T 3913

30 So far as the Mughal-Raushaniya relations wereconcerned, the Mughals in the initial stages adopted apolicy of wait and watch.As soon as the movement assumeddimensions which directly or indirectly threatened Mughalinterests in the^'^egion, this policy was abondoned by theMughals. The area of influence of the Raushaniyas beingbetween Kabul and the Indus-specially around the Khaibarpass - the Mughals strained every nerve to establish theircontrol over this region. It is to be borne in mind that solong as Bayazid confined himself to purely religious andsocial activities, Akbar took little notice of him. But ashis movement developed political dimensions, he (Akbar) hadno option but to act.^ Though we do not find the Raushaniya Movement to bereferred to in Sirhindi's works, he must have come acrossthe basic religious ideology of Bayazid Ansari. He also musthave studied his thought in the light of Quran and Sunnahand finally found it contrary to the teaching of Islam. An other movement which influenced the sixteenthcentury society of Iran and India, and even the thought of1. The Raushaniya Movement, pp.41-42,

31Emperor Akbar wQ.s the ^Nuqtawi movement'. ^- It owed itsorigin to Mahmud Pasikhani^ of Iran (ob. 800/1397). ManyNuqtawis are reported to have migrated to India in fear ofpersecution in Iran by the Shia rulers.-^ Some of themjoined Akbar's court as well. Badyuni Sc^ys that some of thecourt poets in Akbar's reign were Nuqtavjis.^ Abul Fazl hadcorrespondence with Nuqtawis of Iran.^ The Nuqtawi attitudetowards Islam and its Shariat was far from respectful. Theyridiculed many practices like Hai and the fast of Ramazanetc. It is said that Ibahati traditions were also prevalentamong the Nuqtawis. According to the aqther of Dibastan-i1. For the details of the ^Nuqtawi movement' in Iran see,Sadiq Kaya, Nuqtawiyan ya Pasikt\aniyan, Tehran 1320 A.H. Also; Nazir Ahmad, Tarikhi wa AdabjL Maqile, Aligarh 1961, pp.5-8. Also, Ali Raza Zakawati, \"Nigha-i- Tazah-i-ba Munabe'Nuqtawiya\", in Ta}iqiqat.-i-Islami, Tehran, Vol.11, No.2, (March 1988), pp.31-39. Also, Muhammad Aslam, Din-j-llahi aur uskq Pasmanzar, Delhi, 1969, pp.163-77.2. See, Ibid.3. Askander Munshi, Tarikh-i-Aalam Ara-i-Abbasi, Vol.11, Tehran, 1314, A.H. p.325.4. Badayuni, Muntakhab-ut-Tawarikh, Vol.11, p.205.5. Aslam, op.cit., p.164.

32Mazahib, the Nuqtawis recited some prayers with their facetowards the sun. They believed in the transmigration of thesouls, rejected the idea of Resursection and questioned theconcept of the Day of judgement. Their attitude toward theQuran was also heritcal as they believed it to be the wordof the Prophet of Islam.•'• The Nuqtawis found a congenialatmosphere in India where Akbar's court had become a placefor all free thinkers, Sharif Amuli, who represented theNuqtawis at Akbar's court, attracted many of the courtierstoreligious fold. He also had deep impact upon Faizi and AbulFazl.2 Shaikh Ahmad Sirhindi surely night have gotinformation of this movement role in forming his strictideas about religious innovation which he considered to . beseverely harmful. The mystic thought of Shaikh Muhiyuddin Ibn-i Arabi wasthe pivotal point of Muslim religious thought in medievalIndia. His works, specially the ^Fusus-ul Hikam* and the 'Futuhat-i Makkiya' exerted great influence on Muslim mind1. Dabistan-i-Mazahib, (Muhsin Fani), Lucknow, 1881, pp.300-301. (Tehran edition 1362 A.H., Part I, p.277).2. Di.tTr-i-Ilahi aur Uska Pasmanzar r p.164.

33and were accepted in the mystic circle as the guide booksfor one who set out on a journey of the uncharted ocean ofmystic experience.^ It is reported that the ideas of theGreat Shaikh (Ibn-i Arabi) reached and were introduced inIndia through Shaikh Fakhruddin Iraqi, a disciple of ShaikhBahauddin Zakariya of Multan. Iraqi had attended thelectures of Maulana Sadruddin Qunwi, who was a brilliantadvocate of Ibn-i Arabi's thought. In the beginning manycommentaries were written on Ibn-i Arabi's thought inArabic^ so that the thought did not reach the spirituallyimmature and creat an atmosphere of religious anarchy. Inthe early centuries the mystic teachers took care not toassociate the common people in the abstruse mystic thought1. For a detailed study of Ibn-i-Arabi's thought in India see, K.A. Nizami, TarikhiMgHaalat, Delhi 1966, pp.24-31. Also, Salatin-i-Delhi ke Mazhabi Ruihanat. Delhi 1981, pp.412-14.2. For instance Syed Ali Hamadani wrote a commentary on Fusus-ul-Hukam in Arabic. Abul Muhasin Sharafuddin of Delhi's (d 1392/798). 'Ain-ul-Fusus Sharh-ul-Fusus'. Shaikh Pir Ali Muhaimis (d.835/1431) Sharh-ul-Khusus fi Shar-ul-Fusus li Ibn-ul-Arabi' Sheikh Imamuddin Arifis 'Sharh-ul-Fusus' Shaikh Ali Saghar Qannaujis (d.ll40/ ) 'Jawame-ul-Kalam fi Sharh Fusus-ul-Hikam', Shaikh Nuruddin Ahmadabadi's ^Tariqa,t~ut-upi^iB _fi ShPXil Fpsun:: ul-Uikam' / and Mulla Abdul All Firangi Mahallo, 'Sliaj-hz ul-Fusus-un-Nahi min Fusus ul-Hikani. etc. For details see, Tarikhi Maqalat'. pp.24-31.

34of Ibn-i Arabi as it was generally believed that Wuiudiideas, if not properly understood and assimilated^ couldgive birth to heretical movements. But in the fifteenth andthe sixteenth centuries this cautious attitude was abandonedand panthestic ideas of Ibn-i Arabi became a current coin.Musud Bakk, who was executed at the orders of Firuz ShahTughluq, gave expression to pantheistic ideas in his diwan'Nur-ul-Ain' and a mystic treatise known as Mirat-ul Arifin.According to Shaikh Abdul Ilaq Mahaddith of. Delhi no onebefore Masud Bakk discussed mystic secrets as openly as hedid.l It appears that during the time of Shaikh AbdulQuddus Gangohi the diwan of Masud Bakk was widely read.2 The impact of Ibn-i Arabi's thought is clearlydiscernible in Indo-Muslim religious thought during thesixteenth century. Shaikh Abdul Quddus Gangohi started opendiscussions about pantheistic philosophy. Commentaries onIbn-i Arabi's works came to be written in. Persian. ShaikhAmanullah Panipati started giving instructions to people in1. Shaikh Abdul Hgjq Muhaddith, Akhbar-ul-Akhvar, p. 169.2. Tarikhi Maqalat, PP. 24-31.

