CU-BA-Eng-SEM-V-Political Science-V-Second Draft

BACHELOR OF ARTS POLITICAL SCIENCE-V First Published in 2021 1 CU IDOL SELF LEARNING MATERIAL (SLM)

All rights reserved. No Part of this book may be reproduced or transmitted, in any form or by any means, without permission in writing from Chandigarh University. Any person who does any unauthorized act in relation to this book may be liable to criminal prosecution and civil claims for damages. This book is meant for educational and learning purpose. The authors of the book has/have taken all reasonable care to ensure that the contents of the book do not violate any existing copyright or other intellectual property rights of any person in any manner whatsoever. In the event, Authors has/ have been unable to track any source and if any copyright has been inadvertently infringed, please notify the publisher in writing for Corrective action. 2 CU IDOL SELF LEARNING MATERIAL (SLM)

CONTENT UNIT - 1: Party System in India ............................................................................................ 4 UNIT - 2: Political Parties: National Political Parties .......................................................... 26 UNIT - 3: Regional Parties .................................................................................................. 47 UNIT - 4: The Election Commission ................................................................................... 78 UNIT - 5: Political Participation........................................................................................ 102 UNIT - 6: Political Parties: Pressure groups in Indian Politics ........................................... 140 UNIT - 7: Political Parties: End of One-Party Dominance and Era of Coalition Politics in India.................................................................................................................................. 165 UNIT - 8: Regionalism and Communalism in India........................................................... 193 UNIT - 9: State Autonomy ................................................................................................ 248 3 CU IDOL SELF LEARNING MATERIAL (SLM)

UNIT - 1: PARTY SYSTEM IN INDIA STRUCTURE 1.0 Learning Objectives 1.1 Introduction 1.1.1 Historical Background 1.1.2 Party System 1.2 Party System in India: Nature of Party System in India 1.2.1 Evolution from Political Centre 1.2.2 Dominant Party System: Basic Characteristics 1.3 A critical evaluation 1.4 Summary 1.5 Keywords 1.6 Learning Activity 1.7 Unit End Questions 1.8 References 1.0 LEARNING OBJECTIVES After studying this unit, you will be able to:  Define party system and political parties;  Understand main attributes of party system and political parties in India;  Explain relation between Political Party, Party System and Democracy. 1.1 INTRODUCTION Indian gathering framework is interesting. It doesn't fit in any sort of characterization that is by and large used to classes the gathering frameworks. Tt is characterized by the particular idea of Indian governmental issues from one viewpoint and the idea of the state-society relationship on the other. Over the most recent twenty years, there has been a considerable change both in the idea of legislative issues just as in nature of connection between the state and the general public. One of the vital appearances of progress is noticeable with regards to 4 CU IDOL SELF LEARNING MATERIAL (SLM)

the politicization of more prominent number of individuals, particularly those having a place with the less advantaged areas of society. That clarifies the adjustment of the idea of the gathering framework also. The particular highlights that characterized the gathering arrangement of India in the initial twenty years after freedom are not a single more in sight as of now. To comprehend the current idea of the gathering framework, follow its set of experiences and to allude to its political rationale with regards to the evolving state-society relationship. In a vote-based country, organizations assume a critical part. Ideological groups address such organizations through which individuals take part in administrative cycles by choosing gatherings' chosen people into authoritative bodies. They likewise activate individuals into political exercises. Through such exercises parties raise worries of individuals. Hence, ideological groups are fundamental highlights of a majority rule political framework. India hosts a few political gatherings. In the post-Independence time frame, India has seen change from predominance of single gathering, the Congress during the 1950s-1960s, into duplication of gatherings in the later period. The unit examines the advancement of ideological groups and gathering framework and connections of ideological groups and gathering frameworks with majority rule government in India. Ideological group Political faction shapes a significant segment of a political framework. An ideological group is a foundation which comprises of pioneers, devotees, approaches and projects. Its adherents may have formal enrollment of the gathering or may uphold it without being formal individuals. There are various gatherings. Gatherings can be separated on the foundations of pioneers, strategies and projects, belief systems and interior working. The chief element of an ideological group which recognizes it from different associations is that its primary reason for existing is to catch power. In contrast to an ideological group, a pressing factor bunch, vested party or non-party common society association, by and large don't look for power. Notwithstanding, at some point such associations additionally challenge decisions. Ideological groups are the significant connections between people, state and society. Ideological groups give the critical association between friendly cycle and strategy creators, and impact discussions and strategies on issues influencing the interests of different gatherings of people in a political framework. 1.1.1 Historical Background The loss of Siraj-ud-Daula in 1757 at the clash of Plassey can be taken as the start of the provincial guideline. After the clash of Buxar in 1765 the Diwani of Bengal passed under the control of the British. (Bengal income circle then, at that point included what are currently 5 CU IDOL SELF LEARNING MATERIAL (SLM)

