Стари Занати у Србији

Prizren, 1900 formed of a stouter wire or tape on a charred tablet that with constant stirring, thus creating minute globules, the gives fi rmness to an object. Once the base is formed, the granules. Th e granules were then soldered onto the sur- so-called “fi lling” is carried out, i.e. the fi lling of gaps face or the fi ligree wire. with small spirals of the thinnest wires. Nowadays, these techniques, and especially masters Aft er joining (soldering) of all the details, additional who execute such work successfully, are very rare. And decoration is performed, without which the fi ligree is perhaps people are diff erent. It is more fascinating today unthinkable. First, the granules were added, small sil- how a lump of gold is turned into a ring by means of la- ver beads, and then smaller and larger rhomboid plates, strips, or hemispheres. Sometimes the fi ligree items were ser based on a digital photography, or when a 3D scan- encrusted with decorative stones. ner scans an object and then prints its exact image on a Most frequently, fi ligree is combined with the granu- 3D printer. Time passes, technology is progressing, but lation. Th is technique implied the melting of gold, sil- certainly nothing can replace the imagination, love and ver and copper in the pot for casting. Th e liquid metal spirit that master goldsmiths and fi ligree craft smen used was poured from the pot into a vessel fi lled with water, to bring to their products. 49

Serbia, 1936 50

Pottery WHEN MARRIED WOMEN TREAD, SQUEEZE, KNEAD, FIRE… Ranko Barisic T here are various pottery techniques in the Balkans. pared in such a fashion that it was treaded, occasionally So far, the ethnological literature has described four moistened, then sift ed through bags, and left to dry. It such techniques: was not supposed to be too dry or too wet. Th e prepared 1. pottery made by hand – known as women’s ceramics, earth was cleaned of straw, chaff , splinters and other im- 2. pottery made on hand-powered wheels, purities. It was then again treaded with bare feet to elimi- 3. pottery made on foot-powered wheels, and nate hard pieces. Aft er the treading, clay was kneaded, 4. pottery made in molds. occasionally moistened, and then left to dry for a while. In terms of the original division of labor, production Pottery was fi red outdoors (in some places, in the middle of earthenware was handled by women. In time, the pro- of the village). It was covered with live coals and ashes to duction of pottery items became a craft , and men took be baked evenly. Firing lasted several hours. Th ese ob- it over, which has remained so ever since. Unlike most jects were usually made in spring or autumn. In some other places in Europe, in our region the aforementioned places, “crepulja” and “vrsnik” were made exclusively by pottery techniques live on. Due to the rather uneven eco- women before Vidovdan (St. Vitus’ Day), like, for exam- nomic development, as well as the strong tradition, the ple, in Visocko near Pirot. folk autochthon pottery is very diverse. Th is is refl ected Th is relatively simple production of pottery items is both in technology and in shapes of objects made in Ser- rare today. “Crepulja” and “vrsnik” had to be made ex- bia. Folk pottery, however, has not withstood various in- clusively by married women, hence the term “women’s fl uences, which contributed to the increase in the prod- ceramics”. While working, women were not allowed to be uct assortment. pregnant or have their periods. “Crepulja” (a shallow clay container with a little hole Pottery is still made on hand-powered wheels in the in the middle) and “vrsnik” (a lid) were made in some village of Zlakusa near Uzice. Several decades ago, pot- th parts of Serbia until the last decade of the 20 century. tery was also made on hand-powered wheels in the vi- Th e raw material (clay) for these types of pottery can be cinity of Novi Pazar, in Oholje, in Djakovica in Kosovo found almost anywhere in Serbia. Clay for production of and Metohija, and in Korenita near Uzice. Such pottery such items was once mined in open pit mines. It was pre- items were made from sandy clay with a certain mixture 51

Th e foot-powered wheel technique was introduced to old Balkan peoples probably through the Byzantine Em- pire, back in the Middle Ages. Th e new technology intro- duced also a number of decorations, variety of colors and ornaments in our lands. At the same time, it represented technically more refi ned pottery compared to previous techniques. Pottery made on a foot-powered wheel was glazed, with light and dark brown, yellow, and green be- ing the most frequently used colors, and to some extent blue. Th e term “foot-powered wheel” is selfexplanatory. Production of pottery made on foot-powered wheels spread throughout the territory of Serbia, both in cities and villages. Potters sold their products to the popula- tion of diff erent ethnicities and diff erent religions, both in rural and urban areas. Pottery produced on foot-pow- ered wheels involved widely used objects: musical in- struments – ocarina and goblet drum, craft supplies, for example, molds for “culav” (a woolen cap worn under a fez), cult objects – censers, crosses, candlesticks, cups and iconostases, daily use objects, containers for preparing, Razanj, 1936 Vrnjci, 1938 of calcite where the ratio is 2:1 or 1:1. Th e thus-prepared clay was placed on a hand-powered pottery wheel. A pot- ter ran the wheel with one hand, and shaped clay with another. Items were made from a single lump of clay and were simple. Th ose were cooking and baking dishes, as well as ones used for food storage. Heaters were also made on hand-powered wheels. Th ese varied in size, from ten centimeters to one meter in height, or more. Pottery made on hand-powered wheel was rough in tex- ture and without particular decorations. Th e rim of some pots was embellished with curving lines. Th e bottom of dishes showed marks in the form of single or double crosses in the circle and the like. 52

cooking, baking and storing food – lunch boxes, pitchers, cooking pots, baking pans for meat, platters, milk jars, coff ee pots, double fl utes, and water troughs for poultry. A special group of pottery items included those that were used in the wedding ritual, such as pitchers, vari- ous fl asks and fl agons for brandy, wedding beakers, jugs; and decorative objects: beakers, bowls with and without spouts, various jugs, casks, etc. Money boxes in the shape of horse, pig, deer, bear, hedgehog and other exotic ani- mals were used daily. Ceramic inkwells were also made, as well as vases and ashtrays in the shape of “opanak”, the traditional Serbian footwear. Following items were in everyday use in rural areas: heaters, funnels, oil lamps, various bottles for storage of wine, brandy, and oil, as well as containers for a variety of balms. Household guardians were made in Eastern Serbia and placed on the roofs of houses. Pottery made on foot-powered wheels had to be dried fi rst. Craft ed pieces were placed on a board close to the roof or in the attic of the workshop. Th ey were left in the Zlakusa, 1975 Serbia, 1956 attic to dry for a month. Th en they were put in kilns, have by potters themselves from mud, dry earth and bricks. Th ese wood-burning kilns were located near workshops. Pottery was fi red for twenty four hours and then cooled for another ten hours. Modern-day kilns are electricpow- ered. Over the centuries, all three pottery techniques - wom- en’s ceramics, pottery made on hand-powered wheels, and pottery made on foot-powered wheels – existed on our soil simultaneously. Th e production of pottery made in molds was intro- duced in Serbia in the mid-19 century. Immediately th aft er the liberation, the Turks still made pipes in molds 53

Zaplanje, 1936 in some places in Belgrade. Th is type of pottery existed The production of various decorative and utility th in Serbia through the 20 century, but to a lesser extent ceramic items as a vocational activity is still present than the aforementioned technologies. in many parts of Serbia. Dishes for the preparation Ceramic production techniques particularly devel- of food are highly sought-after products, because the oped aft er the Two World Wars. Pottery products were so-called wedding cabbage dish in a clay pot or pota- sold at fairs in cities and especially in spas throughout toes and roast baked using a special iron pan called Serbia. Making a mold was very simple. A plaster mold “sac” have a “unique and unrepeatable “flavor’’. Resi- was divided into two parts. Th e center was hollowed-out dents of Zlakusa and surrounding villages on Mt Zlati- in the shape of a desired object and clay was pressed into bor have realized that the combination of traditional the mold. Children’s toys were made in molds. skills and new trends in the field of ethnotourism may 54