35the Fusus-ul-Hikam and Futuhat-i-Makkiva.^ The impact ofhis techings and sermons was so deep and effective that whenShaikh Abdul Haq's father Shaikh Saifuddin reached hisKhanqah, he started crying, \"Every thing is God.2 Accordingto Gulzar-j-Abrar the Afghans were also very interested inthe ideas of Shaii?h-i-Akbar, Ibn-i Arabi. Daulat Khan Lodi'sson went to Syed Ahmad Afghan in order to seak elucidationof some ideas of Ibn-i-Arabi.^ The impact of Pantheistic ideas on Muslim religiousthought had some delicate implications. If not properlycontrolled/ it encouraged the development of unconventionalreligious idea, weakened the sentiments of adherences toSariat and also encouraged fissiparious tendencies. It issignificant that many of the movements of the period, whichis one way or the other deviated from the orthodox path,drew inspiration from Ibn-i-Arabi's works and ^hispantheistic ideas. It appears that some writing of Ibn-i-1. Gulzar-i-Abrar# (Urdu translation), Agra, 132 A.H., p.266,2. Akhbar-ul-Akhyar, pp.293-95.3. Gulzar-i-Abrar. (Urdu) pp.551-552.

36Arabi were brought to the notice of Akbar also and he wasalso inspired by them. When Shaikh Ahmad Sirhindi organized his revivalistmovementr he trenchantly criticised the ideas of Ibn-i-Arabi. If his thought as expressed in the three volumes ofhis letters, is analysed, it would appear that he consideredthe concept of Wahdat-ul-Wujud as the source of allwaywardness in religious life. He believed that the currencyof pantheistic ideas among the Muslims was bound to shakentheir faith in Shariat law. His criticism of Wahdat-ul-Wuiudhad a tremendous impact on the contemporary Muslim mind. The second half of the sixteenth century also sawthe emergence of the Christians and the Christianity in theIndian sub-continent. Apart from the conversion of thousandsthe people, both Hindus and Muslims, to this new religion,the ruling class of the period was also inclined towards itspreachers. Emperor Akbar was convinced that Christianprinciples must possess exceptional value and influence overthe hearts of men.^ In 1577, he first came into contCSLCt1. V.A. Smith, Akbar, The Great Mogul, (third edition reprint), Delhi, 1966, p.97.

37with 'Pietro Taveres', a Portuguese officer , who visitedAkbar's Court with his wife. It is said that his sound senseand upright conduct won him the favour and esteem of theEmperor.1 The latter sent for Father Julian Pereiria, theVicar-general of Bengal, to Fatehpur Sikri in 1578. Thisman, Pereiria, openly exposed ^the errors of Islam'. Akbarwas so much impressed by the Christian teachings that herequested the priest (Pereiria) to teach him Portuguese adnthe Christian doctrine.2 But it seems that both theseChristian priests could not satisfy the Emperor. In 1578,Akbar also maintained relations with the Portuguese ofDaman and received Antonio Cabial as their ambassador. Thelatter spent somtime at the Mughal court. He gave theEmperor a considerable amount of information concerningChristian manner and customs. But still Akbar seems to • beunsatisfied as Cabral was not in position to expound withauthority the deeper matters of his faith'. Accordingly, hedecided to make arrangements for obtaining instructions fromfully qualified experts. In December 1578, Akbar sentAbdullah Khan, as his envoy, to the Portuguese authorities1. Nowroze Cooverji Mehta, The Religious Policy of Akbar, Bombay, 1946, p.74.2. Ibid.

38at Goa and despatched to them a latter requesting him tosend to him two learned men alongwith books of law, andabove all the Gospel.^ He earnestly desired to understandtheir perfection. The Emperor, in his letter, assured themof full honour and protection. The Portuguese too, withoutany action of their own part, found the door suddenly thrownopen to them by the king himself. Hearing his keen interestin Christianity, the Jesuits thought it better and goodfortune to send their representatives.2 v.A. Smith says, \"Aking so great and a kingdom so extensive to the glory of theChurch and the benefit of Portugal was not to beneglected\".3 Hence, their first mission consisting ofFather Rudolph Aquamiva'*, as1. Abul Fazl, Ain-i-Akbari. Vol.1, Lucknow, 1892, p.423.2. Mehta, op.cit., p.74.3. Smith, op.cit.# p.121.4. An Italian by birth, he was the bader of the first Christian mission to Akbar's court. He arrived at Goa from Europe at the time when Akbar's ambassador reached there from Fatehpur Sikri. Though he was barely 30 at that time, showing his willingness to visit the Mughal Court he was sent there. He returned to Goa in 1583 and thence went to the adjoining territory of Salsette where he was beset by a Hindu mole and murdered. Monserrate praises his peity and secluded habits. His thoughts were always assiduously fixed on God. He was so engrossed in contd...

39head of the mission, Antony Monserate-'-, as second in command,and Francis Henriquez, who was a Persian convert from Islamand a native of Ormuz, as interpretor and assistant, wasdoDpotchecl by the Portuguese viceroy to the Mughal Court.They reached Fatehpur Sikri on 18/28th February 1580 after ajourney of over three months. Akbar received them with marksof friendship and accorded a warm welcome to this firstChristian mission by entertaining in various ways.2 Theyreceived right royal treatment at the hands of the Emperorand his officers. The fathers were given the fullestf.n. no.l contd. from prev. prayer that very often he slept in his attire that he put on during working hours. He delighted in putting on old worn-out clothes and shoes. His whole-hearted devotion to prayer made him absent minded about his own belongings and would often grope for his hat, spectacles, books etc. His sincere love for virgin marry bust out in extempore little songs of his own invention. Ths. R(?lj,qJLous PQUgy of AKbe^c, p.74. Born in 1536 in Catalonia, he has been described by one of his biographers as a man extreme humility and in close touch with God. Ho was appointed tutor to Prince Murad and accompanied Akbar on his expedition against his brother Mirza Hakeem, but he died in the way at Jalalabad. ^•^ Denison Ross and Eileen Power, Akbar and the Jesuits, (Translated with introduction and notes by C.H. Payne), Delhi, 1979, p.18.

40facilities and in cases of difficulties they could consultAbul Fazl who was appointed to look after their comforts.They were offered large sums of money which they decline toaccept and thus made an impression on Akbar. They were putup in the palace and shared food on the royal table. TheEmperor himself personally looked after them.-'- FatherMonserrate gives us a detailed account of how Akbar behavedwith them. According to him, the Emperor never allowed themto remain uncovered in his presence, both at the solemnmeetings of the grandees and in private interviews. When hewould take them inside for closer conversation, he wouldtell them to sit near him. He would shake hands with themmost famliarly and would call them apart from the ordinaryretainers and indulge with them in private talks.2 Akbar received from these fathers the gift of amagnificantly bound copy of the Royal Polyglot Bible ofPlantyn, in several volumes and in four languages, printedin 1569-72 for Philip II of Spain. He is said to havetreated these scriptures with great reverence, taking each1. Mehta, op.cit., pp.74-75.2. The Religious Policy of Akbar., p.75.

