are no separate verbal particles, nor any separate elements of a fragmentary kind, and the small elements which occur in combinations seem to be thought Avith the rest of the combination in a great degree present at the same time to the mind. There is, however, one striking feature in Malay, as in Tagala and Polynesian, which indicates a certain tendency to break the natural unity of ideas ; and that is the prevalence of disyllabic roots.^ For the twofold act of expression must be prompted by a twofold action of thought ; the mind thinking the idea only partly in the first act, Nowand completing it in the second. the first act, although it does not reach so far as to think the Avliole of the idea, may fall little short of it. But, by however little the mind may fail to think the whole idea in one act, a second act will be necessary to complete it ; and if the first thought be not retained, to make the second relative to it, that second will engage the full mental energy ; and if the action of thought be not very fragmentary so as to concentrate on a very fine object, that second thought will go back on the first, including what the first thought omitted, and perhaps omitting something which the first included. This may or may not make the second thought sufficiently difi'erent from the first to suggest diflerent expression. And thus disyllabic roots, whether duplications or not, tend to characterise minor degrees of fragmentary thought, where the radical ideas are full and not generalised so as to be thought as particular modifications of a general (Book I., chap, i., 7.) Such concrete par- ticularity of thought belongs to the Malay region, in which Nature supplies what man needs, and he has but to look for it, and take it. And the nature of the jNIalay, in respect of ready excitability of mental action, seems to be properly classed with those who have this (juality in a minor degree. The accounts which are given of the Malays represent them as more subject to excitement than the Chinese, though ready from indolence to lapse into a state of dulness which the active interests of Chinese industry do not admit. They are less excitable than the islanders to the east of them through the Pacific Ocean (p. 75), And to this the structure of their language corresponds, being less fragmentary in proportion as the race is less quickly susceptible of impression. 81. Some examples will show more clearly the nature of the language— ^ Gabtlentz, p. 7 ; Stciuthal, p. 163. T

290 GKAMMATICAL SKETCHES : MALAY. [sect. in. SUMATKAX. sleep three brother (1.) Raden I?iu heriidor tiga hersiidara, Eadeu Iim slept, three being brothers ; i.e., Kaden Inu and his two brothers slept j^ the three are thought together as sleeping, but without distinction of individuals, and in the idea of the aggregate of them, the thought of Eaden Inu prevails as the principal element, and is expressed for the whole idea ; they are afterAvards distinguished and coimted mider a less concrete, more partial idea which belongs to them severally, that they each have the relation of brother ; there is no distinction of tense nor of the verb. The following is similar pity heart his past weep weeping to four (2.) Rajdii Indra helas ati • na lalu hertanis'taiiisan ka'empat prince that hevputra ifti, 'Rajah. Lidra (with) pity (in) his heart wept greatly, all those four being princes; i.e., Rajah Indra, and three other royal personages, pitied and wept ; ^ lalu is a verb which means to go, to pass, but here denotes only tense ; fai'iimn is abstract noun of tanis. king give largess at box which gold (3.) Malia rajah menvhri kurniija di piacan yen kamas'an, the king gave largess at the golden box ; ^ maka is a particle in constant use, like Maori ka, to introduce a statement of fact ; kamasaii is an abstract quality (75) used as adjective. who in master command who in slave come (4.) Ada'pun yen di perimcan men'uruh yen di pevemha daten this ini, he Avho is in mastery commands him who is in slavery to come here ; - ada2nin is another word introductory of a fact, translated by Crawfurd \"is too,\" ada being the verb to be; pertuican and peremha are abstract nouns of state; the root of menundi is suruh. time slave return before dust who in master (5.) Tatkala emba kenvbali meiradep didi yen di perimcan king what homage who in slave to under dust who raja Malaha apaiah semhah yen. di peremha ka'haicah didi ydi in master di pertuican, when the slave returns before the dust (feet) (of him) who is in mastery, the king of Malaka, what the homage (of him) who is in slavery to the dust (of him) who is in mastery;^ i.e., what representation or report shall he make ; tatkala is a substantive used for when ; menadcp) is a verbal formation for the preposition before ; apaiah is translated by Crawfurd what pray ; kabaicah is a comjDound preposition, in which ka is prefixed to hatcah as to a noun. be a cei-tain play which past I find at (6.) Ada siriraiu per-mayin'an yeii tdah aku hendih peda island [lulau Lenkaici, there is a certain toy which I found in the island of Lenkawi ; ^ permayinan, noun of instrument ; telah, past tense. see by majesty beauty lord princess exceedingly (7.) Maka di liat idih he'genda paras-na tuuan pidri tei'iebih 1 Crawfurd, Malay Grammar, p. 12. - Ibid. p. 13. ^ Ibid. p. 14.

SECT. III.] GEAMMATICAL SKETCHES: MALAY. 291 more from at before 2Jida deriyeda dmUu, the beauty of the princess was seen by (his) majesty (to be) exceeding more than before ; ^ di Mat seems to mean in sight (75) ; paras as governor of a genitive is followed by na changed after s to na (70) ; putri qualities tuwcm, which is a noun a2:>plicable to both sexes ; daidu is formed apparently from idii, head, or source, and means at first. command elder brother all halt (8.) Maka Utah Sri PamjH kakenda sakalian her-enti'lah da'idu make lodge cause I wish wait pevbmcat persinalvan karana aku endak hereuti da'idn, maka lodge make man pur'sinalfan di per'butcat oraniah, Sri Pand'i commanded, brothers all, halt pray first, make encampment, because I Avish to wait first, an encampment was made by the men ; - maka is particle introductory of fact ; tltali may be a noun governing Sri Pand.H ; daulu is trans- lated by Crawfurd \" for a while,\" it seems to mean at the beginning of a while persiiiahan is verbal noun of action or state (75); karana ; is a substantive used for because ; for construction of di per'huicat see sect. 75. day night moon bright (9.) Maka ari'pun vialeniiah, maka Imlanyun traiiiah, day be- came night, the moon Avas bright. Neither Marsden nor Crawfurd give any proper explanation of these suffixes. Dayak. God future judge thing which secret in man (10.) Ilatalla karr uurriksa talo id'fj he'dlim liuaii olo,^ God will judge the secrets of men (Rom. ii. 16). observe ye to them that who walk like that (11.) TamparTa ketuuakan aicen ^' id'rinen'and'ofikalo ' tr, mark them which walk so.'^ I be shepherd who good (12.) Yakii aton mkatike id^r haitalajj, I am the good shepherd.\"* who love neighbour his he perfect fultil law (13.) Id'r sinta kola ' e, ifj d'ari meialns foraf, he who lovcth his neighbour, has fulfilled the law.* see ye thing ye hear (14.) Ii'iat keton talu keton me'hinii'i, take heed what you hear;' the relative as object is avoided by talo. ye to to hear he in thing all he future (15.) Keton akau indu me-hiniii ir huaii talo liandiai ir karc say to ye mc'i^anan akan Iceton, ye shall hear him in all things which he shall say unto you '^ akan indu here express the future strongly, in the ; next example they are prepo.sitions. God perfect grant to man heathen also repentance to (16.) Hatalla d'ari men ' eiia akan olo kapdr kea ka'lioha aka?i to live indu pjam'belom, God hath granted to the heathen also repentance imto life ; ^ paiiihelo)n verbal noun. ^ Crawfurd, Malay Grammar, p. 19. -' Ibid. p. 42. ^ Gabelentz, Dayak Grammar, p. 24. • Ibid. p. 25. '' Ibid. p. oi>.