ен арх ум ерп ирп аз ив од уС Ceramic vessels a water container mean an opportunity for secure jobs and economic prosperity. Decorative ceramic items – pitchers, candleholders, fi gurines and the like have always been favorite gift items and held a special place in households. In addition to fairs, such items, marked and signed like those in famous world workshops, are now sold in specialty shops, galler- ies and museum shops. Pottery courses have enabled many people to make unique items for themselves and their friends, while also opening the possibility to fi nd new ways not only for en- tertainment, but employment and income as well. 55

Banat, 1928 56

Cooperage MULBERRY WOOD FOR GRAPE BRANDY Ranko Barisic T he makers of casks, barrels, kegs, vats, butts, etc. are ity woods and the demand for their products: barrels, Cooperage has survived in areas with the high qual- craft smen who use wood as their basic material. Today, cooperage is a unique name for such craft s- tubs, vats, butts, etc. Cooperage is particularly interest- manship. Th e ancient Slavs were familiar with the pro- ing because it combines several diff erent techniques of duction technique. In the beginning, these were recepta- the wood processing: splitting, hewing, bending and cles of small sizes and fl at walls. In time, wooden stacking of staves, drilling and digging - when large-size receptacles were made with rounded walls, which en- barrels are made. Th ere are two basic types of cooper- abled production of cooperage of big sizes. age – items with fl at sides and those with rounded ones. Knowledge and extensive experience are needed to Various kinds of vats are mostly made by rural craft smen. make barrels, kegs and vats. Specifi c tools are also re- Kegs with rounded staves are made by master craft smen quired and those were not owned by self-taught artisans, because of the more complicated process. It was believed so that the cooperage became necessary. Many a craft , in- that one who knew how to make a keg or a barrel passed cluding cooperage, developed with the fl ourish of cities the examination for master cooper and would easily be and commerce in the Middle Ages. Aft er the liberation able to make any other cooperage product. from the Turks, a large number of craft smen came from To choose the appropriate type of wood that will be the then Austria-Hungary with their own technology used for cooperage products, content to be stored in such and tools, as well as terms of the trade that are in use container is essential. Th us, for example, the barrels in even today. which wine is stored are mostly made of oak. It is best to To make a quality barrel, casks or vat, durable materi- use mulberry wood to store the brandy because it even- als are required. Vojvodina, especially Srem, abounded tually gives the brandy a golden yellow color, and is sold in high-quality oak for the making of staves. Staves were better. Acacia and chestnut wood are also used for coop- made by specially trained craft smen – stave-makers, erage products, while the big vats are oft en made of ash, originating from the region of Lika, which became very pine and spruce, in addition to oak. For the production skillful in this fi eld. Eventually, this trade was taken over of objects, wood needs to be hand split and well-dried. by coopers. Wood is dried for two years before use. During this period, 57

Rudnik, 1979 Levac, 1911 it must be well stacked, but no pressure should be applied Th e stave cutting is the most sensitive operating pro- on the sides. Hand split wood is exposed to the draft , usu- cedure in cooperage. It also defi nes the fi nal shape of a ally in the attics with enough air to be well dried up. cooperage product. Barrels, kegs and vats for common Boards to be used for staves are fi rst trimmed, i.e. cut use are uniform in both shape and proportion. Th ese according to previously determined patterns to be then standards, i.e. volume of receptacles, are tested by means stacked in square so that a craft sman can get a suffi cient of special, standardized measuring devices for staves. number of staves. It is necessary for staves to be of re- Th ose devices are diff erent for containers of diff erent vol- quired height, length and radius for a barrel of specifi c umes. Usually, cooper has up to 20 diff erent measuring dimensions. Staves are then hewed and formed with an devices. Th ey are used to measure the narrowing of staves adze and then with a plane. Staves are roughly grated towards their ends, check the internal transverse curva- at the same time, and then cut with a large hand-plane ture of receptacles, and also measure the angle of sides standing still, i.e. fi xed on a counter. of the staves. Th is is of great importance for the cooper 58

Rudnik, 1979 Pirot, 1956 because whether his product will be impermeable or not would be inserted between them. Hoops are now made depends on this. of iron and fastened by iron rivets to hold better. Larger To assemble staves, a cooper must fi rst make the bot- barrels have more hoops. A perfectly healthy wood is tom. He uses calipers to take measures for the bottom. In now very diffi cult to fi nd. If the wood has knots, a hole the past, the measure was determined with a rope and a is made in that spot and fi lled by an oak wedge. Also, a nail. Today, it is done with calipers. Th e bottom is cut out master resorts to the paraffi n-lining of a barrel – the bar- of several boards held close together. Formed liked that, rel is fi lled with paraffi n and then rolled until it evenly it is inserted in the slots of the staves, and then the mould lines and fi lls the entire internal surface, while the rest hoops are taken off and replaced with permanent ones. In of paraffi n is poured out. If the wood has fewer knots, the past, hoops were made of hazel or ash branches bent paraffi n is put on the heated knife blade so that it trickles in circle. Th e end branches were then intertwined to hold onto the knots. Th e old barrels are repaired in the same better. To make staves stick to one another, dried sedges fashion, while rotten staves must be replaced. 59

a wood-slat tubs a keg Coopers make a number of products: brandy mash legs with an opening for release of dirty water; since the vats of large volume with a bottom slightly narrower than advent of a washing machine, the “luznica” is no longer the opening; the meat vats to keep meat in marinade or manufactured). Coopers also made vats with a wider brine (these vats have two opposite long handles for ease openings and handles to carry water, then well buckets of carrying); the meat vats made with a wider opening with the bottom narrower than the opening to extract than the bottom; the vats for cabbage are also made with water from wells. An actual butt was manufactured with an opening wider than the bottom, along with two side the bottom wider than the opening and with a lid. Such handles (the opening is topped with a board with a nut butt was used to pickle and preserve peppers. Coopers for a wooden bolt and a small handle for turning; the used to make “krble” or ashtrays. Ash was the raw mate- bolt allows the pressure on the board for sour cabbage in rial for soap, collected by apprentices and then carried the vat); the so-called “luznica” was made to steam laun- to soap makers. “Krbla” is a wooden vessel up to a meter dry (it had two handles that held a stick to carry it, four high, consisting of staves. It had one side fl at and straps, 60

a keg a pail and was carried on one’s back. “Fucija” or “vucija” is an malade and plum products. All these products were pre- elongated oval keg carried on one’s back or two of those pared and transported in large barrels that were made by were loaded on mules or horses. Th ey were used to carry coopers. water from springs to villages. Unfortunately, the demand for cooperage is extremely Coopers also made wine barrels, whose dimensions low today because modern regulations on the prepara- were large, depending on customers’ desires. Wherever tion of food and drinks require diff erent types of material vineyards were planted, and where there was a need for for their storage, but it will still be best to keep wine in the the storage and processing of wine and brandy, large bar- specially prepared barrels, brandy will have a real fl avor rels were made with capacity of one thousand liters or only when maturing in an oak barrel, and sauerkraut will even more. still be occasionally pickled in huge vats. Between the two World Wars, Serbia was one of the largest European exporters of wine, brandy, jams, mar- 61