41into his hand one after another, removing his turban toplace each volume on his head, and kigsing them devoutly.-^Thereafter Akbar asked him to meet the discussions in the^Ibadat Khana', where they entered many disputes with ulamaand mashaikh.^ These Christian priestg, particularly FatherMonserrate, gave an ugly exhibition of bad taste. Thequestions like the ^finality of the Quranic Revelation\",^the Prophecy of the Prophet of Islam', *the Resurrection',^the Nature of Divinity', and the conception of the ^Unityof God', were subjected to their severe criticism. Theyopenly attacked Islam in rude and offensive language andeven used foul words against its Prop]i)et.^ They are alsoreported to have advised Akbar to baji the Quran and itsstudy in his dominion.^ Although they could not uttareverything that was in their minds, yet they said and didvery much. Badayuni says, \"Ringing of the conch (NagoQs) ofthe Christians, and showing of the figure ofthe Trinity and1. Akbar and the Jesuits, pp.19-20.2. Akbar and the Jesuits, p.21.3. Ibid, p.16. Also Badayuni, Vol.11, p.260.4. Shah Nawaz Khan, Muathir-ul-Ulama, Vol.11, Calcutta,1888 p.217.

42Cribs which is their sign of mirth, ancj other childish playthings (lahw-o-la'b) ' were in daily practice. And theInfidelity (Kufr) became common and historic\".^ Akbar alsocommanded his artists to copy the pictures of Christ and theVirgin Mary which the Fathers had with them, and directed tomake a box of gold to keep them.^ These Christian priests were allowed to tuilJ Chapelnear the Royal palace. He himself vis|.ted them privatelywith every mark of respect. They taught him that he shouldset apart a time for hearing the interpretations of theDivine Laws, and that he should adopt it as his own, andthat he should renounce that which was preached in all hiskingdom.-^ He also gave his second son Murad, then only tenyears old, to Father Monserrate, to be taught the Portugueselanguage and the Christian morals.^ Tijie missionaries weregiven full liberty to preach their religion publicly at Agra1. Muntakhab-ut-Tawarikh, Vol.11, p.304.2. Akbar and the Jesuits, p.22.3. Akbar and the Jesuits, pp.22-23.4. Ibid, p.24. Badauni, Vol.11, p.260.

43and I''atehpur Sikri. Accordjny to Sir lldwaid Moelcujan, thefullest liberty of making conversions to Christianity wasalso given to them.-'- They did all in their power topersuade Emperor Akbar to dec]are himself a Christian.^ Their attitude was so uncompromising and fanatical thatin the words of Vincent Smith, \"Nothing but the strongprotection of the Emperor could have preserved theirlives\".3 Dr. R.P. Tripathi is of the opinion that thesemissionaries did not produce a good impression on and theirfreedom gave offence to Akbar also.** During their stay atthe Mughal court the Portuguese missionaries had to facetough trials, fon. we are informed that they were oftenpetted with filth and abused as kafi rs.^ Still they did notback out in their efforts for the final goal. Smith rightlyindicates tht the Emperor's great favours and undue regards1. Sir Edward Mclagan, The Jesuits, anc| the Great Mogul, London, 1932, p.32.2. Akbar and the Jesuits, p.40.3. Akbar, the Gr^a^ Mugul, p.125.4. R.P. Tripathi, The Ri_s_e and Fall of the Mughal Empire, Allahabad (Reprint), 1985, p.250.5. The Religious Policy of Akbaj:,p.75.

44to these Christians as well as their rude behaviour,insulting and hostile attitude to Islam and Muslims, andoffensive remarks for the Holy Prophet of Islam greatlyantagnoised Akbar's rivals and opponents, and even preludedthe rebellions in Bengal, Bihar and Kabul. To quote Smith,\"As a matter of fact, their presence at Court, the markedfavour shown to them by the sovereign, and the licence oftheir language, helped to influence the discontent whichfound expression in two formidable rebellions, undoubtedlydangerous to both the throne and life of Akbar\".^ Thoughthese rebellions had pulled down the Ibadat Khan, yet Akbar,after their suppression, resumed its proceedings for a shorttime and renewed the discussions about the relative valuesof the Quran and the Bible. He wished the controversy to becontinued to discover as to which religion, either Islam orChristianity, was the truer and sounder. These discussion asobserves R.P. Tripathi, \"Led to all kinds of rumours andmisapprehensions not among the outsiders,but also amongthose who participated in them\".2 Gradually the attendance1. Akbar, the Great: Mogul, p.126.2. The Rise and Fall of the Mughal Empire, p.250.

45dwindled in the House of worship until the Fathers alonecame. Ultimately they also found that it was not worth theirwhile to attend. The debates came to an end in 1582. In 1585, Akbar came into contact with some Englishtravellers, viz. John Newbery, Rolph Fitch, the London basedmerchants, James Story, a painter, and William Leeds, ajweller. The latter is said to have been taken into Akbar'sroyal service. These English travellers, who stayed atFatehpur Sikri for about two months, brought with them alatter of recommendation from Queen Elizabeth I, addressedto Emperor Akbar. No account of whatever of the reception ofthe party by the Mughal ruler has been recorded. It appearsthat they did not enter any religious controversy anddisputes with ulama and scholars,-^ In 1590 a second Portuguese mission arrived at theroyal court. It was received with utmost respect and paidmuch attention. Its members were Edward Leiton andChristophe Vega. Nothing much is known of the activities ofthis mission. Five years later, in 1595, a third Portuguesemission came to Akbar's court at Lahore. He paid them extra-1. V.A. Smith, op.cit., pp.164-65.

4Rordinary personal honour permitting the Jesuits not only tobe seated in his presence, but to occupy part of the cushionon which he himself and heir to the throne would sit. Theywere also exempted from performing the ceremony of theprostration before the Emperor.-^ The members of themission, viz.Father Jerome Xavier, who was the grand-nephewof Saint Francis, Father Emmanuel Pinheiro and BrotherBenedict de Goes, frequently visited and presented gifts toAkbar. He willingly accepted a book written by Father Xavieron the life and doctrines of Christ, gave perfect freedom ofworship to the Jesuits.2 Akbar imbraced images of theirLord and the Blessed Virgin, and kept them for a long timein his arms. He also attended litany service in the Chepeland exhibited special devotion to them.^ The Fathers triedto lead the Emperor to many sinful acts, which Islam forbadto be committed, and suggested him for declaring the Quranfalse and untrustworthy.^ Nevertheless, they were allowed1. Akbar and the Jesuits, pp.49-51.2. The Religious Policy o£ Akbar,p.75. 3. Akbar and the Jesuits, pp.62-71. 4. Ibid., p.27.