292 GEAMMATICAL SKETCHES : AUSTRALIAN. [sect. hi. prohibitive evil self thy (17.) da m&viapa arep ' ?«, do thyself no harm j ^ the root of viemapa isj^cipa, evil. blessed man that who sin his Enot at all passive impute God (18.) Salamat olo tn vTcdosa ' e d'atoii haliei i ' ton tuhaii, blessed is the man whose sins are not imputed by God.^ command they that prohib. to indef. man he to (fut.) (19,) Jesus me ' mete noeti te da aJcan id'e hiti ie alcan me' tell thing pass, see of him sanan talo i • te ' e, Jesus commanded them that they should not tell any man the thing seen by them ; ^ {q and -e are used for the plural, if man walk night he strike thing (20.) Amon olo men'and! on lia'malem ie pa'tarail talo, if a man walketh in the night he stumbleth ; ^ the transitive verb requires an object. thou place my give (21.) Ikau ala-ka men-ena, thou art my place of giving/ i.e., I as a noun. have given to thee ; the relation to is here thought Com- pare the Eskimo construction in Sect. II., 9, 1, 2. AUSTEALIAK Adelaide. 82. The languages of the aborigines of Australia seem to diflfer greatly from each other in their structure. The only one for Avhich materials were at hand for such a study of its nature as is needed here is the language spoken by the natives about Adelaide ; of which a short grammar has been published, containing a good supply of examples. Its consonants are l; (j, t, d, p, h, w, y, r, I, u, n, m,- its vowels are a, e, i, n, u, g ; there are diphthongs, an, ei, oi, id, and concurrences both of vowels and consonants ; but every word ends in a vowel.^ 83. One of the most remarkable features of this language is the absence of subjectivity from the verb. When the agent is dis- tinctly thought as such, it is not thought as subject of the verb, but as a condition, such as we express with the preposition by ; and the verb must then be thought either as passive or as stating the existence of an action. Thus we may either say, I gave a book to him, or a book was given to him by me, or a giving a book to him was by me. There is, however, no passive form for the verb, except a form with a suffix -nanna, which seems rather to be a past passive participle,*^ and to be used like a norm or adjective rather than as the verb. And when a verb, signifying an action, is used in its ordinary form, and Avith the agent in the ablative case, it mu.st be understood as express- ing an action going to its object, and yet abstracted from the agent. In that case there is an absence from the verb of subjectivity. And there is in truth no distinction whatever in the language either in noun or pronoun, by affix or preposition, between the subject and the 1 Gabelentz, p. 26. - Ibid. p. 31. '^ Ibid. p. 43, •* Steinthal, p. 173, ^ Ibid. p. 20, ^ Teichelniaiin and Schiirniann's Grammar, p. 1-3.

;; SECT, nr.] GRAMMATICAL SKETCHES : AUSTRALIAN. 293 direct object, the same word which is subject with a neuter verb being object with an active verb. 84. But though there is so little subjectivity in the verb, there is process in it ; not, however, appropriated to the root by entering into it, or by various expressions for various roots, but rather as involved in suffixes of derivation and of tense and mood. Inchoative verbs are formed by subjoining to the root -ne-, -me-, or -ncle- ; and another variety, whose signification is doubtful, except that it is neuter, is formed with -re-?- The tenses are expressed by terminations, the present continuance by -ndi^ the past by -tti, the perfect by the final vowel of the stem, or by that vowel changed to -a, -o, or -i, the future by -ita, -ota, or -nufta, according to the dialect.^ Other endings, instead of these, express moods ; -ma, a hypothetical or potential -ti, -lit, -tti, a prohibitive ; -ttoai, a preventive, equivalent to English lest witli the subjunctive. An optative or imperative is formed by subjoining to the root the ablative ending of the first or second person singular and the genitive ending hj of the third person singular, but neuter verbs use the mere root in second singular, and active verbs take -Id instead of -Ico in third singular ; the last syllable of the per- sonal pronoun is taken in dual and plural.^ These are the only personal affixes of the verb. A verbal noun, equivalent to the present participle, is formed in -tmia or -nferia * and an abstract noun of act or state in -// or -tti. ^ ; 85. There is little sense of the object as distinct from the subject but there is more sense of the conditions, and a corresponding development of elements of relation used as postpositions. Tliese are about as numerous as the prepositions in the jNIelanesian languages ; and they are apt to compound with each other and with nouns of relation. Three of them are so abstract that they are almost like case-endinsg, and are treated as such in the grammar of the language. These are, -7co, -JhJco, or -fo for the genitive ; -nni for the dative ; -lo, -rlo, -dlo {-tfo with first person, -do with second) for the ablative, signifying the\" cause or instrument.^ The personal pronouns in the genitive are used as possessive pronouns, and may take the other case-endings or postpositions in addition to their own.'^ 86. Throughout the noun and the verb the radical part goes first, as if the race thouglit with strong attention the nature of the objects and facts with which they were concerned. There is a considerable development of number, so that all nouns and pronouns have three —numbers the singular, the dual -la or -dla, and the plural -7ina. But the first personal })ronoun iiai makes the dual I'ladii and the plural ftadlu, without distinction of inclusive and exclusive ; and the second, ninna or nin, makes dual niwa, plural na. The third personal pronoun is 2^0', and there are two demonstratives, ia, this, and uu, that. The personal pronouns take -ndi to signify alone or self, and the demon- stratives -inf_a to make them indefinite.^ 87. There is, as in all the Oceanic languages, a tendency of words ' Teichclmann and Schiirmann, p. If). - Ibid. p. 16. ^ Ibid. p. 17-19. ^ Ibid. p. 4. « Ibid. p. 5. \" Ibid. p. 19. « Ibid. p. 5-9, ^ Ibid. p. 11,