Đakovica, 1956 62

Coppersmithing IT IS HARDER TO TIN THAN TO DRINK Irena Gvozdenovic C oppersmith’s trade, production of dishes and ob- bottomed dish), produced by coppersmiths in Sarajevo, jects of copper, is one of the oldest craft s in this were exported from Sarajevo to Dubrovnik. Th e fi rst cop- country – it exists for more than fi ve centuries. persmiths were the Turks, and eventually, this trade was Th e name “kazandzija” (coppersmith) stems from the taken over by the local population. Turkish word kazan (cauldron), and it points to the main In the past coppersmith’ products were diverse: container that coppersmiths produce. – boilers, cauldrons and kettles; Since prehistoric times men has used copper to make – kitchen utensils: various types of pots and pans, as- tools and weapons and a whole period in the develop- seroles, frying-pans, fl agons for drinking water; ment of civilization is called the Copper Age. Persia and – hygiene products: washbasins, barber washbowls, India, rich in the ore, are considered the homelands of water pots, pans; copper dishes. Coppersmithing has been known since – objects of everyday use: braziers, coff ee pots, coff ee ancient times and nowhere has it been brought to perfec- and sugar boxes, ewers; tion like there. – sacral objects: patens, censers, cups, kettles for the Copper dishes and the tinning were mentioned for the baptistery. nd fi rst time by Greek philosopher Th eophrastus in the 3 Th e coppersmiths’ craft reached its peak in the late century BC. Th e Greeks learnt about the production and 19 and the early 20 century because their products th th use of copper dishes from the Persians, while the Romans were used most at the time. Copper dishes were in wide became familiar with these dishes thanks to the Greeks. use both in urban and in rural areas, where food could However, the production and use of copper vessels be prepared in copper dishes on the open fi re due to were not accepted in Europe, where crockery was used high durability. Dishes and objects of copper were used through the Middle Ages. Th e Balkans, where the copper in wealthy urban homes for decoration of the main and dishes were brought by the Turks, was the only part of side rooms. In addition to practical, copper dishes had a Europe where these dishes were produced and used. Th e decorative function. Many objects were richly decorated th oldest mention of coppersmiths dates back to the 16 with engraving and embossing techniques. Craft s and century – in 1511, 135 pieces of sahan (a shallow, fl at- craft guilds developed in the Balkans during the Turkish 63

anvil, a pair of bellows to blow air into a fi re, wooden and metal hammers, coppersmith’s pliers, rasps and scis- sors. Copper was delivered in a raw state and melted in furnaces. Th en, several workers stretched it into sheets with heavy hammers on the anvil. Th e production of a particular object continued from there. Coppersmithing was very diffi cult craft . Copper- smiths had to be very fast because they worked with fi re. In addition to masters, apprentices worked in cop- persmiths’ workshops as well. Th eir service lasted six or more years and they mostly came from families of craft s- men. Th ey studied mainly by looking, without receiving specifi c instructions. It was believed that a good master coppersmith could make up to twenty pans in a day. Only aft er making pans could an apprentice make a cauldron, kettle, water pot, and subsequently take the exam for journeyman. Many masters used to hide their craft skills from oth- ers, particularly those who were engaged in tailoring. Th ey shared the secrets of their craft only with their heirs. Th e mode of a coppersmith’s work was mainly individual, while it was collective only when producing large items, such as cauldrons, boilers, etc. Th ere were families that were in this craft for two hundred years. Parts of a city or streets were named by coppersmiths who worked here, for example, Coppersmiths’ Alley. Cake molds Pirot, 2005 feudal rule. Th e coppersmiths’ guild was the fi rst where craft smen also became merchants and traded in copper, tin, and all coppersmithing products. Th e main raw materials in coppersmiths’ craft are cop- per, tin and sal ammoniac, as well as charcoal and cot- ton, but a forge where copper melts is the most impor- tant. Since the largest number of coppersmiths’ products were dishes for food and drinks, and copper is prone to oxidation due to which a toxic metal patina is formed, these containers had to be tinned, and that called for tin. Th erefore, coppersmiths engaged in tinning as well. Th e most important tools in a coppersmith’s workshop were 64

In the modern era, in addition to the aforementioned hand tools, various machines are used in the copper- smiths’ workshops. In the past, coppersmiths made dishes for food and drinks, from the casserole for baking pies and coff ee pots to kettles, as well as household items, but such copper- smiths no longer exist. Large trade centers were: Pirot, Nis, and Prizren. Nowadays, these artisans are solely engaged in the production of brandy stills, cauldrons for melting of fat and laundry washing, sprinklers for vineyards, kettles for fi sh soup. Th ey also do various repairs. Th ey still exist in Serbian cities such as Belgrade, Valjevo, Nis, Novi Sad, Leskovac and Vranje, and there are some even in villages. A well-known coppersmith from Novi Sad, who makes brandy stills and exports them worldwide, and is cur- rently producing the batch for Portugal, says: “It is much harder to make the stills than to enjoy brandy. Forging of a 100-liter caldron requires fi ft een days of hard labor and great skills. One must be a locksmith, tinsmith, lathe operator, and a bit of a sculptor.” Th e reasons that the coppersmithing as well as many other craft s in Serbia are brought to ruin are multiple, and the process of disintegration of our old artisan cul- ture has commenced a long time before and it still con- tinues. Water containers Pirot, 2005 Th e liberation from the Turkish feudal rule also led to a change in the structure of the urban population and reorientation of life of the Serbs, so that the demand for copper dishes decreased. Industrialization and moderni- zation had a great impact – articles produced in factories appeared between the two World Wars – and it all led to deterioration and disappearance of the coppersmithing and many other craft s. Old craft s should be preserved and revitalized as well as our old artisan culture, because there is no better coff ee than that prepared in a copper coff ee pot and there is no better brandy than the homemade one prepared in a still. 65

Pirot, 2001 66

Wheelwrighting VRNDELJ AS STATUS SYMBOL Marko Stojanovic, M.A. T he unstable state-administrative and existential ble process of national independence contributed to the Th e accelerated development and the slow but inevita- status of the majority of the population of Serbia prior to uprisings and basic elements of state- fact that the village craft smen oft en engaged in independ- th hood in the early part of the 19 century were most cer- ent craft activities as their primary source of income. tainly inadequate for any long-term planning and devel- Wheelwrights primarily made wooden parts for animal- opment of self-contained rural households. At the same drawn vehicles, but they also added the necessary pieces time, such a status of the large percentage of the agri- of metal (iron) for the fi nal appearance and function. cultureoriented population, infl uenced the fact that the Th ese, for example, included, according to folk terminol- necessary craft activities for daily functioning of the ogy, “trap“ (undercarriage), “lotre“ (ladder), “levca“ (stake brace) and “saraga“ (skilvings), the parts for the safe trans- self-suffi cient rural economy were generally performed portation of miscellaneous cargo, the steering control as a secondary profession of rural craft smen, who pri- gear and, being particularly demanding in terms of pro- marily made and repaired tools for themselves, and then for the local community. In such a context, and speaking duction, the wheels, which are diffi cult to make and to a about conditions of passenger and cargo traffi c and the certain extent may be considered to be separate craft products. Since the entire vehicle was made with, from transfer of goods – also mostly of the rural population today’s standpoint, primitive tools, the folk, unscientifi c – at the time of the fi rst government of Prince Milos, it and experiential understanding of engineering became should be stated that “due to the (…) state of roads, it particularly evident. In addition, high accuracy was nec- was impossible to travel by foot or on a horse almost essary to calculate the internal and external circumfer- anywhere in the country.” Similarly, in favor of such a ences of the wheel, based on the circle drawn with a pencil state of needs and markets, it should be noted that in the and a rope, and then make spokes, which were support- inaccessible, mountainous and hilly parts of Serbia until ing elements essential, among other things, to the func- recently, capable villagers themselves made primitive ve- tionality of the vehicle. One of the wheelwrighting craft hicles with solid-disk wheels (one of the terms is for traditions diff erentiates two types of wheels for animal- such a vehicle is “vrndelj“), used for various commercial drawn and passenger vehicles, the former being made purposes. with twelve, and the latter with sixteen spokes, usually of 67