47to build Churches at Agra, Lahore and other distant placesof the Mughal Empire.^ Akbar is reported to have bore allexpenses of the constructions of these Churches and evenvisited the Church at Agra.2 in 1603 Akbar allowed thesePortuguese Christian missionaries to make willingconversions.-^ Father Pinheiro is stated to have suceeded inconverting a Syed, a ghaikh who had been to Mecca and afterhis conversion went from Lahore to Agra to assist theFathers in other conversions, a mother and a daughter of the R.S. Sharma, Religious Policy of the Mughal Rulers, Bombay (Reprint), 1962, p.37. Mehta, op.cit., pp.80-81. Akbar allowed the Father in 1599 to build a Church at Agra adjacent to the building where they lived in the city. Another Church was allowed to be built in 1604, which is still known as Akbar Badshah ka Girja. A little .after the second Portuguese mission arrived in Lahore, Akbar, on 5th August 1595, gave his assent for the construction of a Church near the place which was completed on September 7, 1597 and opened in the presence of a grand gathering including the Governor of Lahore himself. Moreover, we also find references of the construction of Christian Churches and Chapels in Bengal, Gujrat and Sindh. We are toDd of a grand Church to which was built in Thatta in Sindh. Akbar and the Jesuits, p.25. It is to be mentioned here that the oral permission had been given IT^ Akbar to Christian missionaries much earlier, during the stay of the first Portuguese mission at royal court. See Supra p.55,

48tribe of the Chaghatai. Several conversions were made frompersons of lower classes.^ Thus we see that Emperor Akbar was so much attractedtowards Christianity and the Christian missionaries that hedevoted from the teachings Islam itself. So far as any clash or conflict between Shaikh AhmadSirhindi and the Christian missionaries is concerned, wedon't find any reference in this direction. But it ispresumed that the Shaikh, who had been for several years tothe Mughal capital and associated with many important noblesand officials, surely might have got the completeinformation of the activities of the Christian priests atAgra and other places. It can easily be supposed that theclose contacts of the Chrisitan missionaries with Akbar andother dignitaries of the Mughal empires, and the spread ofChristianity missionaries especially the conversion ofinnocent Muslims must have been a very anxious business forhim. Nevertheless, he might not have taken the issue asdangerous or threatening to Islam and MusJims in India asHinduism, its mystic ideology and political dominance.1. Mehta, op.cit., p.79.

4^1 1 ^ Among the most wicked and astray groups in the Muslimsociety in those days were the worldly minded ulama. In thewords of Professor Nizami/ \"They had opened the door ofdarkness through the charm of jjtihadr the interpretation ofthe Divine laws, and Bidat-i Hasana» the piousinnovations.\"1 In one of his letters Shaikh Ahmad Sirhindsays that most of the ulama of that time had given rise tobidat innovations, and forgotten the way of sunnah.^ The love of worldly things and desire of wealth anddignities had so badly demoralised and despirited theseulama that they could easily be agreed to issue any type ofverdict, fatwa, to please Emperor Akbar whose court was themain centre of their substantial activities. When Qazi KhanBadakhshani sought ' and proved the validity of theprostration before Emperor Akbar, Mulla Alam Kabuliregretted that he had missed the chance, the same verdictshould have been issued by him.-^ Really the activities andwrong interpretation of these worldly minded ulama had1. Kayat-i-Shaikh Abdul Haqq Muhaddith Dehlawi, Delhi, 1964, p.272.2. Maktubat-i-Imam-i-Rabbani (Turkish edition), Istanbul 1977, Vol.11, Letter No.54.3. Nizami, op.cit., p.273.

50killed the true spirit of Islam. It had become a generaltendency of carelessness from the Shariat and the Sunnah.Shaikh Ahmad Sirhindi writes \"As you know better that inprevious regime all types of darkness and disturbences wereonly because of the avarice of the ulama-i £u\".-^ Mainly two sections of Ulama existed at Akbar's courtin the beginning. One was led by Makhdum-ul Mulk (AbdullahSultanpuri) and the other was headed by Sadr-us Sudur ShaikhAbdur Nabi. Though they exerted great influence upon andhighly regarded and trusted by Akbar, but in the later yearsthey put behind all Islamic norms only for their worldlygains. Badayuni continues to say, \"One night the ulama gotexcited and a great commotion took place. His Majesty didnot like this <n\6 he told me to bring to his noticehereafter any of this group who uttered unreasonable words,so that he might remove him from the meeting. I said slowlyto Asaf Khan that on that account most of them might beturned out. His Majesty asked me what I said and he (AsafKhan) reported what I told him. His Majesty was so muchpleased that he passed on these words to his favourites.1. Maktubat, Vol.1, Letter No.194.

51Makhdum-ul Mulk Maulana Abdullah Sultanpuri was called intothe assembly for being rediculed. His Majesty put againsthiin in discussion Haji Ibrahim and Shaikh Abul Fazl, who hadrecently come and was now the upholder of the new faith butwas rather a just pupil and the only follower, and other newcomers. They interrupted him (Makhdum-ul Mulk) in everyword. In the midst of all this,some of the favourites also,according to instruction, began to enter into pros and consand related strange stories about Makhdum. Of these, onenight, Kham-i-Jahan said that Makhdum-ul Mulk had given aFajtwa, religious injunction, that Haii pilgrimage in thesetimes is not compulsory, but is hurtful. When he was askedthe reason he argued that the road to Mecca is through Iraqand Gujarat. On the land route there is trouble by the QizilBash tribe and on the sea route a passport from thePortuguese is to be obtained and in that passport picturesof Mary and Jesus are imprinted and this looks . like idolworship. Thus it is prohibited both ways. The other tale (of Makhdum-ul-Mulk) was about the pretext of avoiding thezakat of his property which, at the end of each year, hegave away his treasure to his wife. Similarly his mannersand wickedness and deceit and worldliness and oppressionwhich he displayed towards the mashaikh and saints of the

5Zcountry, particularly to the leaders and deserving people ofPunjab, were all related one by one. The related storieswhich cast all varieties of shame and rebuke on him, andultimately it was decided that he should be sent knowinglyand compulsory to Mecca. When they asked him whetherpilgrimage was compulsory on him, he replied 'No'.\"^Likewise, Shaikh Abdun Nabi, another important divine ofAkbar's court and Sadr-uS-Sudur of the empire, also wasknown for his misbehaviour/ bad manners and short temper. Hetoo is reported to have discovered pretence for avoiding thepayment of zakat. According to Badayuni both Makhdum-ul-Mulkand Sadr-us Sudur, participating in the religiousdiscussions in the Ibadat Khana, behaved shamefully towardseach other.2 Instead of developing better understanding andappreciation they led to bickerings and personalrecriminations. They quarrelled among themselves onfundamental questions of Islamic theology and openlyexhibited unworthy intolerance to each other's views. Theydid not confine themselves to oral differences, but alsoused their pens against each of them. Abdullah Sultanpuriwrote a treatise**^ against Abdun Nabi by arguing that no 1. Muntakhab-ut-Tawarikh, Vol.11, pp.201-4.2. Ibid., p.255.

f)3congracjational n£?.Tiaz could be led by or offered behind hinias he (Abdun Nabi) was a patient of bloody piles and hisfather had disinherited hira.l Sadr-us-Sudur also is said tohave compiled a brochure by refuting Makhdum-ul-Mulk anddeclaring him to be totally illiterate.2 In nutshell,their uncompromising attitude on any controversial point ofthe Shariat, their quarrel in the Ibadat Khana, which passedfrom the tongues to blows and abuses, made Emperor Akbardisgusted with Islam itself.^ Besides, there had been many other ulama also inAkbar's Court who actively participated in the proceedingsof the House of worship. They too cursed their opponents andimputed allegations to one another. Haji Ibrahim Sirhindiissued a fatwa by legalising the use of the yellow and thered dresses for men. He is also said to have discovered afabricated hadith which permitted to shave beard. Accordingto that hadith, \"Once the Holy Prophet of Islam received oneof his companions' son who had shaved his beard. The1. Badayuni, op.cit., p.255.2. Ibid.3. Muhammad Yasin, A Social History of Islamic. India, 1605- 1748, Lucknow, 1958, p.141.