294 GRAMMATICAL SKETCHES : AUSTRALIAN. [sect. hi. to unite in compounds ; ^ and thus any verbal root may subjoin toappendi^ to cause, incorporating its to as y, so as to form a causative verb. There is also a considerable facility of forming derivative nouns, adjectives, and verbs, but all these formations differ from those of the island languages in this, that in them all, as well as in the declension of the. noun, and in the conjugation of the verb, the radical part goes first. In the arrangement of the members of the sen- tence there is considerable freedom, but the conditions and object tend to go before the verb, the subject either preceding it or following it. 88. Great use is made of the doubling of the root to express the modifications usually so expressed in the meaning of the verb as well as to form adjectives and concrete substantives.^ 89. The roots are disyllabic, as in Malay and Polynesian ; but this language is less fragmentary than the latter, for there is no such separation of fine elements here as in the Polynesian verbal particles. There is a feature in it which perhaps arises from thought being more fragmentary than in Malay. The affixes of this language, whether in derivation, declension, or conjugation, have a remarkable tendency to double the initial consonant of the affix, or to prefix to it a kindred consonant, which mingles with the root by entering into its last syllable. For while every word ends in a vowel, a syllable may end in a consonant ; ^ and the addition to the last syllable of the root of an initial consonant of the affix has the efi'ect of combining the affix in one word with the root. The additional consonant, therefore, at the beginning of the affixes seems to represent a thought of the affix in connection with the root added to the thought of the affix in itself, whereby the conception of it as an affix is completed, and without which it would not combine as such ; and the existence of such junction seems to indicate a separateness in the thought of the two. There is, indeed, throughout the language, a tendency to \"end syllables with a consonant, except the last syllable, which always ends in a vowel ; and this produces a prevalence in the middle of words of concurrent consonants, which are either doubles or akin to each other. It seems to indicate an act of junction, as if in the original formation even of the disyllabic roots there were a thoi;ght of the second element, as connected with the first, added to the second element, to establish the connection. This act, when applied to an affix beginning with a consonant, has the effect of closing a final o of the root to u, and a final e to i. Elements beginning with a vowel have less distinctness as separate acts of expression, and are more ready to combine with what has gone before. But if those which begin with a consonant need a previous consonant to effect a junction for them, they must be thought in themselves as unconnected ; and such con- ception even of the fine verbal elements, and prevailing generally through the language, would indicate a fragmentary resolution of thought greater than in Malay. Such a character in the language would correspond to the degree of ready excitability evinced in the mental action of the race. 1 Teichelmann and Schiirmann, pp. 5, 6, 14, 15. - Ibid. p. 2.

— SECT.m.] GRA^MJIATICAL SKETCHES : AUSTRALIAN. 295 90. In the following examples the concurrent initial consonants of the affixes are not divided, but given in combination, as by the grammarian of the language : 1st pers. pi. by to in he stay fut. (1.) iia ' dlu •I'ita'itga pa loande'ota, he will stay with us;^ nadlu 1st jiers. gen. has a double postposition attached to its ablative. (2.) iiai ' to child by 1st pers. to give perf. 1st pars. myn-aJcwakirrlo nai • inni yuiik-i, child gave (it) to me.\" (3.) iia • dual man neg. ait pres. dli meyu'rti tikTca'ndi, we are sitting without company ^ -Hi is pro- ; table on garment pi. put hibitive suffix with verbs. (4.) Tarralo'anna imderta'vna wnnda' 2d sing, earth full (84) ndo yerta hidto'neitoai, put the clothes on the table lest they become full of earth ; ^ nindo is the ablative, by thee, and from it -ndo is taken for second singular imperative ; -ne is inchoative, -ituai thou me by to in speak incho. pres. part, me by ear preventive. Ninna(5.) I'la'tta'ifa'/iga icaihja' ii, • ineda, a'ttoyurre' send (84) speech 1:aita\")vma varra, had you spoken to me I should have obeyed your advice (thou speaking to me) ; ^ atto is for iiatto, u being dropped after another word. The verbs which are constructed with the agent in the ablative are all explained in the vocabulary as active, but in general there is nothing to show whether their radical meaning is not rather passive, N^ow li-aiiandi. send, is one of those verbs, and here it appears that it cannot be taken passively, for the idea would then be, by me your speech would be ear-sent, which is not equivalent to its being obeyed. 2il per. gen. speech ear send to I come perf. (6.) Nin-h) warra yurre'haif_aiHta, nai htidn • i, I came in order to hear you speak ; ^ t denotes the verbal noun, so that -tifji expresses me by now 1st per. pi. go think past the infinitive. (7.) iiaito narta iufdlu ^jaf7?ii'fr7za yaiUa-fti, I thought we would go now ; ^ -Una is explained as a hypothetical or thou now go fut. 1st per. pi. here ideal infinitive. (8.) Ninna narta pa/lne'ota iia'dlu yaintjx sleep 1st pi, hither bring irande'adlu, you will now go, we sleep here.'^ (9.) Parni manrna' 2d per. 3d per. pi. stick pi, 1st per, ndo pa'rna gadla'nna, bring them hither, the sticks.^ (10.) nai almost throw 1st per. gen. little by myninka palta hai ' to lolcutjvrlo, little one has almost thrown how many day pi. midst in thy pi, how many thy me,^ (ll-) Nauire tindwrna vartrnga ninkuTua? nawe ninko day pi. iindu'rna ? how many days have you been on the road 1 how long will you stay 1 ^ literally, how many days in the midst were thine ? how many are thy days ? If an adjective or adjective pronoun be joined to a substantive, the number and case are frequently expres.sed by one while the other remains unchanged, but the predicate must have ^ Teichelmann and Schiirmann, p. 8. \" Ibid. p. 12. ^ Ibid. p. 16. 5 Ibid. p. 19. « Ibid. p. 20, •» Ibid. p. 18, « Ibid. p. 24, ^ Ibid. p. 23,