West Bengal, Bangladesh, Bihar and Orissa). The East India Company under the contract of British parliament was given the syndication of exchange with the East including India. After these fights they additionally procured sole command over the assortment of land income over the vanquished regions. The British utilized their political control to bring the economy under their immediate order. Quickly the heading of Indian economy was changed to serve the interests of the British economy. Exchange and income were then the two direct means through which they practiced their control to abuse the Indian economy and move the excess to Britain which was soon to enter on the phase of a long Industrial insurgency. The entirety of this had exceptionally grievous repercussions for India. 1.1.2 Party System The significance of gathering framework is identified with number of ideological groups in a country. In light of the quantities of gatherings present in political framework, party frameworks by and large can be sorted as single gathering framework, two-party framework or multiparty framework. As their names propose, the single party, two-party and multiparty frameworks indicate presence of single, two or a few gatherings in a majority rule government. The most widely recognized approach to distinguish party frameworks in India by and large is the degree of execution of gatherings in races and their essence in the legislatures. Presence of more than one gathering is a component of a majority rule and plural society. Presence of a few gatherings’ hosts been a significant part of get-together framework in India. Notwithstanding, number of gathering frameworks changed in India since the 1950s. As you will peruse segment, the gathering framework which existed during the main many years following Independence was set apart by the predominance of the Congress a solitary gathering. It was a time of one gathering predominance yet not of the shortfall of more than one gathering. The time of 1950s-1960s was portrayed as a time of single gathering predominance by Rajni Kothari. During this period the Congress was the single predominant gathering in India. This period was known as time of Congress predominance. The single party strength didn't imply that there existed just one gathering in India. What it implies was that separated from the Congress there existed a few gatherings like the Communist Party of India (CPI), diverse communist factions, Swatantra Party, Republican Party of India, Jana Sangha, and so on, in various provinces of India. In any case, among these, it was just the Congress Party, which had presence in all states and drove governments simultaneously at the middle and in many territories of India. From the last part of the 1960s, the Congress didn't stay a solitary predominant gathering. It was crushed by the non-Congress parties in eight states in the gathering races held in 1967. From that point forward, aside from Congress, non- Congress parties shaped governments in the middle and a few states. It meant the presence of 6 CU IDOL SELF LEARNING MATERIAL (SLM)

multi-party framework in India. Two-party framework means presence of prevalently two gatherings. In India, two-party framework by and large wins in certain states. Presence of two-party framework doesn't imply that multiple gatherings are absent in such states. What it implies that among a few gatherings, two gatherings are generally powerful. In such framework, two gatherings structure governments at various occasions: one being a decision party in one government, and resistance in another, and the other way around. A few researchers, for example, Sanjay Palshikar and Yogendra Yadav like to sort party frameworks as far as shafts. Which means of gathering framework ought not be mistaken for order of gatherings like public, state/territorial or enlisted. The two are unique. The political framework, as you have recently perused is about number of gatherings, and their presentation in races and interest in governments. The order of gatherings is done based on their enrollment with Election Commission of India. Political decision commission hosts arranged three sorts of political gatherings in India: National, State/Regional and Registered Parties. You will find out about the order of gatherings in unit 2. As of now, India has just about 2400 ideological groups of which there are 7 National Parties, 36 state recognized parties, 329 territorial gatherings and right around 2044 enrolled/unnoticed gatherings. It is normal said that ideological groups are confronting an emergency since they are extremely disagreeable and the residents are unconcerned with ideological groups. The accessible proof shows that this conviction is just part of the way valid for India. The proof, in view of a progression of enormous example studies directed more than quite a few years, shows that: Political coalitions hate a lot of trust among individuals in South Asia. The extent of the individuals who say their confidence in ideological groups isn't 'much' or 'not in any way' is more than the individuals who have 'a few' or 'incredible' trust. The equivalent is valid for most different majority rules systems also. Ideological groups are one of the most un- confided in organizations everywhere. However, the degree of investment in the exercises of ideological groups was genuinely high. The extent of the individuals who said they were individuals from some ideological group was higher in India than many progressed nations like Canada, Japan, Spain and South Korea. In the course of the most recent thirty years the extent of the individuals who report to be individuals from ideological groups in India has gone up consistently. The extent of the individuals who say they feel 'near an ideological group' has additionally gone up in India in this period. 7 CU IDOL SELF LEARNING MATERIAL (SLM)

1.2 PARTY SYSTEM IN INDIA: NATURE OF PARTY SYSTEM IN INDIA 1.2.1 Evolution from Political Centre Rajni Kotliari has contended in his 'Legislative issues in India' that the gathering framework advanced from a recognizable political focus. This political focus, cut during the patriot development, was contained the political tip top sharing normal financial foundation for example instructed, metropolitan, upper-station individuals having a place predominantly with center and high societies. The normal social foundation of the first class brought about the homogeneity that turned into a characterizing highlight of the political focus just as of the gathering framework. The decision party and the resistance, coming from a similar social foundation, shared the social insights and united on numerous issues. An agreement, consequently, existed inside the framework around the fundamental qualities. The Indian National Congress was the institutional sign of this political focus. In addition to the fact that it was a significant articulation of the patriot development was a unique political association that framed the native base for the political framework. Obliging practically all- political gatherings of political significance, it gave an exceptionally vital political space for political arrangements and haggling. 1.2.2 Dominant Party System: Basic Characteristics 1) The gathering framework during the initial twenty years after freedom was named as the Single Dominant Party framework. It was a multi-party framework where the decision party assumed a predominantly prevailing part. Albeit various other public gatherings existed and worked strategically, yet the focal space of legislative issues was involved by the Indian National Congress as it were. The predominance of the Congress was dictated by its monstrous hierarchical strength just as its ability to catch huge number of seats both in the Union Parliament and the state councils. 2) Dominance of the Congress as the decision party didn't nonattendance of rivalry. The various gatherings in resistance gave contest. However, such contest didn't bring about successfully testing the predominant situation of the decision party. Morris-Jones appropriately portrayed this wonder as 'strength coinciding with rivalry yet without any modification'. In appointive terms, it suggested that albeit various resistance groups entered the constituent field however none of them separately or in blend could tie down generous number of seats to supplant the Congress as the decision party. These gatherings were divided and ineffectively addressed in the Union and the state councils. Congress kept on 8 CU IDOL SELF LEARNING MATERIAL (SLM)