'Messenger of God', looking at the young man, told that theinhabitants of the Paradise would also be clean shaved likehim, the son of his companion\".-^ Another Muslim divinefound out another anecdote that one should not have beardlike that of the Qazis of Iraq.^ Similarly a third alim cameforaward denouncing the legality of beard.-^ Likewise,various other topics of Islamic theology and jurisprudencewere wrongly explained to Emperor Akbar by these scholars.^One pronounced a thing lawful, another would pronounce thevery same thing unlawful.^ Syed Muhammad Mir Adl, also adivine of Akbar's court, called his apponent, even in theImperial presence, an accussed wrethc, abused him and liftedhis stick to strike him.^ Thus the behaviour of theseworldly minded ulama shocked Emperor Akbar's by weakeninghis faith in Islam.1. Muntakhab-ut-Tawarikh, vol.II,p.278.2. Ibid., Vol.11, p.304.3. Ibid., p.303.4. Ibid., pp.209, 259.5. Ibid., p.211.

55 We can not see a complete picture of the religiouscondition at Akbar's- reign especially at his court, withoutstudying the role of shaikh Mubarak and his sons Faizi andAbul Fazl. Of all the important groups, active in the IbadatKhana, potentially the most dangerous was that of ShaikhMubarak of Nagaur and both of his clever sons. They werecast in the same mould. They joined hands in humiliating theorthodox ulama and other religious minded Muslims in theMughal Court and ^iayed an important role in the tremendouschange in Akbar's beliefs. Shaikh Mubarak was learned man,and his learning was matched only his antagonism to theorthodox ulam in power, especially Abdullah Sultanpuri theMakhdum-ul- Mulk, and Shaikh Abdun Nabi, the Sadr-us-Sudur.He had been a Mahdawi in the previous years but, after theirsuppression, gave up all pretensions of sympathy with themand called himself a Naqshbandi to please some powerfulCentral Asian nobles. When Shia nobles seemed to be gainingground, he advocated the Shia point of view.^ On hisappearance at the Mughal Court and especially at the IbadatKhana, he suggested a thesis that seemed to fit Akbar's1. For details see Muntakhab-ut-Tawarikh. Vol.Ill, pp.73- 74.

5Spurpose admirably. He tried to twist well known principlesof Islamic jurisprudence and constitutional practice toserve Akbar's design. In 1573, when Akbar returned to Slkrifrom his gujrat compaign. Shaikh Mubarak advised him to givea lead to his people in matters religious.^ Quraishi rightlysays that Shaikhj;Mubarak activities,which were hostile toIslam and Muslims, were based on personal vendetta. Heprostituted his learning for damaging the cause of Islam.^It appears he did every thing in this connection willfullyand purposely. Quraishi says, \"It would be an insult to hisintelligence to think even for a moment that he would notknow what he was doing\".^ Shaikh Mubarak's elder son AbulFaiz Faizi, also learned scholar (but not so profound as hisyounger brother Abul Fazl) good poet and capable of writingan exegesis of the Quran without using a single letter withdot or dots, would praise Emperor Akbar for venerating thesun.41. Rise and Fall of the Mughal Empire, p.248.2. I.H. Quraishi, Akbar. Delhi (Reprint), 1985, p.138.3. Ibid.4. Maathir-ul-Umara. Vol.11, pp.588, 589.

57 His younger son, Abdul Fazl, was also very learnedscholar.According to Shah Nawaz Khan, he was equally capableof presenting an exegesis of the verses of the Quran toAkbar when he thought that such a gift would gratify themonarch,1 and impressing upon his mind that Quran had beenwritten by the Prophet himself and was not inspired.2 Havingbeen introduced to Mughal Court in 1574, Abul fazl exertedso great influence upon Akbar that he considered him theablest and the most confident among all his nobles andcourtiers. Even in his life time some called him an infidel,others said that he was an arch heretic. Dr. Ishtiaq HusainQuraishi is rightly of the opinion that, 'A man so learnedand so unscrupulous, was extremely danagerous when he had anuntutored mind like Akbar's to work upon.'^ Abul Fazlcriticised Islam and refuted the ulama's argumentationsduring the debates in the house of worship. He was notsatisfied withmerely condemning the ulama in the court buteven went to the extent of using bad language againsteminent Muslim divines of the past centuries. He attackedImam Ghazali' by declaring his works and saying him as non- ^i1. Ibid., p.609.2. Ibid., p.617.3. Akbarr p.139.

5?sense.1 He also refuted the principles of four Muslimschools of jurisprudence, i.e. the Hanafite, the Shafite,the Malikite and the Hanbalite, and unhesitatingly denouncedthe founders of these school respectively.2 it was Abul Fazlwho made an impression uponAkbar that Islam was nothing butimitation (taqleed),3 and that it had completed its wholeage, one thousand years after the Holy Prophet.4 He alsobrought home the idea of a new faith to the Emperor andexcited him to be an incarnation of God. Abdul Fazl taughtAkbar that he was the supereme spiritual power and allDivine characteristics are reflected in him.^ Accordingly bypropounding the concept of millennium^, the favourablecircumstances were created to declare Akbar a God'sprophet.^1. Zubdat-ut-Muqamat# p.1312. Muntakhab-ut-Tawarikh. Vol.11, p.200.3. See the Persian translation of Mahabharata, p.35.4. Badayuni, op.cit., p.301.5. Ibid., p.279. t6. Ibid., p.301.7. Shaikh Ahmad Sirhindi, Ithbat-un-Nabuwwat. Hyderabad (Pakistan), 1383, p.6.

crq Besides, Babur and Huitiayun's close contacts with theIranese and their family association with the Shias hadunconsciously moulded the thought process of Akbar. Hischildhood had passed in the midst of the folklore andtraditions of Persia. Moreover, on his arrival in Indiaalongwith Humayun and Bairam Khan, Akbar continued to beunder the Shia suzerainty of the Persian monarch.1 Afterbecoming Emperor in 1556, he remained for some years underthe virtual tutelage of Bairam Khan whose attachment to theShis Sultan of Persia was very pronounced. During his(Bairam's) regency, the whole religious administration ofthe Mughal Empire ran on Shia lines and even the Sadr-us-Sudur was a Shia aliin. Shaikh Gadai.^ During the j>,rocess of discussion in the Ibadat Khana,when Akbar could not be satisfied on the different problemsof Islamic theology and jurisprudence, he invited Shia ulamaand scholars to participate in the religious discussions andto know ,what they (Shias) had to say in different matters.Initially three Shia scholars namely Hakeem Abul Path,1. M.L. Roychoudhary, Xhe Pip-j^Jlahi (The Religion of Akbar), third edition, Delhi 1985, p.79.2. Muntakhab-ut-Tawarikh. Vol.II, p.337.