296 GRAMMATICAL SKETCHES: DEAVIDIAN. [sect. in. stilH I remain pres. its number. (12.) Burro ai tHika'tikka'iidi, I will still remain;^ nai lime abl. me by house is apt to drop ii after another word. (13.) Parnda-rlo ila'tto icodli build fut. taie ' ta, I will build the house with lime ; ^ here are two ablatives, black man tie make proMb. pit man charm (14.) Pulywnna- meyu titta ' ajipe ' urti inndi meyu nurrir preven. ttoai, do not hang the black man that the European be not charmed ; ^ -njia is an adjectival affix ; they thought that the Euro- peans were their ancestors come from the grave (pindi) to revisit their country. DEAVIDIAN. Tamil. 91. The languages grouped together by Bishop Caldwell, under the name Dravidian, are the aboriginal languages of Southern India ; and are still spoken through nearly the whole of the penin- sular portion of India, from the Vindhya Mountains and the river Nerbudda to Cape Comorin, as well as in scattered districts farther north. \"^ Of these languages the Tamil is the earliest cul- tivated, the most copious, and the richest in ancient forms,^ and to it almost exclusively attention will be here directed. It is spoken throughout the Carnatic from Pulicat to Cape Comorin and from the Ghauts to the Bay of Bengal, in the southern part of the Travancore country from Cape Comorin to the neighbourhood of Trivandrum, in the northern and north-western parts of Ceylon Avhere Tamilian settlements began to be formed prior to the Christian era, and in various other parts whither emigration has carried it. And the people who speak the Tamil language are estimated in number at about fourteen millions and a half, and in character \" as the least superstitious and the most enterprising and persevering race of Hindoos.\" « 92. The Dravidian phonesis is remarkable for its softness. It is also characterised as vocalic, with full pressure of breath from the chest. To its softness is due the remarkable development of cerebrals and vibratiles, which require flexibility of the tongue, and therefore indicate its relaxation. This condition of the tongue also favours palatals, as the relaxed tongue lies close to the arch of the palate. The softness is such that it is only in the stress of utterance at the beginning of a word, or in the doubling of the letter, that a mute is uttered as tenuis. In other positions, it is a medial uttered so softly that the breath is apt to pass through. And as it is natural for a consonant to be harder as an initial and when doubled, the Dravidian utterance yields to this influence, to distinguish by a tenuis the initial and the doubled mutes. There is thus only a single mute of each order : post-palatal, palatal, cerebral, dental, labial, which is hard or 1 Teichelmann and Schiirmann, p. 65. ^ Ibid. p. 24. ^ Ibid. p. 69. * Caldwell's Comparative Dravidian Grammar, Introd,, p. 1. •' Ibid. p. 9. '' Ibid. p. 10.

SECT, ni.] GKAMMATICAL SKETCHES : DRAVIDIAX. 297 —soft, as above stated, and each of these orders has also its nasal. Besides these, there are five vibratiles r, I, I, and a hard and a soft r as well as a hard, strong 71. Tamil has neither sibilants nor h, its only spirants being y and v. The hard r when doubled is uttered as ttr, and when preceded by 71 as dr. The vowels are a, e, i, 0, u, short and long, and the diphthongs ei and au. A vocalic character is indicated by the rule that ? before t, n, r, r, T, I, or /, followed by a, e, or ei, acquires something of the sound of e ; e before t or m, followed by a, e, or ei, is also opened ; and m before any single consonant which is not followed by i, u, or e, becomes 0. This influence of the vowel through the consonant indicates a pre- dominance of the former. And a vocalic character appears in Telugu, Canarese, and colloquial Tamil, ending every word with a vowel. The development of vibratiles seems to indicate a full pressure of breath from the chest. Hiatus is not tolerated, because the organs have not sufficient versatility of action for the immediate change of their position which it requires.^ 93. The structure of the Dravidian languages is synthetic, but not megasynthetic (II. 4), and both in their verbs and in their nouns the radical part goes first, and the accent is generally on the first syllable. The verb has enough sense of the subject to take regularly a personal element ; and this is taken by the Tamil verb even when the subject is independently expressed.- The third person differs in Dravidian according as the subject is or is not a rational being, and in the singular it distinguishes also between the male rational being and the female ; in the plural, in Tamil, the subjects represented by tlie person must be all rational or all ii'rational.^ There is also in the verb a sense of the succession or process, and a distinction of present, past, and future tense. The distinction of tense, however, is not strongly felt. The present tense is seldom used in Tamil poetry, and in colloquial use its element is generally omitted ; '•' the future tense often expresses the habitual rather than the future * and there is no distinction of ; tense in the negative verb.^ There is no verbal expression of a subjunctive or of an ideal mood, nor any element expressing a passive or middle voice. The elements of process, tense, and person are thought with! remarkable distinction from each other. The sense of process may indeed be taken up into a root ; but in many instances ^ the Dravidian verb subjoins to the root an element called by Caldwell \"formative or euphonic,\" but which doubtless expresses what is thought along Avith the root in the idea of the verbal stem, and this can be nothing but the process or succession of doing or being. As thought with different roots it may take different forms ; and accordingly is expressed by in/, gu, ij'n, du, or hu, subject to various changes. It is retained in participles and verbal nouns, its presence in tlie latter conveying a significance as 1 Caldwell, pp. 4, 12-30. - Rhenius' Tamil Grammar, sect. 43. =» Caldwell, p. 385. ^ ibj,!, p 403. 5 Ibid. p. 3G0. 8 Il^i,! p_ ggg^