returning its up-and-comers in huge numbers, indeed, in proportionately huge numbers than the votes surveyed in support of its. 3) Due to their powerlessness to give an option in contrast to the decision party or even to. Challenge its situation of strength; the resistance groups didn't assume the customary part of resistance. In actuality, their job was restricted to that of coristaritly compressing, censuring the decision party. The gatherings in resistance, thusly, worked as the gatherings of pressing factor. 4) One of the significant highlights of the Congress party that assisted it with supporting its situation of strength was its ability to address dissimilar gatherings of people and interests. As it drew its help from various areas of society, it assumed the part of an extraordinary umbrella gathering. During the patriot development it had obliged different gatherings into its crease and had focused on the requirement for their solidarity inside a similar hierarchical design, it had accordingly accepted the personality of a wide alliance. In the post-autonomy time frame, it kept on retaining the prevailing social components and equilibrium various interests that assisted it with keeping up with' its unchallenged situation of force. Through its accommodative and versatile legislative issues, it could check the job and importance of resistance. 5) Being a plural gathering addressing different interests and philosophies, the Congress had various groups. Of these, some were somewhat more prevailing and assumed significant part in the dynamic of the gathering. Others were the dissenter groups. a few of these groups of the Congress were additionally philosophically nearer to a portion of the resistance groups. The justification this being, that practically every one of the gatherings in resistance had been a piece of the Congress at one time or the other and keeping in mind that deciding to frame a free gathering outside it, had left a group of comparative philosophical direction inside it. In this way, there consistently remained coherence between the governmental issues of the Congress and that of the resistance groups. This congruity made it workable for the resistance groups to squeeze the Congress and impact its dynamic. 6) The gathering framework, along these lines, chipped away at the premise of a consensual model. It was a legislative issue of wide agreement round the political qualities shared by every one of the political entertainers whether working from inside the decision gatherings or from the resistance. Philosophical divisions inside the Congress or outside it was obscured. 9 CU IDOL SELF LEARNING MATERIAL (SLM)

1.2.3 Centrality of Congress Centrality of congress - because of the special situation of predominance of the Congress party, it was known to be the Central establishment of Indian governmental issues. 'The Centrality of Congress was reflected at different levels: i) At one level, it consumed the most focal space of constituent governmental issues, subsequently hoarding it and not permitting different gatherings to truly challenge its situation of force in the middle and the states. ii) At another level, its centrality was laid out in its control of the significant space between the state and society. Addressing different interests of society, it stayed the main formal intervening foundation of the state. It along these lines, given the most urgent space to political dealings and haggling. iii) At the third level, the, centrality of the Congress was reflected in its philosophical point of view. Being an umbrella gathering it had space for a wide range of philosophical gatherings. Subsequently, it sought after an 'anti-extremist' philosophy in any event, when it contained philosophical perspectives of the 'left' and 'right'. Change in the idea of gathering framework in the very long time after 1960s' as indicated by Rajni Kothari, was the outcome of the 'changed financial and segment profile of the nation'. Such an adjustment of the profile of the nation was an outcome of the political preparation of the majority just as the rise of new political classes. The political assembly of the majority was a sensible result of the appointive governmental issues dependent on the guideline of widespread grown-up establishment. Habitually held decisions helped in expanding the political awareness of mass of Indians, particularly those having a place with the retrogressive and lower standings. The rise of the new political classes was straightforwardly identified with the ascent of the exclusive laborer class in country India in the scenery of the land changes. By the start of the seventies, the land-claiming socially prevailing areas having a place predominantly with the regressive positions had achieved adequate monetary solidarity to request an offer in political force. The passage of these positions into the cutthroat force legislative issues had broad ramifications for the Indian governmental issues. Initially, there was an expansion in Content the quantity of those yearning for an offer in power. The control of the conventional political first class, in this way, was truly tested. Besides, there was likewise more noteworthy spot of assortment of clashing interests. These new contestants didn't share India the political blues of the conventional first class. They laid not just various requests and various assumptions from the political framework however they additionally utilized an alternate political language. This is the impact of 10 CU IDOL SELF LEARNING MATERIAL (SLM)

representing a genuine danger to the consensual legislative issues of the conventional political tip top overall and that of the Congress, specifically. Incapable to coordinate and adjust fluctuated interests, the Congress was disjoined from its situation of centrality. The changed setting of governmental issues was additionally the consequence of the statement of the lower standings. In the governmental issues of numbers, the lower stations and Dalits were brought into legislative issues, at first, with regards to the supporter customer relationship. As customers of the locally predominant stations, their mathematical strength was utilized in light of a legitimate concern for their supporters. Nonetheless, as the development the participatory governmental issues were made, the idea of lower rank legislative issues was likewise changed. The lower stations and Dalits began procuring more self-governing job in legislative issues and their preparation currently came to be identified with their political interest. In tennis of gathering legislative issues, this prompted the development of gatherings mirroring the help and interest of these recently prepared standings. Development of the BSP, Samajwadi Party and Janta Dal are the instances of such political arrangements. These gatherings obviously mirrored the interest of the Dalits and the retrogressive ranks. Ideological groups in India were brought into the world during the Indian public development. Around then, they were engaged with the Indian public development. They had additionally challenged decisions to administrative gatherings under limited grown-up establishment. After Independence, the Congress arose as a prevailing gathering. To be sure, during the Independence development the Congress was a development and it turned into a gathering after Independence. It implies that the Congress didn't need to be associated with a development like public development, and its principal concern was to challenge races and structure government. The gathering frameworks in India advanced over a quite a long while after Independence. Nonetheless, there didn't have single gathering framework. All things considered, during the 1950s-1960s, the framework was set apart by the strength of a solitary gathering, i.e., the Congress, which existed alongside different gatherings. The last needed help and presence across all territories of India. Since Independence, India has seen the presence of three sorts of gathering frameworks: One Party Dominance System, two-gathering and bi-polar gathering System, and multiparty and multi-polar gathering framework. You can peruse beneath the periods of advancement of gathering framework. 1. One Party Dominance System For around twenty years, the gathering framework in India was overwhelmed by Congress party. Albeit a few non-Congress parties had existed around then, it was the Congress which 11 CU IDOL SELF LEARNING MATERIAL (SLM)