noHakeem Humayun and Hakeem Nuruddin were warmly received.These ulama not only attracted the attention of Akbar bytheir theological learning but Akbar developed highadmirations for them as men of culture. According toBadayuni, Abul Fath soon obtained so great influence uponthe Emperor that he was admitted as his intimate companion.Ultimately he got the dignitiy of a commander of a thousandand had power of a vakil. Badayuni says that Abul Fath wasone of those principal influences that led Akbar away fromIslam the path of the Sunnah. Hakeem Humayun was so great afriend of the Emperor that he often said that he did ralishhis meals if Hakeem Humayun was absent.•^• Mullah Muhammad Yezdi, another great Shia alim ofIran, also deserved to be mentioned among the Shia ulama ofAkbar's court. He frequently visited the Emperor andpoisoned his ears against the Sunni Muslims. He is alsoreported to have openly criticised Sunni jurists and evenaccursed the companions of the Holy Prophet of Islam,especially the first three pious Caliphs and the Prophet'swife Aisha.2 Listening to his speaches and private talks.1. Muntakhab-ut-Tawarikh. Vol.11, p.214.2, Ibid., p.259.

61Akbar started to deny the Revelation (Wahi) Prophethood(Nabuwwat), and the Prophetic miracles (Moiezat) etc.Impressed by Mulla Yezdi's' feelings Akbar used to say thatthe Shariat was just an imitation (taqleed) . He v?ouldconsider the reasoning (aqliat) as the basis of theReligion.1 Besides, there was another Shia alima, Qazi NurullahShustari, in those days, who also played an important partin strengthening the Shia community in India by writing avery famous book, Maj^lis-ul-Muminin^, in defence of Shiadoctrines. He was appointed as Qazi-ul-Quzat of Lahore onthe recommendation of Hakeem Abul Fath. It is remarkablethat Qazi Nurullah, who was a staunch Shia, on hisappointment was allov^ed to decide the cases according aJlfour schools of the Sunni jurisprudence.-^ Thus we areinformed of many Shia ulama in Akbar's court. They advocatedand supported Shia customs and practices, e.g., muta (the1. Ibid., p.211.2. Published from Tehran in 1299 A.H.3. Muntakhab-ut-Tawarikh, Vol.HI, pp.

B2custom of the temporary marricige) and taqaiyya (the piousfraud) etc., in the Ibadat Khana.^ These ulaitia did not stophere but even obtained royal permission to make conversionsto their sect.^ They must have tried to their best to turnaway Emperor Akbar from the Sunni path. Shaikh Ahmad Sirhindi was very much critical of theShia influences on the Mughal ruler and politics. Heconsidered Shia ideology to be extremely injurious to thepath of Kitab-wa-Sunnah. The Maktubat-i-Imam-i-Rabbaniseverely attack Shia faith and it followers. He says, \"ThewoywardnesE of the company of a heretic (bjid'atj) is morestrong than that of the company of a infidel (Kafir). Amongall the heretical sects the most worst are those who haveemunity with Companions of the Holy Prophet of Islam.Almighty Allah calls them as kuffar in His Book, theQuran\".^ As will be discussed later, he also compiled acomplete brochure in the refutation of the Shia sect andbeliefs.1. Ibid., Vol.11, p.209.2. Ibid., Vol.11, p.317.

83 The forces of Hindus and Hinduisni were also trying togain social, political, cultural and religious supremacyover all other communities of the Mughalempire during thesixteenth and the (early) seventeenth centuries. If, on onehand, Hindu ruler^R raised their heads to strengthen theirdominions, on the other, many Hindu revivalist movements andreligious personalities are reported to have been launchedand openly preached their religious ideology. Let us brieflyanalyse the whole situation. Despite his religious devotion, orthodoxy and evensympathetic attitude towards Islam and the Muslims, underthe influence of his mother, in the early years of hisreign, Akbar had also been, at the same time, in touch andacquainted with Hindus and their beliefs, and practices.Certain measures in this regard were adopted by him when hewas still under the influence of orthodoxy. In 1562, on hisway to Ajmer, in order to visit the Dargah of ShaikhMuinuddin Chishti, when he came into contact with RajaBihari Mall, the Chief of Ambar/Jaipur in Rajputana, hemarried the latter's daughter at Sambhar.^ The bride1. Abul Fazl, Akbar Nama, pp.243-44.

64subsequently became the mother of Saleem (Jahangir).Moreover, Akbar introduced Raja Man Sin(ih, a nephew and theadopted son of Raja Bhagwan Das who was the heir of RajaBihari Mall, into the imperial service and rose himultimate]y to the high office.Furthermore, in 1563, whileengaged in tiger hunting and encamped at Mathura, it wasbrought to his notice that his government had been leviedtaxes from Hindu pilgrims visiting their sacred places. \"Hefelt\", in the words of Abul Fazl, \"That it was contrary tothe will of God to tax the people assembled to worship Him,even though their form of worship might be arroneous\". He,therefore, remitted Hindus from these taxes, throughout hisempire, which amounted to millions of rupees.-^ The otherimportant step of Akbar in pursuance of his policy ofsympathy and kindness for Hindus, which had already resultedin his marriage with the princess of Ambar, the confermentof the office on Raja Man Singh, and the remission of thepilgrim taxes on Hindus, was the abolition of the Jizya, thepoll tax required to be paid by the non-Muslims in anIslamic state, early in 1564.21. Akbar Nama, Vol.11, p.190.2. Ibid., II, p.190.

65 In 1570 Akbar again married Hindu princesses of Bikanerand Jaisalmer^. Though these Rajput girls were formallyconverted to Islam, yet their influence in the affairs ofthe Empire was remarkable and gradually they did nothesitate in siding openly with the forces arranged againstIslam or at least orthodoxy. As their conversion was not theresult of any change in their conditions but a political andsocial necessity, their loyalties to their communityremained unchanged. According to Badayuni, they worshipedpigs which were kept in the palace and in its vicinity asthey believed that God had incarnated Himself in them.2 (weseek refuge of God), Dr.Ishtiaq Husain Quraishi is rightlyof the view that \"Akbar's Hindu consorts must have persuadedtheir husband to keep pigs to enable them to pay theirrespect to these creatures, because they are believed to bean incarnation of Shiva\".^ Besides, Bir Bal and Raja TodarMai aJso achieved great eminence, the former as a pleasantcompanion of the Emperor and the latter as an ableadministrator and general.^1. Ibid., pp.518-19.2. Muntakhab-ut-Tawarikh, Vol,II, p.305.3. Akbarr p.141. 4. Maathir-ul-Umara. Vol.11, pp.118-129.