oft en within the barter exchange, but they sold their products at fairs and in the markets. Th e process of becoming independent as a state and, consequently, increased economic development infl u- enced Serbia to make a turn towards Europe to a more signifi cant extent and the changes in various domains of the culture of living. Following the then modern trends in the development of means of transportation, apart from work vehicles, primarily oxdrawn wagons, wheelwrights started paying attention to the market demand for vehi- cles solely intended for passenger transport. Th ey were almost to the present day represented primarily by gigs and carriages, which was refl ected, in addition to signifi - cant shift s in the craft itself and the need to master the technology and design of those more luxurious models, in their socio-cultural use functioning as a status sym- bol. Th at the emphasis was laid on the status of owners of luxurious models of passenger vehicles was indicated by the fact that these were drawn by horses, unlike wagons drawn mainly by oxen. Likewise, production of passen- ger- and of workvehicles separated the status of wheel- wrights’ workshops in towns intended for urban popula- tion from those that principally met economic needs of the rural population. Changes and improvement of the wheelwright’s craft were indirect indicators of the overall progress in the socio-cultural terms. When the development of the wheelwright’s craft is viewed in the technical domain, the technological leap from the make of simpler models to the demanding and better quality ones included a change from wooden vehi- cles to the combined ones, made from wood and metal. Milatovac, 1999 At the same time, it can be easily noted that this change in production of wheelwrighting products introduced numerous technological processes and tools that can acacia and ash wood. In regard to the type of wood from which vehicles were made, ash, elm and acacia were oft en be considered as common to at least another two craft s: blacksmithing – for iron parts, and carpentry. Broadly used, depending on the part to be made. For example, speaking, such trade parallels can be viewed as indica- spokes and hubs were made from acacia wood, ash wood tors of comprehensive processes of cultural infl uences was used for felloes and axles, etc. In addition to vehicles, and interconnections. Considering that the Germans, wheelwrights also made accessories, including yokes for being, among other things, holders of the Central Eu- ox-towing, bars and wheelbarrows for carrying small ropean craft traditions, were systematically relocated to loads in the house. Th ey made wooden plow beams hold- Vojvodina back in the 18 century, they brought new th ing iron plowshares, as well as frames for harrows with craft s - including carpentry and wheelwrighting – and incorporated iron spikes. Generally, they worked to order, modern technological processes. By contrast, holders 68

Svrljig, 1925 of the Balkan craft traditions in the same area were the metal ones were used for reinforcement and decoration Serbs, with the signifi cant infl uence of the Oriental cul- – which also indicates that the group of similar craft ed tural circle and craft s such as blacksmithing, horseshoe- products clearly shows that implementation of the Eu- ing and the like. Bearing in mind that craft innovations ropean technical knowledge, modern at the time, over- arrived in Serbia of that time precisely from the cultural lapped with the Oriental tradition of metal processing, circle of Central Europe, from the region of Vojvodina which oft en reached its maximum in ornamentation as via the Sava and Danube, it is safe to speak of the cultural an expression of aesthetic categories. transfer through the production of wheelwrighting prod- Th e obvious fact – that the technical-technological ucts – animaldrawn and passenger vehicles, whose basic and general cultural development of the early part of the th components were generally made from wood, while the 20 century led to a change in the economic structure 69

Negotin, 1963 Pirot, 2001 70

Smederevo, 2001 of the population, which, aft er World War Two, culmi- ger vehicles originally signifi cantly increased the speed nated in the industrialization and mass migration from and comfort of travel, and then continued to exist as the villages to the cities – impacted the slow disappear- status symbols in rural and urban areas. Th e prolonged ance of the wheelwrighting craft . Workshops continued use of more luxurious models, along with the simulta- to work by inertia and with no training of new mas- neous existence of cars, can be seen as an expression of ters, so that today it is mostly enthusiasts who engage in nostalgia and a symbolic return to traditional values. It wheelwrighting as in a secondary profession or hobby is exactly why in modern conditions, the revitalization and most oft en handle special orders only. Th e fact that of the wheelwrighting craft could be discussed primar- needs for wheelwrighting products die out indicates ily within the various concepts of cultural-ethnic and that animal-drawn vehicles have gone from being an rural tourism, fi rst with production of small series of inevitable economic and transportation means in tra- carriages, and with the aim to expand the tourist off er in ditional communities to the status of sporadic and sec- the revived environments, outdoor museums and tour- ondary employment, while, on the other hand, passen- ist events. 71

Knjazevac, 1953 72

Gingerbread making WHEN HONEY COOKIES ARE SACRIFICED Vesna Marjanovic, P.h.D. T he art of gingerbread making is very old and dates have always been engaged in wax craft smanship. Th ere- Gingerbread-makers in the Balkan cultural milieu back to the ancient times. It is believed that the cook- ies of this type had a signifi cant role in ancient cults, fore, it is customary to refer to wax craft smanship along particularly in off ering sacrifi ces to particular deities. with gingerbread making. By all accounts, this craft , or According to some scientists, licitar or leceder is the craft s, come to the territories of Serbia from two direc- word of German origin – lebzelter – but it is derived from tions – from south, with knowledge acquired from the the Latin word libum meaning a sacrifi cial cake. Symbol- Greek masters who taught about the wax craft sman- ism of honey in chthonic cults was very strong, because ship, and from the north, from the Austrian and Ger- a special quality was attributed to honey in communi- man craft smen, who were skilled makers of honey cook- cation between the world of the living and the world of ies. Early records about development of the gingerbread th the dead, i.e. mundane and otherworldly realities. In the making in today’s Serbia take us back to the 18 century. Serbian traditional culture, honey also enjoyed a special Gingerbread making was considered, along with wax place in the cult of the dead, as well as during holidays craft smanship, to be a very lucrative craft , which is why it that ritually connected the living and the dead. was oft en referred to as the “golden craft ”. Honey cookies were, however, mentioned in the Th e fi rst gingerbread makers appeared in economi- broader context in the 12 century and their baking was cally developed centers, artisan and commercial urban th linked with the monastic life, since monks were known districts. Archival records indicate that, for example, for bee-keeping and extraction of honey, and beekeepers gingerbread makers were mentioned as artisans in the also oft en settled at the monastery estates. In addition, area of presentday Vojvodina, in the town of Ruma in production of honey cookies was widespread at the time the 1760s and 1770s, while the fi rst craft sman, Mihaly of some Christian holidays; cookies were given as gift s at Schmidt came to Subotica in 1769, and, according to th the Christmas and New Year celebrations. As of the 17 these sources, there were also three artisans in Zemun century, Christmas tree, the forerunner of today’s New from 1784 to 1799. It is also recorded that in addition Year’s tree, was decorated in Central Europe, with honey to master gingerbread makers, there were three journey- cookies of diff erent shapes. men in Novi Sad in 1793. 73

Serbian craft smen were more engaged in the processing of wax and sale of candles, while Hungarian and German artisans were skillful gingerbread makers. Th us, for ex- ample, in the late 19 century, out of fourteen beeswax th makers in Belgrade there were eight who also made ex- cellent honey cookies. Th erefore, gingerbread making is attributed to the infl uence of German colonists who ini- tially developed this craft in parts of southern Hungary, and then it gradually spread south of the Sava and Dan- ube rivers into other cities in Serbia. Th us, for example, gingerbread makers have been mentioned south of the Sava and Danube in the territory of Serbia since 1888, when there were forty nine of them. Gingerbread cookies were originally baked in ap- propriate molds, which were made of hard wood, usu- ally pear or apple, in diff erent sizes and diff erent fi gura- tions. Figures on the molds were made so to leave relief on the baked cookies. Diff erences in size and shape of fi gures were related to the purpose of gingerbread cook- ies. Wooden molds served to create the so-called yellow cookies, which were used in their original form until World War One. Yellow cookies, or honey cookies, were made from “nokson”, diluted and boiled honey, fl our and eggs. A little white dough, made from a little sugar and fl our, mixed with potash, was added to dough to make the cookie mealy, but while kneading, a little yellow fl our called “kurkumel” was added. Records show that, for ex- ample, 1 kg of mead requires 1¼ kg of fl our, 1 kilo of honey a gingerbreead maker’s knife Knjazevac, 1938 Zemun, Novi Sad, Subotica and Ruma, were devel- th oped commercial and trade centers in the 18 century, th and known for processing wax and honey even in the 17 century, during the time of Turkish rule. Gingerbread craft smanship was, therefore, a fi eld for beeswax mak- ers who were also successful at the processing of honey and making of honey cookies. Archival sources show that 74