headed government at the middle as well as in the vast majority of the states. In this way, the non-Congress parties were resistance groups at the middle and in states, besides in Kerala where the CPI was a decision party for certain years in the last part of the 1950s. Since the Congress was single gathering having support in many conditions of the country, Rajni Kothari conceptualized the gathering arrangement of this period as a time of One- party predominance. He even named the Congress party as 'Congress System'. As the main party, Congress had gotten a flat-out larger part of seats in parliament in the initial four general races. Congress party partook in this situation till 1967. In 1977 General political decision, the Janata Party supplanted the Congress at the middle, and in after a long time it supplanted the Congress in a few states also. At this point, the gathering framework in India stopped to be overwhelmed by the single party framework. 2. Bi-polar and Two-party framework India doesn't have two-party framework in ideal feeling of the term. Maybe, it has bipolar political framework. In this framework, at least three gatherings meet up to shape pre- political decision or post-political decision collusion, structure an alliance government or potentially embrace a typical least program. Such coalitions by and large happen around two significant gatherings, which fill in as contending surveys or collusion. As there are two posts of such partnerships, the gathering framework in such union is called bi-polar gathering framework. This framework can exist both at state and public levels. While the chief gatherings in such collusions by and large stay same, their partners can change. Development of bi-polar framework in India is connected with alliance governmental issues in India. Its first significant model was development of non-Congress SVD governments in eight states in India following Congress' loss in 1967 decisions. There were two posts in such bi-polar framework: On the one hand shaft was the Congress party and on the other it was a gathering of non-Congress gatherings, for example, Bhartiya Kranti Dal, the Samyukta Socialist faction, Praja Socialist coalition and Jana Sangh. Its first model at public level was related with the arrangement of the Janata Party government following Janata Party's triumph in 1977 Lok Sabha political decision. Around then, the Congress turned into a resistance, and the Janata Party turned into the decision party. In any case, these two gatherings addressed two-party framework, not the bipolar framework in light of the fact that Janata Party was not an alliance of gatherings. It was party framed out of consolidation of five gatherings – Congress (O), BKD, CFD, Jana Sangha and Swatantra Party. The Congress turned into its fundamental adversary. Accordingly, Janata Party and the Congress addressed two-party framework. Such framework existed generally from 1977-1980, till Janata Party ran the focal government. In any case, contending unions which occurred later at the middle and state levels were really 12 CU IDOL SELF LEARNING MATERIAL (SLM)

the bi-polar, not two-party frameworks. Since the 1990s, India has seen numerous alliance governments. Disappointment of significant public gatherings like the Congress and the BJP to win larger part situates in decisions carried various little gatherings to the front line. In 1996, the decisions prompted the arrangement of 'Joined Front', a Coalition of upwards of 13 ideological groups. Essentially, in 1999 an alliance party legislature of 'Public Democratic Alliance (NDA)' was shaped with BJP as the biggest individual from the alliance. The Governments framed in 1989, 1990, 1991, 1996, 1998, 1999, 2004, 2009 and 2014 were alliances of a few gatherings. Nonetheless, from 2004 there is one significant gathering in the alliance government. For instance, in 2004 and 2009 it was an alliance legislature of UPA in which Congress was the main among different gatherings in the collusion and in 2014, in NDA government; BJP had incomparability in an alliance of coalition parties. These incorporated the gatherings drove by the BJP in NDA collusion, and those drove by the Congress in the UPA coalition with the BJP on the one post and the Congress/non-Congress parties on different shafts. In states, the bi-polar gathering frameworks spins around the territorial gatherings: for instance, in Odisha between the BJD and the Congress; in Jammu and Kashmir until August 5, 2019 when it was a state between the NCP and the PDP, in Kerala between the left and the Congress, and so forth 3. Multi-Party and Multi-Polar Party System Since 1967 races, Indian political framework has gone through changes. The Congress' loss in the decisions and split in it debilitated the gathering. This occurred with the concurrent ascent of provincial gatherings. It denoted the ascent of different gatherings in India. Albeit various gatherings had existed during the time of Congress' strength, in contrast with the Congress, they assumed minor part in Indian governmental issues. Rise of different gatherings in a few states was aftereffect of changes which had happened in that phase. These pioneers framed provincial ideological groups. Ascent of pioneers, for example, Charan Singh in UP, Rao Virendra Singh in Haryana, Biju Patnaik in Odisha, Bal Thakre in Maharashtra during the 1960s and 1970s who framed territorial gatherings are a portion of the early models stamping augmentation of ideological groups in India. Their number additionally increased in coming many years. The ascent of BSP and SP in north India, TMC in West Bengal and BJP in Odisha during the 1980s and 1990s, and a few such models show presence of multiparty framework in India. Numerous gatherings exist at the public just as neighborhood levels. Such gatherings mirror the social, monetary, social and political variety of India. A significant part of the different party framework in India is development of numerous coalitions of ideological groups dependent on arrangements, 13 CU IDOL SELF LEARNING MATERIAL (SLM)