R r; Akbar's sympathy for Hindus and their religious outlookhad been growing steadily. His socla] relations with theHindu nobles not withstanding, \"His Hindu wives\", says Dr.R.P. Tripathi, \"By their religious favour, personal devotionand sweet simplicity, must have exercised unconciousInfluence on the mind of Akbar\".-^ All such influencesprompted him to come near to Hinduism. Like his curiosity toknow the doctrines of Christian religion, Akbar also showedinterest in the acquisition of the first-hand knowledge ofthe Hindu thought and principles. He now invited pandits andjoqis to expound the doctrine of Hindu religion. Bir Bal andMan Singh discussed their religious ideas with and tried tomould him to their own faith.^ Impressed by these people, Akbar removed allrestrictions upon the public religious worship by non-Muslims. He also removed restriction on the construction ofbuilding of public worship. Accordingly, many Hindu templeswere erected at different places of Hindu pilgrimage. Hinduofficers and nobles availed the opportunity and built1. Rise and Fall QI ilis MugJiai Empire, p.253.2. Badayuni, op.cit., Vol.11, p.257.

67temples dedicated their to gods and goddesGcs. Man Singhbuilt temples at Banaras and Bindraban, and spent severallakhs of rupees on their decorations. Another temple wasallowed to be' repaired and its main idole, destroyed by theimperial army during the Kangra expedition in 1572-73, wasrestored to its place of honour.^ lie is also reported tohave sanctioned heavy amounts for the establishment of adharmshala at Churin in Kangra. Its founder, a recluse, wasallowed to claim as much land as his cow could cover in aday.2 Similarly, the Hindus of Thaneser in Punjab werepermitted to rebuild the temple in the tank of Kurukshetraby demolishing a mosque at the site.-^ Another temple atAchal Makani near Batala was also rebuilt.^ Akbar also paid extra-ordinary attention to thedevelopment of Hindu culture and civilisation. He organiseda translation department and many religious books of Hinduswere ordered to be translated into Persian.^ Moreover, he1. Jahangir, Tuzuk-i-Jahangiri, Aligarh 1864, p.347.2. Religious Policy ol the Mughal Rulers, p.68. 3. Badayuni, Vol.11, p.322, Shaikh Ahmad Sirhindi, Maktubat, Vol.11, Letter no.93. 4. Sujan Rai, p.425. 5. Muntakhab-ut-Tawarikh. Vol.11, pp.212-13, 320.

68participated in Hindu festivals and zealously celebratedRakhi. Hindus came to the royal court and tied strings ofthreads on the Emperor's wrists on this occasion.^ He alsoceleberated Dewali^ and joined the celeberation ofShivaratri.3 Afterwards, Akbar showed great respect forHindu sentiments and many practical stop wee acted upon inthis context. The situation came to such a lamenting pointthat he issued orderS^ by putting a stop to the conversion toIslam from other religions.^ He permitted Hindus to convertto their faith such Hindus as had accepted Islam earlier.^He also adopted a number of administrative measures ofHindus and Hinduism. So far as the propagation of the Hindu teachings inAkbar's court is concerned, Badayuni informs us, \"Brahminswho in all matters private and public are prior to all inreceiving honour of serving and auspiciousness of companyand who in their books of morals and traditional and1. Sharma, op.cit., p.41. , Vol.1, p.216.2. Abul Fazl, Ain-i-Akbari. Calcutta 183. Badayuni, Vol.11, p.325.4. Akbar Nama, Vol.11, p.154.5.

R9fundamental sciences and in their religious devotions andecstacies and human perfections are more reliable than therest of the thinkers and devotees and are superior, putforward their arguments and proofs, rational . as well astraditional to show the truth of their own religion and themultification of others. They consider the theories asfundamental principles which cannot be bleasted by anysceptic doubts and they succeeded in setting aside allnotions of resurrection with all its details and traditionalideas which had prophetic light as their source. They alsoconveyed to his ears objections and criticisms on thebrilliant easy religion and the bright Catholic ideas whichare mentioned in the works of the adoption of their owncreed through the expression ofword and deed. At times theymade Debi one of the annotators of Mahabharata sit on acharpoy which was pulled upto the chamber called theKhwabgah, (the bed-room). Debi used to explain the mysteriesof the Indian stories, methods of worship of idols, fire,sun and stars and gods like Brahma, Mahadewa, Bishn, Krishnand Ram etc.^1. For details see Muntakhab-ut-Tawarikh. Vol.11, pp.256- 58.

70 Akbar also seems to have been pleased and maintainedrelations with Zoroastrian priests and in 1578 he invitedDastur Maherji to his royal court who tought him Parseedoctrines, peculiar terms, ordinances, rites and ceremoniesof his creed, laying stress above all on the reverence ofsun and fire. Abul Fazl informs us of Akbar's reverence forfire and light, \"The bright-hearted world illuminator(Akbar) considers the light of fire-worship, the subtle-minded wise one knows well. When the wise ones consider theworship of external forms the right mode, how can respect tothis sublime element which is the source of the existence ofhuman beings, be improper. And why should a man entertainsuch ruinous thought\".^ Akbar is also reported to haveprayed before the fire after the style of the Zoroastrians.2He also reported the Parsee Calender, which also be speaksof his learnings towards that religoin.^ These increasing activities and thought of the Hindurulers and preachers greatly annonyed Shaikh Ahmad Sirhindi.So far as the internal and private affairs of Hindus and1. See Kehta-, op.cit., p.42.2. Ibid. <'^3. Ibid., p.44.







The Bhakti saints had a deep consciousness of theirmission. Many of their ideas and thought had far-reachingsocio-re3igiou6 significance. They preached that allreligious had some goal before them.^ The spiritualmentor (guru) should be treated as the supreme authority.^They were of the view that the relationship between God andManwis the same as between waves and the sea. They believedthat the transmigration of souls was the real cycle of life;and outward formalities of religions had no value. Oneshould strive for the interrorization of religious rights.^ The frequent movement of the Bhakti saints and far- *reaching influence, of their thought a3so effected, to someextent, the Muslim society of the fifteenth and thesixteenth centuries. Many Muslims immature mystic mind feltattracted toward the Bhakti movement and its saints. Dadu'sdisciple Rajjabdas (1567-1689) is an interesting example ofthe impact of Bhakti cult on Muslim mind. He was Muslim with1. Gurmukh Singh, Nanak Prakas, pp.215-16. Also, Muluk Daski Bani, p.27.2. Tara Chand, Influences of Islam on Indian Culture, Allahabad 1946, p.158. 3. Akbar and Religion, pp.35-36.

75Rajab A]i as bis original nanie.^ Shaikh Ahmad Sirhindi,therefore, could not reconcile to such ideas and activities.When a Hindu, Hirday Ram, sought his clarification on thesameness between God, Lord Rarria and Lord Krishna, as Hindusbelieve. The Shaikh vehemently criticised this concept andto]d him, \"It is foolishness to know Ram and Rahman as one.Creature cannot be equal to Creator\".^1. For some time he had served in the army of Raja Bhagwan Das and Raja Man Singh, and later joined the circle of Dadu Dayals followers (see Akfeaj and Religion, p.32).2. Maktubat-i-Imam-i-Rabbanj, Vol.1, Letter No.167.