– 1½ kg of fl our, and 1 kg of sugar – 3¼ kg fl our. Water was added to honey and sugar as needed, but it was not added to mead. Th e dough was made in large quantities, and baked according to needs. Th e thusprepared dough was then pressed fi rmly into a greased and fl oured mold. Th e baked cookies were decorated. Th ose cookies, prepared for sale, were given as gift s to children or adults. Such gift had not only a quality of a symbol, but it represented the respect and aff ection of a bestower. Th e cookie was usually given as a sign of aff ec- tion towards a person. It was common for craft smen of this kind not to have their own shops. In the late nineteenth and early 20 cen- th tury in Serbia, young men carried gingerbread products placed on trays or in baskets in the streets of towns and villages. Gingerbread cookies were usually purchased at rural fairs, assemblies, on All Saints’ Day, and other mass gatherings. Gingerbread cookies were given as gift s not only to the close, but to other people as well, especially during the winter holidays. Th e most common time to present honey cookies – gingerbread products - was usually a time of great festivities related to the church’s annual calendar. Gingerbread cookies can be made with diff erent rep- resentations and in various shapes. Most have a form of anthropomorphic or zoomorphic representations, and motives may include religious messages or be ergomor- phic. Men were oft en given a cookie with a horseman, the socalled “hussar”, horse, pipe, pistol; women were given cookies in the shape of a woman, a doll, hens in the nest, while girls got a “swaddled newborn”; the el- derly were given angels, crosses, fi gures of a saint and the like. Th e most popular and best known shape until today is a gingerbread heart-shaped cookie, in diff erent sizes, decorated with a mirror, which young men gave to girls as a sign of aff ection and love. A typical gingerbread cookie is in the shape depicting a male fi gure in a baroque outfi t – with long hair, a narrow brimmed hat, dressed in a long coat with fur collar and braided in front, and striped pants. Th e fi gure was placed on the pedestal. Th e female fi gure is oft en dressed in a folk costume, wearing a high cap lined with a wide ribbon with a tassel hanging Topola, 2008 75

Topola, 2008 on the right-hand side of the face, with wavy hair oft en lace-decorated cap on the head, the top is covered with falling down the shoulders; a cross is hanging around the a striped cloth, while the swaddle is obliquely wrapped neck, the dress tailored to emphasize the waist and her and ornamented, and the bottom has a large ornament, a waistcoat is adorned with braids, and she wears an apron. ribbon tied into a bow. Th e figure of a horse is frequently Th e legs are disproportionate to the body, they are small made as a walking horse with one front leg slightly lift ed. and turned to the side, and placed on the pedestal. Th e Th e pedestal on which it stands is decorated with fl oral fi gure of a swaddled newborn was also frequently present- motifs. Th e slipper was colored yellow with saff ron and ed on the honey cookies – it is cylinder-shaped, with a had a top sprinkled with crushed nuts. 76

Topola, 2008 Gingerbread makers oft en decorated their products gerbread goods were mostly sold in stalls at village fairs with colored paper topped with various images. Th e pa- during holidays and were presented only to children. per was attached by dough made from sift ed fl our. Recently, tourists simply tend to grab these traditionally In Central and Southeastern Serbia, gingerbread makers decorated, cheerful and colorful cookies, discovering in were members of the grocers’ guild and celebrated the As- them the magic of bygone times, chastity and simple joys. cension Day as their patron saint’s day until World War One. Th ese goods are now poorly represented; they lost their symbolic meaning long ago. In the past years, gin- 77

Drina, 1932 78

Flour milling and baker’s trade GRINDSTONES AT THE FOOT OF ZRNOV Velibor Stojakovic D epending on the source of the driving energy, ture), which was why these mills were called “ujmare”. To gristmills essentially have the same construc- grind 100 kilograms of grain in these mills, the multure, tion, but diff er as regards the elements of driv- ing mechanisms. Th us, there are water mills – mills using 6-10% of the total quantity, had to be paid. Th e multure was measured by means of a 10-kg capacity measuring water power, windmills - mills using wind power, “suva- box called “sinik”. Th e measuring box was used to pour ce” - mills using the power of draft animals, steam grist- grains into a bin and to measure the multure. When grain mills – using steam power, and electric mills - powered by was ground for the multure, nine boxes of grain were electricity. poured into the bin, while the tenth was poured into the Th ere are two types of water mills – “potocara” and barn as the multure. Th e barn, located in the watermill “ladjarica”. Th e former were built on streams and the lat- itself, usually had two compartments, one for wheat and ter on rivers. Th ey always represented an essential ne- another for corn. A small, 1-kg measuring box was also cessity of the population, fulfi lled the needs in terms of used. Mills could grind up to 200 kilograms of grain per fl our, were highly appreciated and oft en mentioned in the 24 hours. Serbian medieval monuments. Along with villages they Th e “ladjarica” mills are larger and more capacious, donated to monasteries, old rulers also gave mills. Com- and capable of grinding up to 1.200 kilograms of grain munal village mills were also built and used according per 24 hours. Th ey were named aft er the rivers on which to a specifi cally defi ned schedule. In places where they they were constructed: “moravka” on the Morava River, th continued to exist until the late 20 century, their form, “drinka” on the Drina, “savka” on the Sava, “jadarka” on materials, some parts with names, order and method of the Jadar, etc. Th e place near the bank where a “ladjar- use – all remained almost unchanged. If a water mill on a ica” mill was set was usually called “brod” (ship). Mills stream was the common property of several household- on the Drina – “drinke” – were once placed on three ers who jointly built it, then it was a “poredovnicka” (suc- dug-in stocks, i.e. three long dredged boats, and later, cessional) mill where holders used the watermill in suc- following the procedure with “savke”, these “kopanici” cession. If a mill was owned by one or two householders, were replaced by “tumbas” in the shape of large boats – then it was their own and worked for an “ujam” (mul- barges. A mill was placed on two “tumbas”. Th e bigger 79

Th is type of mechanism is the most similar to one in windmills. Windmills were widespread in the plain areas, especially in Vojvodina, where prior to their coming, a large number of the so-called “dry mills” – “suvaca”, pow- ered by draft animals, usually horses, were built. In terms of the materials and places where they were built, water mills and “ladjarica” mills prevailed. In some areas without suitable water courses, “suvace” were built – dry mills powered by draft animals, usually horses. “Su- vace” are typical for the plain areas, where windmills be- th gan to be built in the mid-18 century. Until the coming th th of steam mills in the late 19 and early 20 century, all aforementioned types of watermills and mills were wide- ly used. Th e common denominator for all the devices was the basic principle of work – grain was ground by fric- tion of two stone wheels onto which grain was poured, and this is the basis of the design of an archaic manual grindstone, which was in many areas long kept as an ad- ditional, domestic mill. Th e process of bread baking in the “furuna” or “furni- ja” (wood-burning stove) belongs to the old Balkan cul- ture. Th e bread-baker’s craft is related to the development of urban culture in the Balkans. Th e rural patriarchal Mionica, 1978 Serbia, around 1900 one could be up to eleven meters long and four meters wide, while the other one was smaller, nine meters long and up to two meters wide. Th e entire mill mechanism and a miller’s room were located on the big “tumbas”. Th e small “tumbas” was fi ve meters away from about the big one and served as the backbone for the spindle (drive shaft ) of the water wheel, which used fl oats or wings to run the whole mechanism composed of dry wheels with wooden gears (“thumbs”), and horizontal and vertical axles (spindles). 80