projects and belief systems yet in addition political practicality. Various gatherings enter collusions in which one gathering appears to turn into a nodal party. Such coalitions show the presence of multi-polar gatherings. Multi-party framework exists as multi-polar frameworks. 1.3 A CRITICAL EVALUATION Ideological groups and popular government are firmly related. This relationship is reflected in different pointers of popular government: individuals' cooperation in dynamic, their political activation, producing political awareness among them, enunciation of their issues and giving a dream to address their issues. People groups partake in dynamic cycle of the public authority through ideological groups. Also, ideological groups do as such by handling applicants in decisions. Subsequently, ideological groups and the competitors handled by them become channel through which individuals take an interest in dynamic cycle. These up- and-comers address individuals as individuals from Parliament or the state governing body. Ideological groups are useful gadgets which empower people groups' cooperation in dynamic. It isn't workable for everyone to straightforwardly take part in decisions on account of huge number of populaces. They do as such by implication by choosing competitors in races who are given tickets by ideological groups. Aside from the competitors from ideological groups, individuals can even choose their delegates the up-and-comers who don't have a place with ideological groups. Such up-and-comers are known as autonomous up-and- comers. Be that as it may, ideological groups are more normal and powerful devises to address individuals than the autonomous competitors. Ideological groups likewise assume popularity-based part in preparing individuals into development. In a majority rules system, the resistance groups are relied upon to investigate the strategies and working of the public authority. Chosen individuals from various gatherings, alongside the autonomous up-and-comers, take an interest in the administrative bodies; add to fortifying vote-based system. The arrangements outlined by an administration are consequence of discussion among individuals' agents by and large handled by ideological groups. The gatherings likewise add to creating vote-based cognizance among individuals. They make individuals mindful of their philosophies and vision about the government assistance of individuals. Studies show that since the 1990s numerous gatherings have handled up-and-comers in decisions from different portions of society including underestimated networks like Dalits, OBCs, ladies, and so on as per Jaffrelot and Sanjay Kumar the expanding support of individuals in political decision shows the ascent of \"plebeians\". Ashutosh Varshney believes that India is turning out to be 14 CU IDOL SELF LEARNING MATERIAL (SLM)

more equitable. Likewise, Yogendra Yadav has contended that there has been popularity- based upsurge in India. These perceptions are about democratization through discretionary governmental issues. Since ideological groups are the primary parts in electing governmental issues, one might say that ideological groups and gathering frameworks have fortified majority rules system in India. The circumstance in the previous thirty years has been not quite the same as what that of the 1950s and 1960s. Around then, gatherings' commitment to majority rules system was restricted as in the chosen chiefs by and large had a place with the first-class segments of the general public, and supporter customer relationship assumed a conclusive part in assembly of the electors. Changes in the gathering frameworks, their duplication and ascent of gatherings embracing the reason for Dalits, OBCs, and development of cognizance among individuals have fortified popular government during the previous few decades. India's opportunity battle finished in the exchange of force in 1947. The Indian Independence Act of 1947 sanctioned the change. Another period unfolded and Jawaharlal Nehru caught that notable second in his renowned 'tryst with predetermination' discourse which runs as follows: long years prior, we made a tryst with fate, and presently the opportunity arrives when we will reclaim our vow, not entirely or in full measure, yet significantly. At the stroke of the 12 PM hour, when the world rests, India will alert to life and opportunity. A second comes, which comes out seldom ever, when we venture out from the old to the new, when an age closes, and when the spirit of a country, since a long time ago stifled, discovers expression. The future [of India] isn't one of straightforwardness or resting however of relentless endeavoring with the goal that we may satisfy the vows we have so regularly taken and the one we will take today. The assistance of India implies the help of the large numbers who endure. It implies the consummation of destitution and obliviousness and infection and disparity of chance. The aspiration of the best man of our age [Mahatma Gandhi] has been to wipe each tear from each eye. That might be past us however as long as there are tears and enduring, our work won't be finished. India turned into a free country in 1947 through what is known as 'the exchange of force'. However, a lot of what we find in free India can be credited to 'traditions' of some sort. Was autonomous India a break with the past or in congruity? Did India, as Nehru guaranteed, 'get out of the old to the new'? These are the issues that puzzle students of history given the unmistakable congruities as far as foundations of administration, yet in addition the qualities that advise these establishments. Was the change that India saw following decolonization only restorative then, at that point? There is likewise the contention 15 CU IDOL SELF LEARNING MATERIAL (SLM)

that the impacts of very nearly 200 years of expansionism appear to have been dug in India's general public, economy and country just in view of its long length. Henceforth it was practically outlandish for the individuals who directed India's fate at the beginning stages of her nationhood to totally get rid of the predominant arrangement of administration, so basic for the British Raj. Other than the arrangement of administration, political radicalism of the British assortment stayed a critical philosophical power even after the withdrawal of provincial organization on 15 August 1947. Albeit 'another age', as Nehru energetically described it, had shown up when 'the spirit of a country . . . discovers expression', the language had barely changed essentially due to its verbalization in the traditional liberal shape. The individuals who stayed outside the Congress crease didn't endorse proceeding with the pilgrim arrangement of administration, yet Nehru and his partners had maybe no other option except for to acknowledge the frontier organization, which effectively managed the public viciousness that broke out in Bengal and Punjab following the revelation of freedom by the British. It was maybe the lone choice accessible to the patriots, at a basic point of India's set of experiences when the organization that the British left was helpful for the new decision expert in India. So, it was a philosophical decision that the patriots practiced maybe by virtue of the exigencies of the conditions, which pretty much precluded the quest for choices. The time of 1947 can't accordingly be viewed as 'denoting an absolute disjuncture between the pilgrim and post-frontier'. What represented the patriot decision for instruments of pilgrim organization were maybe the special conditions of shared uproars in which these instruments of force became helpful to Indian rulers who had barely any experience of dealing with the state. Given the all-around dug in authoritative tradition of the British Raj, the post-pioneer state in India is not really a break with its nearby past. Three significant philosophical impacts appear to have been basic in Indian legislative issues: expansionism, patriotism and majority rules system. The frontier, patriot and popularity-based explanation of 'the political' remains in this manner essential in appreciating Indian governmental issues even after decolonization. Two focuses should be remembered. To begin with, despite the fact that imperialism and patriotism are most likely hostile to one another there is no question that the previous incited conditions where patriotism arose as an amazing philosophy to express the voices of the colonized. Second, imperialism additionally prompted a sluggish cycle of democratization by continuously affecting individuals who were well arranged towards the outsider organization. The pilgrim state had allowed a few proportions of portrayal to painstakingly chose Indian interests. Yet, it had additionally guaranteed that 'the state had consistently worked at a level eliminated from the general public which it represented'. Appropriating 'the leader advantage' 16 CU IDOL SELF LEARNING MATERIAL (SLM)