298 GEAMMATICAL SKETCHES : DRAVIDIAN\". [sect. hi. of English -ing ;'^ and it may also be subjoined to the root in forming nouns more strictly substantive, in which use it expresses the suc- cession thought more strictly as the attributive Dart of a substantive object (Def. 1, 4). To this element or to the root, if this is not used in forming the verbal stem, is subjoined the element of tense. These elements in Tamil are : -giT- or -gillT-, for the present ; -d-, -ncl-, or -ill-, for the past; -V-, -h- or -p]j-, for the future. Another element, -dninV-, is used for the present, but very rarely ; it is believed to consist of a, the root of dgti to become, and niTlT denoting continuance.^ The tense elements double and harden their initial consonants, when they are attached immediately to roots consisting of two short sjdlables, the final vowel of which is regarded as part of the root, and is incapable of being elided.'^ The past is sometimes formed in all the Dravidian languages by doubling the final consonant of roots which do not subjoin any element of process and which consist of one sjdlable with a short vowel. -\"^ In Tamil it is ordinarily formed by -in- when the root, consisting of two syllables or of one long syllable, has subjoined an element of process which then drops -?f,^ otherwise by -d- or -nd-,'^ subject to euphonic change. In the future v generally follows the softest consonants, and h, the nasals n and n ; pp is used in other cases. ^ The initial consonants of the elements of tense in Tamil are all liable to be doubled and hardened to change intransitive verbs to transitive,*^ but if there is an element of process subjoined to the root it is on the initial consonant of that element that this affection falls to express the transitive.''' Some Tamil verbs which have no element of process and whose root ends in d or r, double and harden this final consonant in becoming transitive ; and some subjoin the pronominal element du to the root, or ttu if the root ends in a vowel which cannot be elided.^ The person endings in Tamil are singular plural (1.) efl, efl, an. dm, em, em, dm, am.. (2.) di, oi, ei, i. ir, ir. (3.) dn, ccTl, m., dl, al, f., adu, irratl. ar, dr, argal, rati., a, irratl. A94. causal verbal stem is formed in Tamil by subjoining to the root, -vi-, -hi-, or -ppi- ;^ and a ^frequentative by doubling the root.^*^ A negative verb is formed by subjoining to the verbal stem a, equiva- lent to cd, which is taken up by the initial vowel of the person,i^ so as to lengthen it. Substantives and adjectives can take the person-endings in Dra- vidian, and thereby be predicated of the person. ^^ 1 Caldwell, p. 431. - Ibid. p. 383. =* Ibid. p. 387. \" Ibid. pp. 392, 394. 5 Ibid. p. 404. 9 Ibid. p. 349. fi Ibid. p. 345. ^ ibid, p, 343. « Ibid. pp. 346, 347. ^\" Ibid. p. 369. \" Ibid. p. 355. \" Ibid. p. 366.

SECT. III.] GRAMMATICAL SKETCHES : DRAVIDIAN. 299 95. It is a striking feature of tlie Dravidian languages that all subordinate facts which are thought as parts of a principal fact, in.stead of being connected with the latter by a conjunction or relative pro- noun, are expressed by prefixing the subordinate verb without person- ending to the principal verb if the former has the same subject as the latter;^ and by subjoining to the subordinate verb a, expressive of relation, instead of the person-endings, if the subordinate fact qualifies a noun as connected with it by a relative pronoun in any case.^ Tlie former is called a verbal participle, the latter a relative participle, being relative to the noun with which it is connected. The element of tense may be retained in the participles, the present denoting that the subordinate fact is contemporaneous with the principal fact, the past that it is antecedent to it, the future that it is subsequent to it.^ In Tamil, however, the past participle is used for the present ; ^ and tliose verbs which form the preterite with -in- drop n in the parti- ciple.* The verbal stem with a subjoined, but without either tense-element or person-ending, is either used as an infinitive, the a expressing the transition to it from the verb which governs it, or as an adverb, the a expressing the transition to it from the verb which it qualifies, or as an optative, the a expressing the transition to it of desire, or as a fact accompanying another fact, the a expressing the transition to it of such connection.^ The verbal stem may be treated as a noun and take a postposition of case. In this way a conditional is expressed in Tamil with the postposition il or in,*^ which Caldwell regards as locative. The imperative second singular is the root of the verb without any formative suflix. In the second plural -iirii is subjoined to this root in colloquial Tamil, and -min or minlr in classical Tamil ; rii in the.se two latter suffixes has probably a significance akin to the future,'^ and urn in this use of it suggests um, the stem of the oblique cases of the plural of the .second personal pronoun. But -%mi forms a future when suffixed to the verbal stem in all the Dravidian languages. This future, however, is even less distinctly expressive of future time than the other formation in -?>, -h-, or -pp-.^ It takes no person-endings, but may be used in Tamil like an imper- sonal verb in third singular neuter and also as a relative participle.^ umThis particle and the sense of the habitual ])elonging to the Dravidian future (93) remind one of Tagala (see 54, 56). In Tagala um is used to denote the imperative ; but in Tamil it is used not only as a verbal particle, but as a suffix to interrogative pronouns to denote indefinite comprehension, as cvall, who ? emnum, every,^'' as a copula- tive conjunction,^^ and as a suffix to a conditional to express even though,^- i.e., admitting or including the sup[)Osition. These are all 1 Caldwell, p. 379 ; Rhenius, p. 142. - Rheniu.s, p. 1-38, &c. * Ibid. p. 394. 3 Caldwell, pp. 379, 407. '^ Ibid. p. 417. \" Ibid. p. 40,-.. ^ Ibid. p. 427 ; he regard.s a as demonstrative. i- Ibid. p. 419. 7 Ibid. p. 419-422. « Ibid. p. 403. w Ibid. p. 337. \" Ibid. p. 322.