culture did not use the craft collectively, but only indi- vidually in the simple “crepulja” (a shallow clay container with a little hole in the middle) of independent families and in bread furnaces (“vurnjaje”) of cooperators. Th e handicraft bread production began to develop in condi- tions of the complex economic organization, with food production, commerce, processing of raw materials, and services being interconnected. Th is was the time when the production of bread for general purposes, better known as the market production, was organized. Th e technology of this craft is also the same in all cities in the Balkans. In addition to the regular baking of “somun” (fl atbread), breadbakers also baked luxury pastries: pies (“lepinja”), “simit” (sesame seed topped bread), “pen- jurlija” (cheese pastry), (casseroles, roast meat, etc.), and only aft er removing bread for sale from the oven. A “so- mun” is the most important product of this craft , and the word comes from the Greek word “psomi”, meaning bread. “Penjurlija” is made of thinly rolled-out dough topped with grease, cheese and eggs, and the term is de- rived from the Latin word “pane”, meaning bread. Before baking, when kneaded suffi ciently, the dough for all the aforementioned products was left to rise in special wood- en molds – “pinakote”. Th e term “furuna” is derived from the Latin word “furnus”, meaning furnace. Th e term “furundzija” has two meanings in the Serbian language: a bread-baker and a stove-maker. Diff erent preparations of the bread dough and the types of their products defi ne the diff erence between breadbakers and bakers. Bread-bakers were the so-called “black bakers” who baked their goods from unsift ed Knjazevac, 1920 (black) fl our. Th ey oft en worked within “mehana” (tav- ern, inn). Bakers were the so-called “white bakers” and All bread-baking ovens are basically round or oval, they baked bread from white (sift ed) fl our as well as luxu- ry pastries (pretzels, rolls, buns). In the mid-19 century, with the plane section in the shape of a hemisphere. Th ey th foreigners from Austria and Germany opened the fi rst were built from adobe and mud. Bread ovens were most bakeries in Serbia off ering the above mentioned range of frequently made from unbaked bricks, adobe or tiles th products. In the 19 century, the diff erences gradually (small, potsherd tiles). First, a stove bench was build in disappeared in view of preparation and range of goods, the shape of a simple square, with three-meter long and and for some time of the same term – “bread-bakers”, and one-meter high sides to be suitable for use. Th e “furuna” the formal attempt was made through the establishment was then based on it with low vault and the opening for of the bread guild that included both bakers and bread- the hearth with the built-in iron door. Th e vault and the bakers. oven were made from unbaked bricks (“ciglaja”). 81

Pecinci, 2004 Pecinci, 2004 Th ese stoves used the worst quality wood. Th e fi re and towns. According to the Bakers Union records, there was kept burning all day. Upon completion of work, were some three thousand bakers in Belgrade only (in live coals would be shoveled out into a barrel with a lid, 2004), while some nine hundred bread-bakers worked in where it turned into charcoal, which was purchased by Serbian towns in 1887. blacksmiths and inn-keepers, while the surplus of ashes Corn or wheat fl our ground at the water mill is rare was sold to soap makers. Th e period of the latter part of today and has thus become a sought-aft er specialty. It is the 20 century was marked by abrupt disappearance of th brought back from trips as a special souvenir, while po- bakers who could not withstand the competition from the industrial production of bread and various pastries. lenta and corn bread prepared from this fl our are served However, aft er the period of the U.N. imposed sanc- in specialized restaurants as an extraordinary specialty. tions, general economic stagnation and collapse of the Th erefore, water mills have to be preserved not only as large agricultural system, the abrupt revival of the baker’s part of the architectural heritage, but they should be st craft occurred at the turn of the 21 century, with baker’s functional in order to continue to allow us to enjoy a shops mushrooming on every corner in Serbian cities “taste of good old-fashioned cooking”. 82

Belgrade, Dusanova str, 2009 Cristmas cake A return to a hometown aft er a long journey or for the sake of visiting relatives brings back memories of childhood smells and fl avors. Th e fi rst place visited in the town aft er a sleepless night is a warm bakery full of won- derful smells. “A piece of cheese or meat pie and yoghurt’’ and “Fresh warm bread with a hard crust’’ are sentences that are repeated countless times and longed for while abroad. Bakers will always be there waiting and making good pies, tasty bread, croissants, rolls, as well as special cakes for patron saints’ days or a roast suckling pig. Th ey will still be waiting in a year or two, perhaps off ering a new range of goods in redecorated shops. 83

Painting icons, SPC (SOC) Academy of Art and Conservation, Belgrade 84

Iconography PERSONAGES BEYOND FORCES OF GRAVITATION Lazar Predrag Markovic T he term “icon” (derived from the ancient Greek catacombs. Th e oldest icons on panels, from around 550, word εiκών) meant image, representation, or por- are preserved in the treasury of St Catherine on Mount trait in ancient times. In the era of the Byzantine Sinai (Egypt). It is believed that much older icons were Empire (330–1453), the term had come to mean portable destroyed in the period of iconoclasm (726–843), at the paintings of personages and events from the Old and time when heretic emperors fi ercely persecuted image New Testament, and aft erwards, of saints and events worshippers, while Mount Sinai remained beyond their from the later history of the Church. reach. Th e icon stemmed from the Christian church as an In the territory of modern Serbia, the oldest wall paint- integral part of its liturgical life aimed at conveying its ings, from the 4 century, are found in the early Chris- th universal message through the theologically formed ar- tian crypts in Naissus/Nis and Viminacium/Kostolac. As th tistic language. It represents a visual equivalent of Holy of the 9 century, that is, from the moment when the Scripture and theological teachings of the Church. Th ere- Slav tribes living in this region adopted Christianity, de- fore, it is not the aim of the icon to refl ect the reality, but velopment of the Serbian medieval art commenced that to present and anticipate the central reality and the future would reach its peak in the 13 and the 14 century wall th th event – the realization of the Kingdom of God – through paintings of the churches of monasteries Studenica, its distinctive visual language (inverse perspective of Mileseva, Sopocani, Patriarchate of Pec, Gracanica and space, diff use light, absence of natural shadows…). Decani. Few icons have been preserved until today and Broadly speaking, in addition to icons painted on pan- most of those are not signed. From the subsequent hard els, iconography also encompasses wall painting on fresh times of the Ottoman domination, when iconography or dry plaster (the so-called fresco or secco technique), developed with great diffi culty, there have remained names miniature painting in manuscripts, icons painted on tex- and works of important painters: Longinus, Radul, fres- tile or glass, and those carved in stone or precious mate- co painter Jovan, Georgije Mitrofanovic, Andrija Raice- rials (e.g. ivory), with the aforementioned subject matter. vic, and many traveling fresco painters, the last holders Th e oldest existing wall paintings, from around 180, are of the art tradition of the former Byzantine world. Since th found in long underground corridors with graves – the the mid-18 century, especially in the territories north 85