for itself, the frontier state seemed to 'remain outside the domain of and hence allowed to be mediator over, social struggle and political rivalry [and its relationship with the subject] kept on being led in the language of request and concession, awards and requests, sanctions and appeal, complaints and restraint'. The British were in fact affected by their own 'speculations of radicalism and self- government'. Through a combination of intentions that included 'personal matters and philosophical responsibilities', the pioneer government presented standards of portrayal, fitting for its standard, into the pilgrim lawmaking body. The British majestic mentalities in India appear to be 'exceptionally vague's coming about because of their endeavors to arrange their liberal view for self-rule as the best type of government and their personal stakes in being magnificent bosses. Displayed on the British North America Act, 1867, which set up the Canadian alliance, the 1935 Government of India Act is absolutely an amazing established mediation that the provincial rulers truly made to oblige the patriot enthusiasm inside, obviously, the pioneer authoritative arrangement. This is likewise illustrative of endeavors at legitimizing the developing majority rule goals of the managed in India through a sacred intercession. Strangely, the 1935 Act stayed the most grounded impact during the creation of the 1950 Constitution with the expectation of complimentary India. About 250 statements of the current Constitution were, truth be told, lifted from the Government of India Act. Albeit the political arrangement of autonomous India draws its food from all-inclusive grown-up establishment and political sway, the overseeing rules are without a doubt gotten from its pioneer past. The most striking arrangements that the Constitution of India got from its 1935 partner are the 'crisis arrangements' that empower the President to suspend fairly chose governments and principal privileges of the residents. Moreover, frontier arrangements for 'preventive detainment' of the supposed 'politically incendiary people's stay in powers in autonomous India in various structures. The notorious 1972 Maintenance of Internal Security Act (MISA), Terrorist and Disruptive Activities (Prevention) Act (TADA) of the mid 1980s and Prevention of Terrorist Act (POTA) lately are a portion of the models that draw on the provincial and dictator enactment of the pioneer past. In any case, the 1935 Government of India Act is without a doubt an exceptionally critical concession that the provincial government had to make to the rising tide of patriotism and democratization. There is no question that the post-frontier state in India acquired its propensities for administration from pilgrim rehearses. What's more, its weltanschauung (world view) depends on 'the blended traditions of provincial standard' that additionally maintained law and order, organization, citizenship, parasitic property managers, present day political establishments and 'two-track custom' of dissent and cooperation. 17 CU IDOL SELF LEARNING MATERIAL (SLM)

What represents relative soundness for imperialism in India was unquestionably its capacity to adjust to the changed socio-political conditions and furthermore slow yet consistent 'disguise' of mastery by the subjects of frontier rule, which drove Ashish Nandy to portray expansionism as 'a personal adversary' on the grounds that the ruled saw 'the ideals of being overwhelmed' for their own improvement. Expansionism was not seen as an outright underhanded. For the subjects, as Nandy contends, it was one's very own result weakening and rout in authentic force governmental issues. For the rulers, provincial abuse was a coincidental and deplorable result of a way of thinking of life that was in amicability with predominant types of political and financial association. This was the agreement that leaders of India looked for, deliberately or unwittingly . . . [while] the subjects teamed up on a drawn-out premise [because] they appeared to have acknowledged the philosophy of the framework, either as players or as counter-players. This is the lone way they could safeguard at least confidence in a circumstance of unavoidable unfairness. Expansionism drew on a particularly social agreement, which was additionally reinforced by developing components to stop dangers and furthermore patriot wrath as and when it required. For example, when the British model of unitary administration demonstrated generally inadequate for an assorted nation like India, the pioneer rulers started presenting by degrees dosages of 'decentralization' and 'federalism', from the 1920s, where the 1935 Government of India Act was the main institutional advance. Albeit the frontier state was not really government in its old-style sense, the bureaucratic game plan that the Act specified appeared to have given basic contributions to the initial architects when they thought on federalism in the Constituent Assembly. These particular models are illustrative of the contention underlining the basic significance of the three philosophical powers of expansionism, patriotism and democratization in outlining an unmistakable way for India. The contention that this book tries to make draws on the argumentative communication between expansionism, patriotism and democratization throughout a verifiable time prompting India's autonomy and its result. Henceforth, it is proposed neither to recommend that political independence from pioneer rule fashioned no progressions to Indian commonwealth nor to contend that post-pilgrim India is only a continuation of her frontier past. Major political organizations, in spite of their reasonable provincial roots, have gone through sensational transformations in free India. A cautious glance at the development of establishments in India plainly shows that they advanced innovatively to conform to the evolving conditions. The Westminster model of parliamentary majority rule government that India received was not a clone, for example, but rather was receptive to the circumstance explicit ethos and the existent socio-social milieu. Additionally, there is not any more convincing instance of 'developing of majority rule government' than the 1977 and 2004 18 CU IDOL SELF LEARNING MATERIAL (SLM)