CHAPTER-IIBIRTH, EARLY LIFE AND EDUCATION

76 CHAPTER II BIRTH, EARLY LIFE AND EDUCATION Sheikh Ahmad Sirhindi belonged to a distinguishedfamily of saintly scholars of medieval India. Geneologicallyhe was the descendant of Umar bin al-khattab,l the secondPious Caliph of Islam and attained twenty eighth positionfrom him.2 one of his ancestors, Shaikh Shahabuddin Ali,generally known as Far.rukh Shah Kabuli, was among the greatnobles and minister's fo Sultans of Kabul.3 He is reported to1. For his biography and other details see, Abu Jafer Ibn- i~Jarir Tabari, Tarikh-i-Tabari, Vols. I & II, (Its Urdu translations have appeared from Deoband in 1983/84). Also see, Shibli Numani, Al-Faruq, Shibli Academy, Azamgarh. N.B. •- Some historians have called Shaikh Ahmad Sirhindi as Saiyyid Ahmad Sirhindi which is not correct. For instance see, Qiyamuddin Ahmad, Wahabi Movement in India, Calcutta, 1966, pp.12-13.2. Khwaja Muhammad Hashim Kashmi, Zubdat-uljrJjao[_amat, Kanpur 1890, pp.88-09. Following is the geneological chain of Shaikh Ahmad SJ rhindi; Shaikh Ahmad S/o Abdul Ahad Faruqi S/o Zainu] Abidin S/o Abdul Haiy S/o Shaikh Muhammad S/o Ilabibullah S/o Imam Rafiuddin S/o Nasiruddin S/o Sulaiman S/o Yusuf S/o Ishaq S/o Abdullah S/o Shoeb S/o Ahmad S/o Yusuf S/o Farrukh Shah Kabuli S/o Nasiruddin s/o Mahmud S/o Sulaiman S/o Masud S/o Abdullah al-Waiz al-Asghar ij/o Abdullah al-Waiz al-Akbar, S/o Abul Fateh S/o Ishaq S/o Ibrahim S/o Nasir S/o Abdullah S/o Umar bin al-Khattab.3. The later Naqshbandi tazkirahs call him a ruler of Kabul. (See, Khawja Kamaluddin Muhammad Ehsan, Rauzat- ul-Qaiyyumiyah (urdu translation),Lahore 1335, Part I, p.20. But the author of Zubdat-ul-Muaamat seems correct as no ruler of this name is mentioned in the history of Kabul. According to Amir Khurd, Farrukh Shah KabuJi belonged to the family of the rulers of Kabul. (See, Sivar-ul-Auliva, Delhi 1885, p.58).

77have viB.U-ecl India with ll't cirmy of Kabu] as^ an importantofficer. 1 Farrukh Shah wan known for his /.oa.l for l:hcpropagation of Islam. The fainour; Chinhti r^aint SliaikliFariduddin (aanj-i-Shakar^- was aJso hi^i (iccfiKicmt: . ^ hn other great ancestor of Ahmad Sirhindi was ImanRafiuddin*^, a remorle doi;cc lulanl of I'diiukh Cbi\\\ Kal)u]i andc' Khalifa Of Saiyyid Ja3a]udding Surkh Bu'khari generally1. Zubdat-ul-Maqamat, pp.CC-CS.2. He wan an eminent saint of the Chishti r.iJsiJah in Jndia and the spiritual r.ucccr>r> of Shaikh Qutbucldin Bakhtiyar Kaki Aushi of Delhi. Born in a village near Multan, Baba Farid Gang-i-Shakar previously lived in Hansi but later he shifted to Ajodhan, now known as Pakpatan in Punjab, He holds a very high position among the first cycle of the Chishti saints in Indian sub-continent. Throughout his life he struggled for developing and popularizing the ,Chishti mystic trends and spent his time in prayer and meditation. lie left a deep impact upon the Indian society and a large number of common people, Umara, Ulama and Sufis flocked to him and joined his mission. He died in 1265 in A-joclhar. For his detailed biography see; Siyar-ul-Aulioya, pp.58-91, Also; Shaikh Abdul Haq Muhaddith Dehlavi, Akhbar-ul-Akhyar, Delhi, 1914, pp.55- 59, Also; Ghauthi Shattari, Gulzar-i-Abrar, (Rotograph, No.174, Research Library, Department of History, A.M.U. Aligarh), f.l3. Also; Jamali, Siyar-ul -Arif j.n, Delhi, 1893, pp'.31-59, -K.A. Nizami, The. Ljfjj and Tjrnes gf Fariduddin Gajij-i-Shakar Delhi 1955 (Reprint 1973) and TarikhrirRashalkhri.-Chisht, Vol . I, Delhi 1979, pp.21 2- ]'', ^Mso, S,M. Tkrara, Aa'b-i-Kausar , Delhi 19 87, pp. 217-3. Zubdat-ul-Maqamat, p.89 (Almost all the Chishti sources give the same information in this context).His biographical account is not available in anyNaqshbandi or other source, According to Hashim Kishmi,he was,'a to religion and spiritualpursuits, le and saintly life. Seepp.89-90.

7Saddressed as Makhdum-i-Jahaniyan.l When the letter was onhis way to Delhi, Imam Rafiudding accompanied him and metthe Sultan of Delhi, Firuz Shah Tughlaq. After some time theSultan sent Iman Rafiuddin back to Sirhind and asked him tolay the foundation of a fortress and established a townthere.2 some time in Delhi. As a Chisti he had spiritual allegi- ance to Shaikh Nasiruddin Chiragh of Delhi, and in Suha- rwardiyah silsilah, he was a khalifa of Shaikh Ruknuddin, the son and successor of Shaikh Bahauddin Zakaria of Multan. Makhdum-i-Jahaniyan is known as the chief saint of the Uchch branch of the Suharwardi order. Xle is reported to have deep impact on Sultan Firuz Shah Tughlaq. For details sise, Sivar-ul-Arifin, pp.155-64, Also; Afif, Tarikh-i-Firuz Shahi. pp.514-16, Also; Akhbar-ul-Akhvar, pp.139-40, Also; K.A. Nizami, Salatin- i-Dehli ka Mazhabj Ruihanatf Delhi 1981, p.359; and \"The Suharwardi Silsilah and its influence on Medieval Indian Politics\", Medieval India Quarterly. Vol.Ill, No.l & 2, July-Oct. 1957, p.131. According to Zubdat-ul-Magamat when Makhdum-i-Jahaniyan and Imam Rafiuddin were enroute to Delhi, they passed through the village called Sirhind and made a sojourn there. Its people accorded a warm welcome to these saints and requested them to made a recommendation before Sultan Firuz Shah of Delhi for establishing a town there. On meeting the Sultan, who himself hod come to receive and take them to his royal palace, they conveyed the message of the people of Sirhind to him. He accepted it and ordered to establish the proposed town. First he sent Khwaja Fatehullah, the elder brother of Imam Rafiuddin, to lay the foundation of a fortress and to supervise the construction work of the town. After some time healso asked Imam Rafiuddin to go to Sirhind. The Imam completed the town by obtaining the spiritual blessings of Shaikh Sharafuddin Bu Ali Shah Qalandar. For details see, Zubdat-ul-Muqamat. p.90. For Imam Rafiuddin's role and contribution to the establishment of Sirhind town also see; Fauja Singh, ed. Sirhind Through the Ages, Patiala 1972, p.14.