Th e reason for expansion of icons in the Serbian mi- lieu might be also sought out in the celebration of the family patron saint’s day, which is inconceivable without the icon. Although in Serbia in the early third millennium, icons are made in iconographic workshops of certain monasteries (Gradac, Kovilj, Decani, Zica…), as well as at the Academy of the Serbian Orthodox Church for Arts and Conservation, the largest portion of the production is still represented by works of iconographers from ur- ban communities. Today, iconographers, with perhaps majority of them being women, work in all larger settle- ments throughout Serbia. In addition, almost every pro- fessional painter also, at least occasionally, paints icons, oft en for additional income. Unlike some other artistic craft s, iconography is not endangered. Having survived long periods of hostile au- thorities and totalitarian ideologies, it seems that iconog- raphy will exist as long as Christians and the Church. Th e process of painting an icon begins with the prepa- ration of a panel, most frequently of linden, which was earlier treated by a carpenter. Th e panel is isolated (im- pregnated) with an adhesive of animal origin – hide glue, and then treated (prepared) for the painting with multi- ple layers of a preparation. It is made by mixing glue with fi ller (chalk, slaked gypsum, etc.) and a white pigment. Painting icons in (the workspoh of) the monastery Gradac A freehand sketch is then drawn on the preparation, or it is simply copied from the pattern by means of tracing of the rivers Sava and Danube, diff erent aesthetics has paper. Based on this drawing, gold leaf is applied onto commenced its domination with a breakthrough of the the background. And fi nally, the painted layer is added. topical baroque stylistic expression from Western Eu- Th e paint is a mixture of a fi nely ground mineral col- th th rope. During the 19 and the early part of the 20 cen- oring substance (pigment) and an egg yolk made based tury, elements of topical West European artistic expres- on various recipes needed for painting. Ideally, aft er sions remained conspicuous. Th e attempt to create a the painted layer has been dried for three to six months specifi c national style (the so-called Serbian-Byzantine (which is oft en disregarded because of the client’s hasti- style) met with little response between the Wars. Aft er ness), the icon is covered with a coat of varnish, which World War Two, iconography almost entirely died out, protects the painted layer of the icon against external except in the monasteries of Celije and Zica. While there infl uences. Th e varnish is a solution of plant gums in a were around ten iconographers in Serbia of the time, vaporizing solvent. there were about thirty thousand of them in Greece. As Recently, icons are almost exclusively made to order. of the mid-1980s only, with increased interests in nation- It is believed that every Orthodox Christian home should al topics and Orthodoxy, a true market appeared as well have at least three icons – those of the Lord Jesus Christ, as a larger number of iconographers of whom there are the Holy Virgin and the family patron saint’s feast day. thousands today. In front of them, a vigil lamp is placed, which burns on 86

Sundays and other holidays. Understandably, orders in Serbia usually call for icons representing family patron saints (and St. Nicholas, St. John the Baptist, St. Michael the Archangel, etc.). As a model or a pattern, an iconographer usually uses a photography or a photocopy of an icon taken from books or from the Internet, which oft en does not meet the necessary requirements in terms of sharpness, detail visibility or color fi delity, which can negatively infl uence the fi nal result of the work. In addition to egg tempera, icons are also painted in acrylic, other modern tempera techniques or, less fre- quently, combined techniques, sometimes on a high den- sity foundation (e.g. MDF and other modern-day ma- terials). Also, in addition to icons on panels, icons of a picturesque naive style are made in tempera on the back of a framed piece of glass, which is a tradition in some parts of the Banat region. Today’s iconographical production in Serbia could be roughly divided into four categories: – copies of poor quality, – high-quality copies, – reserved interpretations of medieval icons, – new and authentic icons. More or less high-quality copies of old icons are most frequently works of authors who have acquired their skills and knowledge in one of numerous private icono- graphic workshops and do not have the need to engage in the uncertain search for new solutions. Although some believe that with the copying process itself, they continue Th e Holy Proplet Zechariah, combined tehnique on canvas the centuries-long tradition of iconography, it should be th noted that such a practice, at least until the 20 century, was not inherent in Orthodox iconography. Namely, the which of the concrete old icons was used as a pattern, existence of two completely identical icons is unknown but they rather represent original works of contemporary th in the history of icon painting. authors, who bring elements of the certain 20 century Artistically valuable and authentic icons are now artistic trends into the world of icons. Although by the mainly created by academically trained painters, some nature of their art, these authors do not feel the need to of whom claim that they do not see any sense in mak- follow the latest art trends, they, however, still manage ing hand-painted and completely identical copies of old to leave the contemporary mark on this category of to- icons, when with modern techniques of the reproduction day’s iconography and thus continue an uninterrupted print industry, it can be done with far more fi delity, as historical development of iconography. It must be said well as in a cheaper and faster fashion. that similar visual poetics is rarely seen in contemporary New and authentic icons represent the works where, iconography in other parts of the Orthodox world. Th ese unlike with the previously mentioned, it is not clear are still largely dominated by the copying of older icons. 87

Rise from Egypt, tempera on panel However, new and authentic icons oft en encour- caption on the icon are no longer visible, such a dam- age questions about their compliance with the existing aged icon is not an object worthy of veneration, and as canons of iconography. It should be noted that there are such, according to St. John of Damascus, can be freely only two universally valid canons of iconography, which thrown or burnt, because respect is not shown to wood are the result of the Seventh Ecumenical Council (held and colors, but to a personage that was painted. Besides in Nicaea in 787). Other frequently mentioned canons the two aforementioned canons, there is also the third, (such as the so-called Hundred Chapters Council held unavoidable element that must be taken into considera- in Moscow in 1551) are local in character and therefore tion – the hitherto tradition of icon painting. It consists do not have universal validity for all. Th ese two can- of the diversity of styles and poetics developed over the ons require that the icon must have the image and the centuries (on the basis of which, in the absence of other caption – which identify the painted fi gure. If, due to facts, the time, for example, may be approximately speci- fadedness or damage to a painted layer, the image and fi ed when an old icon was created). In addition to these 88

Surreal eyes, egg tempera on board ’’Sretenje Gospodnje’’, tempera on panel three inevitable elements, everything else is left to the pends on the personality, talent and eff ort of the authors freedom and the talent of an author, with an imperative themselves, and perhaps even more – on the attitude of the theological message – that by artistic means, icon and requests of the customers, who unfortunately most should anticipate a future, new, eschatological world in frequently demand only faithful copies of the old icons. which nature and people are freed from slavery to laws Such works then really do not belong to the domain of of necessities of this world. Consequently, it appears as art, but to the craft production. However, renowned mu- if personages on icons are free from the force of gravity, seums throughout the world, (such as the Louvre, the and the light in the art area of the icon is not subject to British Museum, or the Metropolitan Museum), which the law of linear propagation, but goes behind objects have Orthodox icons on permanent display, testify to the and obliterates the shadows. fact that the fi nal result of the complex iconographical Essentially, iconography should not be a craft prod- process can be a work of art. uct, but art. And whether it will reach those heights de- 89

th Music band Cicvaric, Serbia, Early 20 century 90

Th e making of traditional musical instruments SINGLES LOVE SILLY Dimitrije O. Golemovic, P.h.A. A of the musical tradition of a nation. It appears the ritual device, and becomes the “signal” device, such musical instrument is an important element as, for instance, a shepherd’s trumpet from Northeastern in countless forms, and by its origin, it is ei- Serbia, which uses its signals to communicate with sheep ther autochthonous or adopted from another culture. and shepherd dogs, “inviting” them to pasture. “Finally”, Many instruments, especially more recent ones, are prod- at the height of its development, the musical instrument ucts of the serial (industrial) production; in reality, how- actually becomes a true musical instrument in the full ever, they, like their predecessors, the “old fashioned”, sense of the word, since it is used to make music, i.e. a traditional musical instruments, entirely subjugate them- melody becomes an “ideal” pursued. Its use becomes selves to musicians, representing an “extension of their very mosaic, permeating all the forms of human life. hands”. Since players themselves are limited by tradition, According to the material as a source of sound and a the term “extension of their hands” does not apply to way a sound is produced, instruments are classifi ed into: players’ individual characteristics, but to what they create 1) idiophones, 2) membranophones, 3) chordophones, by standing out as typical representatives. Th erefore, it is and 4 aerophones. safe to say that the traditional instrumental music is con- Idiophones (self-sounding instruments) are relatively ditioned by various, mainly social factors. In the course rare in our country and usually have very simple struc- of its development, the instrument has undergone many ture, which clearly points to their ancient origin and the changes, which have oft en been more signifi cant in the fact that during their centuries-long existence they have fi eld of its use, rather than in its construction. Hence, the almost remained unchanged. Th is does not pertain to great German ethnomusicologist, Fritz Bose named the their function, for which there are many examples. Let us instrument in its early development phase a “sound mention the bell, which, in Southeastern Serbia, “turned” weapon”. Performing a variety of sounds and noises, the from a device that “completed” the caroling ceremonies instrument “spoke” similar “language” as other elements or “kraljice” (“queens’”) rituals, into a kind of signaling of the ritual: singing, playing or acting that were not un- device. Th e ritual function of the “klepalo”, (an instru- derstood in the usual, modern-day sense of the word ei- ment made of a board which is struck by a wooden mal- ther. During its development, the instrument ceases to be let), is no longer in living memory, but its use in church 91