public surveys, which were reported by the officeholder administering authority, purportedly not well arranged towards 'vote based qualities and techniques'. At the end of the day, the holding of the 1977 races – called by Indira Gandhi, who had demonstrated tyrannical inclinations – and of the 2004 decisions – called by the BJP, who didn't by and large like popularity-based strategies – were both declaration to 'the profound roots that majority rule government had struck in the dirt of India'. Besides, the evolving financial profile of the authoritative congregations and public parliament is additionally characteristic of a pattern toward a really comprehensive vote- based system. Given the developing politicization of the fringe areas of society, the world class driven administration is disappearing with the combination of individuals driven administration. The difference in political authority at standard spans through races is an expressive declaration to the profundity of the vote-based cycles, which are not only expressed in occasional races. The presentation of grown-up testimonial changed India's legislative issues to the point of being unrecognizable. Vote based system is, accordingly, at this point not restricted to constituent support of the electors; it is additionally expressed in the 'regular battle' in which individuals are included while practicing their privileges as residents There is anyway a note of alert. Imperialism added to patriotism, yet not to a country state in India, for an assortment of reasons associated with India's sociocultural variety. Post-pioneer India was consequently barely a country state, but instead a state- country, just on the grounds that the establishments of administration, especially part of British heritage, were at that point set up when the 1947 exchange of force occurred. The patriot chiefs, aside from M. A. Jinnah, intentionally kept away from the patriot language that could be destroying taking into account the shortfall of social and good solidarity in India that described the ascent of countries in the west. The country, as a cognizant political verbalization, scarcely figured in the political talk of the day. Indian patriotism did not depend on a common language, religion or ethnic character. Maybe the presence of a shared adversary, to be specific, British imperialism, 'joined people from various pieces of the subcontinent in a typical and shared undertaking'. A country was merged, however followed a totally unique way that was not under any condition subsidiary of the European sources. The country that India is doesn't advantage a solitary language or a strict confidence. Albeit most of its residents are Hindus, India is certainly not a 'Hindu Pakistan'. Its constitution doesn't segregate between individuals based on trust, nor did the patriot development that brought about decolonization. Albeit the delight of opportunity was damaged by parcel based on strict gap among Hindus and Muslims, the 19 CU IDOL SELF LEARNING MATERIAL (SLM)

inability to stay away from the division made Gandhi's political replacements resolved to build autonomous India as a common republic. India can consequently never be a country in its catholic sense;however, the 1992 Babri Masjid destruction is illustrative of endeavors to join Hindus based on a patriot measure, in particular religion. The way that the political powers that initiated the mission for Hindu union stay fringe in contemporary India is additionally reminiscent of the shortcomings of an unmistakable patriot philosophy. The general decrease of the patriot philosophy is maybe coordinated by the ascent of the 'regionalists', who appeared to have acquired tremendously with the developing contribution of individuals in the political cycles. Acquiring individuals from India's outskirts terms of religion, world class standing status, or geographic separation from the middle, the regionalists have, with regards to alliance governmental issues, re-imagined the form of Indian legislative issues, yet additionally its jargon. In result, the provisions of political talk in contemporary India at this point don't reverberate the upsides of the recent Congress period, however are the result of the cycles of 'developing' of popular government. Articulating the voice of the areas, the regionalists appear to have raised a stage for a powerful discourse between the middle and outskirts. It is because of these regionalists that the arising multi-party popular government of India 'isn't only an anomic fight for force and transient addition, however delivering a repressed imagination and dreams that give a prolific and a durable scenery to the realignment of social powers'. The historical backdrop of free India is in this way declaration to an imaginative enunciation of majority rule government that is neither ethno-driven nor precisely imitative of the western encounters, yet sui generis. 1.4 SUMMARY  The party framework in India has gone through significant change over the most recent fifty years. As a tradition of the National Movement, the Party System in 1947 was described by a staggering strength of the Congress party. As the focal political organization of India, the Congress totally controlled the force governmental issues for the initial twenty years after freedom. The strength of the Congress lay in its hierarchical construction and in its capacity to oblige assorted political interests. This characteristic of the Congress was connected with the homogeneous idea of the political first class whether having a place with the Congress or the resistance.  The party framework changed significantly after 1967 with the adjustment of the idea of the financial profile of Indian commonwealth. With the politicization of the 20 CU IDOL SELF LEARNING MATERIAL (SLM)

majority too with the affirmation of the new financial gatherings, fundamentally the centre proletariat, the regressive standings and the Dalits, the gathering framework likewise changed. The failure of the Congress to oblige clashing interests and the disintegration of its hierarchical construction prompted its decrease. Before the finish of the 1980s, the Congress had lost its centrality. A multi-party framework supplanted the Congress System.  The contemporary gathering framework is characterized by its variety. Various public and territorial gatherings have filled in the vacuum made by the withdrawal of Congress from its focal position. The provincial gatherings have gotten more emphatic as they have joined the public governmental issues as the partners of the public gatherings. This additionally has reinforced the government construction of India.  In majority rules system, organizations are fundamental and political cycles are imperative to run establishments, particularly agent governments. Ideological groups are primary organs in a gathering framework and advancing popular government. In India, multiparty framework addresses variety and majority.  Especially after 1970s, democratization of ideological groups and improvement of cutthroat legislative issues host changed the highlights of gathering framework in India. Democratization of gatherings has given a chance to all segment of the general public to take an interest in constituent governmental issues through their agents.  It has made country fairer and support of the lower and weak part of the general public in political race has given new meaning of popular government.  The democratization of ideological groups’ hosts happened with development of new gatherings and alliance government in focus. 1.5 KEYWORDS  Party framework- A party framework is an idea in similar political theory concerning the arrangement of government by ideological groups in a majority rule country.  Actual Malice-Knowledge of a disparaging assertion's lie or a crazy dismissal for reality. 21 CU IDOL SELF LEARNING MATERIAL (SLM)