300 GRAMMATICAL SKETCHES : DEAVIDIAN. [SKCT. in. kindred meanings involving a general element of signification like the Tagala particles (58) ; and the general element which pervades these meanings is a sense of increase, the same element which is so widely- prevalent in Tagala, and which in it belongs to this particle um as expressing a sense of production or potential accomplishment. 96. Participial- nouns are formed in Dravidian by subjoining to the relative participle -a7l for the male, -al for the female, -du for the irrational or neuter ; the two first require to be preceded by euphonic V. The last is in Tamil identical in form with the third singular neuter of the verb ; but it may also express the abstract idea of the do pres. verb thought as a noun, so that Ti'eygiT'adu may mean either it does, that which does, or the doing ; ^ in the first and last adu is the pro- nominal suffix, in the second du seems to be subjoined to the relative participle. Participial abstract nouns are formed also in Tamil by subjoining be pres. mei to the present or preterite relative participle, as iru'lildTlT'a, which is, iru-lildllVa-mei, being.- Yerbal abstract nouns, which, like the participial nouns, may govern an object and be qualified by adverbs, are formed by subjoining -al or walk walk -dcd to the verbal stem, as nada'lclral or nada'lihrdal, walking. - 97. And abstract nouns which are truly nouns to be qualified by adjectives may be formed from roots by subjoining either mei, as porinnei, endurance, or am with doubled consonant of root, as tulxlcara, sleep, or g, d, h, with various vowel terminations, as h'eygei, an action, or by doubling and hardening the final consonant of the root, as pattu, a song, from pdd'u, to sing ; or if it be a mono- syllable by lengthening its vowel, as pad'u, suffering, from pad-ti, to suffer.^ N\"ouns of the agent are formed by adding -*' sometimes to the root and sometimes to the stem of the verb.^ These formations indicate a clear distinction between the idea of the verb and the idea of the noun. There is, moreover, sufficient sense of the individul substance of the noun to produce suffixes expressive of plurality, ar or mar for rational nouns,^ and gal or a for irrational,'' all being subject to euphonic change. But, ordinarily, there is no expres- sion of number in the Tamil noun, especially if irrational, though the plural is generally expressed in the rational pronouns. Even when an irrational noun is pliu'alised in Tamil, the verb is rarely pluralised to correspond.'^ In modern Tamil the rational plural element ar is usually employed for a honorific singular, and for the rational plural, when expressed a compound, argal is used.^ When mar is used for the plural it is added to the elements of sex, an and al ; when ar or argal is used it takes the place of these.^ 1 Caldwell, p. 429. 2 Ibid. p. 430. ^ ibid. p. 431-434. 5 Ibid. p. 136. \" Ibid. pp. 140, 144. I 8 Ibid. p. 135. » Ibid. p. 136. 4 Ibid. p. 440. 7 Ibid. p. 129.

— SECT. III.] GRAMMATICAL SKETCHES: DEAVIDIAN. 301 —98. TheTamil personal pronouns are • plural. singular. nominative, nominative, oblique. inclusive. exclusive. oblique.^ (1.) ydll, ndll eU- {yum, nam) (ndi'if/al) em-, nam-, ei'icjal- (2.) 7U, nly nin-, nil-, nlr, nlyir, nivir, nun-, tun-, uiigap nun- niiigal The 3(1 is a demonstrative. The reflexive is tan tan tcm? In the nominative of the personal pronoiuis the vowel is long, in the oblique cases it is short. The demonstrative bases are : a the remote, i the proximate, u the intermediate ; and the interrogative base is e or yd. To these are subjoined in Tamil -aTl for the male, -a/ for the female, -du for the irrational, -ar for the rational plural, and -ei for the irrational plural, a being inserted for euphony before all these except duA From mthese bases Tamil forms nouns with -mei, the being doubled, and met meaning birth or being,^ It also forms from tall self, ta7lmei selfness, nature. Each of the dialects possesses also an interrogative pronoun in 7i or ?m less definite than that in du; thus in Tamil edic means which ? eJl what ? *^ Tamil has also demonstrative adjectives, ajida that, inda this,^ and interrogative eHda which 1 ^ The demonstrative bases a and i may be prefixed to substantives, and then either the initial consonant of the substantive is doubled, or the demonstrative vowel is lengthened. The former plan is adopted invariably in Tamil ; and if the substantive begin with a vowel the v which is then inserted is doubled as if it Avere initial. In Tamil the interrogative e is occasionally lengthened in the irrational singular cdu en.^ 99. Comparative thought is not fully carried out in the Dravidian languages in a due production of tndy comparative elements. \" The majority of adjectives in all the Dravidian dialects are nouns of quality or relation, which become adjectives by position alone Avithout any stnictural change whatever, and without ceasing to be in themselves norms of quality.\" ^o There is, however, often euphonic change and assimilation of the final consonant of the quality and the initial of the following noun, and sometimes the vowel of the fomier is lengthened to compensate for its final vowel which has been dropped. JMany Tamil nouns ending in y'u, du, ndii, o, ru, or hu, double and harden these consonants when they are used as adjectives or when case signs are suffixed to them.^^ Kelative participles, and nouns of quality, converted into relative participles by the addition of participial formatives, are largely Ui-ed as adjectives in all the Dravidian languages ; ^' and also nouns of 1 Caldwell, p. 310. * Ibid. p. 311. » Ibid. p. 291. « ibid. p. 321. •* ^ ibij_ p_ 320. '•' Ibid. p. 323. 1- Ibid. p. 207. Ibid. pp. 315, 316. 8 Ibid. p. S24. ' Ibid. p. 322. ^\" Ibid. p. 204. \" Ibid. p. 205.