a tone, accompanied by aliquot parts. Th is instrument thus creates melodies and oft en serves as an instrumental accompaniment to folk dances (mostly in Northeastern and Southeastern Serbia. Membranophones, (instruments producing sounds by a vibrating membrane), are relatively rare in the Ser- bian traditional music practice, and are characterized by the function. For example, the “bubanj” (drum), which appears under diff erent names, most oft en as “tapan”, or “tupan” (the word also means “silly”), most frequently accompanied the bagpipes in Eastern Serbia, while its modern variant, complete with the small cymbal, fol- lows brass orchestras throughout Serbia. Along with the drum, the “darabuka” (goblet drum) once existed in the local music practice, a goblet-shaped membranophone made of clay, as well as the “daire” (tambourine) or “def ”, two variants of the same instrument consisting of a cir- cular wooden frame with leather stretched over it and metal disks placed in slots in the frame (“daire”). “Daire” and “def ” accompanied folk songs sung by women, and sometimes a dance. Th e “cupa” or “beges” (friction drum) was named “cupa” because it is made of “cup” (pot). Th e tone is produced by dragging wet fi ngers over a cane stalk which is inserted through the center of the stretched membrane. Although ritual in the past, the function of this instrument is musical: it is used in the tamboura en- Zajecar, 1971 sembles instead of the bass (in Vojvodina). Chordophones (string instruments) produce tone by services where it is used instead of bells (in the period actual playing, i.e. plucking (striking), or rubbing a from Good Friday until Easter) clearly indicates its age. taut string with a bow. Th e most common in the Serbian Some idiophones have become children’s instruments in Serbia, thus being preserved in the folk practice: the Bor, 1971 “klepetaljka” (clapper) made from corn or “castanets” and the “violin”, also made from corn stalks, while some of them, although simple in design, have become instru- ments in the full sense of the word thanks to their use. Such instrument is the Jew’s harp, made of a pear-shaped metal frame, with an elastic spring in the middle, at- tached to the wider and free at the narrower part of the instrument. Th e instrument is held fi rmly against the performer’s parted front teeth and the free end is plucked with a thumb. Th e sound thus produced in the oral cav- ity, which serves as some kind of a resonator, turns into 92

Rudnicko Pomoravlje, 1933 Studenica, 1953 practice is tamboura, the instrument that came from the the gusle, the instrument that arrived in Serbia during East, and was then represented by several variants, in its the centuries-long migrations from the Dinaric regions. Oriental or Central European form. Th e tamboura is Th e construction of the gusle is simple (it has only one usually played in Vojvodina in the tamboura ensembles “string”, composed of several twisted strands of horse- consisting of the prim, prim-bass, cello and kontra, and hair). It accompanies long epic narratives, although in performing songs and dance music. Th e same region is the past it complemented humorous songs, and even known by the “samica” (the word also means “single songs sung during the “kolo” dance. Th e violin is a fa- woman”), the tambouritza characterized by polyphonic vorite among the Serbs, both as a standalone instrument, accompaniment, whose function is to accompany sing- which was sometimes played with the accompaniment ing or dancing. Th e appearance of the so-called “dvozica” of drums, and in particular as a part of stringed bands (two-stringed) or “trozica” (three-stringed) tambouras that consisted of two violins, viola and double bass, of simple construction and musical accompaniment, which undoubtedly testifi es to the strong Central Euro- and occasionally even the sargija, the tamboura typical for Bosnia and Herzegovina, characterizes the Vojvo- pean infl uences. dina immigrants from Lika, Kordun, Bosnia and other Aerophones (aer – Greek: air) are classifi ed in the folk areas. An indigenous representative of chordophones is music practice into free and wind instruments. 93

Belgrade, 2003 Th e free aerophones are very diverse and include, for Th e function of these instruments is usually manifest- example, a leaf, grass and a leaf of the onion, as well as ed in the performance of songs, and occasional music of the mouth organ, also called “muzike”. Th e accordion shepherds or carters (double fl ute), mostly as an accom- also belongs to this group. Since the time it appeared (at paniment to folk dances, while the shepherd’s trumpet the time of World War One) until the present day, it has and “rikalo” appear as signal instruments. penetrated even backwater villages and superseded many Brass orchestras were widespread in Serbia. Being traditional musical instruments. themselves a product of the Central European infl uence, Wind instruments are undoubtedly the most numer- these orchestras, composed of trumpets, the so-called ous of all in Serbia, and are represented in almost all the baritone trumpets, tuba and drum, produced three dif- existing groups, as fl ue instruments (folk fl utes): pipes ferent musical styles: the so-called style of Western Serbia (duduk, tin whistle), ocarina, double fl ute, “cevara”; reed (surroundings of Cacak and Uzice), the style of Eastern instruments (folk clarinets): “lejka” , “surla”, “paljka”, bag- Serbia (Zajecar, Negotin, Boljevac), and the style charac- pipes, “diple” (with immigrants from Bosnia and Mon- teristic for the so-called Serbian South (surroundings of tenegro); and instruments where a sound is produced by Vranje and Leskovac). vibration of the player’s lips (folk trumpets): trumpet made from tree bark, “rikalo-busen”. 94

Soko Banja, 2005 Th e Pipe Making – Instructions by Dobrivoje Paunovic from the Village of Pecka For the well-made pipe, a branch should be cut in au- Spread the mixture of egg white, garlic and resin along tumn and dried well throughout winter; obtain a sharp the “cut” to glue the halves carefully. knife to peel the bark. Smear the pipe several times with oil and vinegar to pre- To make glue, take one egg white, 3-4 cloves of garlic, vent the wood from absorbing saliva when playing. Place egg size of plum tree resin. the pipe in the roast, usually mutton, to absorb grease and First, take the bark off the branch, then place the knife be impregnated. Th e thus made pipes are not for sale. Th e in the “heart” of the branch and cut it into two equal parts poorly sounding instruments are given to children, while with a strong blow of a hammer. Pour milk over both halves the best ones are kept. Pipes are handed down from father to fi t closely and tie them tightly with twisted wool to pre- unto son. vent warping. Leave them to dry until spring. 95

Traditional motifs in modern design by Dаniel Мancic, 2009 96

Tradition as a source of inspiration E xperience teaches us that due to ignorance and nographic Museum in Belgrade. Young graphic designer fashionableness, we oft en lightly give up our own Daniel Mancic from Pirot applied the kilim patterns to culture and tradition and accept other peoples’ heritage. Not so distant history points precisely to the footwear, furniture, and even computers. Along with the haute couture and industrial design, fact that riches and cultural diversity of our region pro- there is a number of associations (Women’s Cooperative vide an inexhaustible fi eld in the implementation of our “Rajka Borojevic’’, “Zdravo Da Ste”, “Lastavica’’, “Tarpos’’, “folklore’’ heritage in contemporary design. A few de- “Th e Hungarian Folklore Center of Vojvodina’’, and many cades ago, fashion designer Aleksandar Joksimovic pro- others) engaged in preservation of traditional craft skills moted our medieval art through an exclusive collection, and the material cultural heritage for fun as well as busi- “Simonida”, using patterns and motifs from frescoes in ness opportunity. designing modern clothes, while Evica Milovanovic Th e catalogue of old craft s is an opportunity to pro- Penezic decorated her world-famous gloves with motifs mote the need for preservation and revitalization of for- of sheepskin coats and urban costumes kept in the Eth- gotten skills and riches of our material heritage. 97

Traditional motifs in modern design by Evica Milovanovic Penezic, 2008 98