302 GRAMMATICAL SKETCHES : DEAVIDIAN. [sect. hi. quality with the suffixes of the relative participles more or less modi- fied, -iija, -a, -um, -dUa, -dgum, these last two being relative participles of a, to become.^ There are no forms for degrees of comparison. Of adverbs, properly speaking, there are none. \" Every word that is used as an adverb in the Dravidian languages is either a noun or a verbal theme or the infinitive or gerund of a verb.\" - 100. There is an imperfectly developed habit of correlation. \"All the Dravidian postpositions are or have been nouns, and are generally suffixed in their uninflected form or in the nominative.\" ^ This shows that the element of relation is not thought properly as transitional with a due sense of the correlatives (Def. 8), but that the mind tends to dwell on it and think it as an independent object. And hence it is that the Dravidian languages tend to use for the expression of relations not a mere particle which shall be a sign of the relation, but a word or phrase which has a distinct meaning of its own.* Hence also it is that substantives are not thought habitually as correlatives, and often need to be connected with the postpositions of case, and with words which govern them by pronominal elements Avhich may be thought correlatively. \"In a very large number of instances, that form of the Dravidian noun Avhich constitutes the crude base, and which is used as the nominative, constitutes also the inflectional base. And the case-signs are added to the base or nominative with- out any link of connection beyond the ordinary v or y, which is inserted to prevent hiatus between concurrent vowels. In a smaller number of instances, a number which constitutes, however, a large minority, the base or nominative receives an augmentation, and it is to this inflectional increment that the case-signs are attached. This inflected form of the noun is frequently used by itself without the addition of any case - termination, and when so used it has some- Nowtimes a locative, sometimes a possessive or adjectival force.\" ^ this inflectional increment is in Tamil either -in or -attu, or the two together, -cdtiTl; -attu, and -attiTl being used only with irrational abstract nouns in -am, or Sanskrit neuters in -avi/' and am being dropped when att is taken. There are in Tamil a few naturally plural pronominals which receive in their oblique cases the inflectional incre- ment -attru ; for example, avet those, sila few, pala many, ella aiU Tamil nouns ending in du and nc, instead of taking an inflectional increment, form the basis of their oblique cases by doubling the final d and r (u is regarded as merely enunciative, the habits of utterance requiring that every word shall end either in a voAvel, semi-vowel, or nasal). ^ These final consonants being doubled are hardened, d becoming tt, and r becoming ttr.^ The postpositions of case are, most of them, \" in reality separate words ; \" \" but several of them have lost the faculty of separate existence, and can only be treated now as case terminations.\" In the 1 Caldwell, p. 208-211. ^ Ibid. p. 441. ^ Ibid. p. 213. ^ Ibid. p. 173. 5 Ibid. p. 155. « Ibid. pp. 151, 157, 160. 7 Ibid. p. 161. « Ibid. p. 79. » Ibid. p. 163.

— ;; SECT, in.] GRAMMATICAL SKETCHES : DKAVIDIAN. 303 plural the particle of pluralisation goes before them.^ In Tamil they are as follows : Accusative, -ei ; often omitted with irrational nouns.- Instrumental, -Cd or -dTl. Conjunctive, -odu, -udu, or -udall ; icdan is a noun signifying con- junction ; ottu, verbal noun of od, means adhesion.^ Dative, -Jcu, generally preceded by to, but in personal pronouns by a ; k doubled after either.'^ Ablative, -il or -ill. Genitive, -a, probably identical with a, the formative of the relative participle ; ^ used only as genitive ending of the personal pronoun.'^ Locative, -/rem, means place, but is rarely used ; also -il, a place ''^ -idani, a place; -idattil, in place. Two or more case - postpositions are occasionally compounded' together, as locative subjoined to dative, or dative or ablative sub- joined to locative.^ 101. The inflectional increment consists of the two elements attic and iTl, which arc quite similar in their use, and therefore probably in their nature. Attic, however, can be used only with irrational singular nouns, and is plainly an altered form of the irrational demonstrative pronoun aduy It is probable, therefore, that i7l also is pronominal, and similar to the pronominal connective n which is so much used in Tagala, and prevails so widely in the Oceanic languages. But, in order fully to understand the nature of the inflectional increment, it is important to inquire whether the pronominal elements of Avhich it consists represent the noun to which they are subjoined, or that with which they connect that noun. ISTow, attu evidently represents the noun to which it is subjoined, for it agrees with that noun in gender and number ; but there is no such agreement in the use of i?i, which is used with all genders and both numbers, and it is therefore more open to question which member of the connection it represents. The use mof in, however, subjoined to atf, suggests that probably represents, not the noun to which it is subjoined, but rather the other member and this is confirmed by considering the significance of those doubled and hardened letters which form so striking a feature in Tamil. 102. This doubling and hardening of the consonants expresses always a complementary thought of the clement to -which the con- sonant belongs, Avhereby the thought of that element in its j^resent application is completed. \"When the final consonant of a verbal root is doubled and hardened to form the stem of a noun (97), this addi- tional utterance expresses the additional mental action whereby the succession that is in the verb is thought in its totality as an entire object of thought (Def. 4). And Avhen the final consonant of a monosyllabic verbal stem with a short vowel is doubled and hardened 1 Caldwell, p. 149. - Ibid. p. 167. 3 jbid. p. 174. \" Ibid. p. 192. « Ibid. p. 193. ^ Ibid. pp. 165, 175. ^ Ibid. p. -lO-l. » Ibid. p. 162. \" Ibid. p. 198.

304 GEAMMATICAL SKETCHES : DEAVIDIAN. [sect. hi. to express the past (94), there is also a thought of completion added to the sense of verbal succession which such a root has taken up in its use as a verb. In all the other cases of doubling and hardening consonants, the complementary element of thought which is added is a sense of con- nection. When in a verb the initial consonant of the formative element of process, or in the absence of such an element the initial consonant of the element of tense, or the final consonant of the root, is doubled and hardened to express transition to an object (94) ; the additional utterance expresses the completion of the thought of the verb as affecting the object. And when in a noun the initial con- sonant is doubled and hardened on having the demonstrative a or i prefixed (98), or the final consonant of the root is doubled and hardened on the occasion of the noun being used adjectivally, or being affected with postpositions of case (100) ; the additional utter- ance expresses the completion of the thought of the noun as connected with the demonstrative or with the other noun or with the relation. So, too, when a verbal root consists of Uvo short syllables, and its final vowel is radical and cannot be elided, there being no formative element of process, there is nothing transitional to form a connection between the root and the element of tense, and this latter doubles and hardens its initial consonant to complete the thought of it as connected with the root (94). And it Avould seem that in general, when the initial of an affix is increased by being doubled, it is due to the root and afiix not being ready to coalesce, and to the affix requiring a complementary element to connect it with the root, or to the affix requiring such an element to connect the formation v/ith another object as is the case with the transitive verbs. Now103. if this be so, the inflectional increment atta which connects the noun with a postposition or with another noun is to be regarded as the pronoun adu, representing the noun to which it is subjoined, but having its consonant doubled and hardened to express the element of connection Avhich the mind adds to it in completing the thought of it. as connected with what follows. And -what follows attu must pertain to what athc connects the noun with. The com- pound inflectional increment att^Tl when it serves for a genitive has always adu subjoined to it, and can only be used when followed by an tree ^rrational noun, Avhich evidently adu represents, as mar'aU'ilVada branch Icopjpit, branch of a trec.^ But it may also connect a noun with post- tree Andpositions of case, as mavatt'iTl'dl, by a trce.^ in either case r)l expresses the attention directed to what follows it. From this it may be inferred that when iTl is used alone as an inflectional increment, it represents pronominally not the noun to which it is attached, but the • 1 Caldwell, p. 187. -.Ibid. p. 157.

^; ; SKCT.ni.] GEAMMATICAL SKETCHES: DKAVIDIAN. 305 other member of the connection ; and in this it differs from the American arthritic elements, whereas attu agrees with these (see II. 33, 35 ; Def. 7). 104. The analogy is very remarkable between the doubled con- sonants in Tamil and in the language of Adelaide in Australia (89) and it confirms the view which has been taken of the significance of this feature in both languages. In both, this feature indicates a tendency to think separately what requires such complementary mental act to connect it ; and when this affects a fine element, it shows a degree of readiness to think light fragments as separate objects of thought. In Tamil, indeed, this shows itself somewhat differently from its appearance in the above AustraHan language ; for it is in the separateness of the light elements of process and tense as shov/n in their independent connection with the object of a transitive verb, that this facility of detachment is perhaps most clearly seen in Tamil. At the same time there is a combination of these elements with the verbal root, which puts a wide difference between the evidence of a fragmentary tendency which may be discerned in Tamil and that which characterises Polynesian. In the former also there is no prevalence of disyllabic roots, for there was not that concrete particularity of thought which prevails where nature supplies what man needs ready to his hand if he will find it. In India, life was more difficult, and required attention to the essential conditions of utility and success in the nature of things and in the modes of action. These therefore were noted separately and generalised, and consec^uently the radical ideas of the race were too abstract and general to satisfy the conditions of Book I., chap i., 7. 105. As to the position of the parts of a sentence in Tamil, it may be stated generally that the subject precedes the verb, and the verb ends the sentence ; the qualifying Avord precedes what it qualifies ; and the second member of a correlation precedes the first, even the genitive of the personal pronouns going before the noun which governs it instead of being a suffix.^ But the structure of the lan- guage will be better seen in a few examples. love beginning good dispositions sinners; dat. are not 106. (1.) Allhu ' imidal • dUa ' naVguna'iigal pdvigcd • u ' lilc 'illei, love and the other good dispositions are not with sinners ; - mudal is a substantive and means a beginning ; mudaldTla is an adjective and means having beginning ; and this is defined by aiibu love, and what is meant is love and the rest ; but instead of being expressed with a copulative, they are thought together as a series whose first term is love, the good dispositions having love at the head of them naVgunahgal is the plural of naVgimam, which is from nal good, and Jiunam disposition; iUeiia an aoristic negative of any tense or person. This mode of thinking a number of objects as an aggregate defined by one of them has some resemblance to the Malay idiom (81, 1) ^ Rhenius' Tamil Grammar, sect. 42. - Ibid. sect. 43. 3 Caldwell, p. 367.

306 GRAMxMATICAL SKETCHES: DEAVIDIAN. [sect.iii. beginning gods rise past 3d pi. rati, (2.) Tevendiran-mudaldna'devargal eru • mb • in ' circjal, Tevendiran and the rest of the gods rose up ; ^ mb is a formative of process, God wicked pi. accus. punish making verbal stem. (3.) ParabaraTl tullmdrkk ' ar ' ei tandv pres. 3d sing, male Mcir • dr, God punishes the wicked ; ^ para means other, excel- lent, supreme ; tullmarlilh- is from tun, evil, and marJiJcavi, way ; -ar- charity business ace. concerning speak is rational plural. (4.) Taruma ' kdriy ' aii ' ei ' klhuTittu peg'' past 3d pi. rati, in ' argal, they spoke concerning the charity business • ^ taru- mam means virtue ; Jidrii/am, business ; -att-, inflectional increment • JiuVittu is the past participle of JmrrJiJciT'in, I describe or define. virtue way ace. from leave past he (5.) K'aWnidrkJcatt -ei'vittu viIa-g-in'd7Z, he forsook ,the path of virtue ; - -att- is inflectional increment ; vittu is root of verb vittugiTe72. Heave; vila'g'in'dU is the past of vila'gwgiVen, I turn from. (6.) growing corn place in parrot corn ace. eat pres. 3d sing, irrat. Payir ' in'idaitir lallei pjayivei tin'giV ' adu, the parrot of the cultivated field eats the grain ; ^ -in- arid -tt- are inflectional increments ; idam, place ; the locative becomes iT before h. night by there go die past 2d sing. (7.) Irdttirry'ile angc'ho'nd'ydlVdV k'e'tPai, hadst thou travelled there by night thou wouldst have died ; •* bond is a gerundive formation of bo, and dna of d, to become ; dV is the instrumental postposition dl changed by k' to dV ; y between vowels is euphonic. risen sun ace. describe past he (8.) TdivVrya k'uriyalfl'ei huTi • tt -dr, he described the risen sun ; ^ tonTiya is the so past relative participle of tdnTugiVen, I appear (95). (9.) Ittallei splendour adv. which appears sun God of greatness ace. pirakdg'am-ai toflTiya • k'uriyanpardbaran'udeiya makimerytii-y declare pres. 3d sing, male arivl'kkiV • dn, the sun which appears so splendidly declares the glory of God;^ tonTiya, the past participle used for the pre- sent (95); arivi is causative of aVi, to know; y euphonic. (10.) be world ace. create past rel. God all pi. loc. indef. high umUlak'attei patei • tt • a pardbaraTl ell'dr • il • tiyar'titt 'irw 1 Rhenius, sect. 43. \" Ibid. sect. 44. . ^ Ibid. sect. 49. * Ibid. sect. 53. i Ibid. sect. 55.