 Acquisitive Model-A model of organization that accepts high level civil servants endeavour to extend the size of their financial plans and staffs to build their force.  Administrative Agency-bureaucratic, state, or neighbourhood government unit set up to play out a particular capacity. Such an organization is made and approved by an authoritative body to oversee and implement explicit law(s)  Advice and Consent-A term in the U.S. Constitution that portrays the U.S. Senate's ability to survey and support settlements and official arrangements  Affirm-Declare that a court administering is legitimate; make a formal legal affirmation, however not having sworn to tell the truth. 1.6 LEARNING ACTIVITY 1. What is meant by 'Centrality of Congress? ___________________________________________________________________________ ___________________________________________________________________________ 2. Why the Congress party was called an umbrella party? ___________________________________________________________________________ ___________________________________________________________________________ 1.7UNIT END QUESTIONS A. Descriptive Questions Short Questions: 1. Define Political Party. 2. Define Party System. 3. Briefly explain the evolution of party systems in India. 4. Discuss about Indian National Congress. 5. Discuss about the importance of political party. 22 CU IDOL SELF LEARNING MATERIAL (SLM)

Long Questions: 1. Explain the relationship of political parties and political systems with democracy. 2. Discuss the nature of party system in India. 3. Write in details about the significance of Indian parties. 4. Why the Congress party was called an umbrella party? 5. Write critical analysis of political party. B. Multiple Choice Questions 1. Who wrote Public Administration? a. M. Lakshmikanth b. C.S. Gill c. S. Narayanan d. Prakash Chander 2. Who wrote Nature of Party System in India? a. M. Lakshmikanth b. C.S. Gill c. S. Narayanan d. Prakash Chander & Prem Arora 3. Who wrote The Curious Stories of Indian Party Symbols\"? a. Krzysztof Iwanek b. M.Lakshmikanth c. C.S. Gill d. Prem Arora 23 CU IDOL SELF LEARNING MATERIAL (SLM)

4. Who wrote Party System Institutionalization in Asia: Democracies, Autocracies, and the Shadows of the Past? a. Krzysztof Iwanek b. Allen Hicken; Erik Martinez Kuhonta c. C.S. Gill d. Prem Arora 5. Who wrote Caste Politics, Credibility and Criminality: Political Selection in India? a. Krzysztof Iwanek b. Allen Hicken; Erik Martinez Kuhonta c. Vaishnav, Milan d. C.S. Gill Answers 1-a, 2-d, 3-a, 4-b, 5.-c 1.8 REFERENCES References book  M.Lakshmikanth (2012). Public Administration (9th ed.). Tata McGraw Hill. pp. 389–390. ISBN 978-0071074827.  \"General Election 2014\". Election Commission of India. Archived from the original on 23 May 2014. Retrieved 21 May 2014.  \"Need for accountability in politics of dynasty\". www.dailypioneer.com. Archived from the original on 17 January 2017. Retrieved 17 January 2017.  Chhibber⇑, Pradeep (March 2013). \"Dynastic parties Organization, finance and impact\". Party Politics. 19 (2): 277–295. doi:10.1177/1354068811406995. S2CID 144781444.  Prakash Chander, Prem Arora (2001). \"Nature of Party System in India\". Comparative Politics & International Relations. Cosmos Book hive. pp. 129– 134. ISBN 817729035-5. 24 CU IDOL SELF LEARNING MATERIAL (SLM)

Textbook references  Krzysztof Iwanek (2 November 2016). \"The Curious Stories of Indian Party Symbols\". The Diplomat. Archived from the original on 19 April 2017. Retrieved 19 April 2017.  \"Election Commission of India Press Note\". Archived from the original on 5 March 2016. Retrieved 13 March 2014.  Allen Hicken; Erik Martinez Kuhonta (29 December 2014). Party System Institutionalization in Asia: Democracies, Autocracies, and the Shadows of the Past. Cambridge University Press. p. 205. ISBN 978-1-107-04157-8.  https://www.indianmirror.com/corruption/political-corruption.html  \"How political parties choose their candidates to win elections\". Hindustan Times (26 March 2018). Archived from the original on 22 April 2019. Retrieved 22 April 2019.  Vaishnav, Milan (10 December 2011). \"Caste Politics, Credibility and Criminality: Political Selection in India\". SSRN 1899847. Website  https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Politics_of_India 25 CU IDOL SELF LEARNING MATERIAL (SLM)

UNIT - 2: POLITICAL PARTIES: NATIONAL POLITICAL PARTIES STRUCTURE 2.0 Learning Objectives 2.1 Introduction 2.2 National Political Parties and their organization, ideology and electoral performance 2.2.1 Indian National Congress 2.2.2 BJP 2.2.3 BSP 2.3 Summary 2.4 Keywords 2.5 Learning Activity 2.6 Unit End Questions 2.7 References 2.0 LEARNING OBJECTIVES This unit deals with the national political parties in India. After goingthrough this unit, you will be able to:  Know the meanings of the national political parties;  Understand their ideologies, social bases and the organisational structures; and  Their significance in the politics and society of our country. 2.1 INTRODUCTION In this exercise you will learn about ideological groups. Ideological groups exist in each equitable society and surprisingly in dictator frameworks. In a political framework, parties go about as the transporter of thoughts, suppositions and ways to deal with social necessities and public objectives. Gatherings give a connection between the residents and the public authority, between the electorate and the delegate organizations. Indeed, a fruitful majority rule government requires a solid gathering framework for its food. Ideological groups are 26 CU IDOL SELF LEARNING MATERIAL (SLM)

instruments through which residents pick the individuals who comprise the public authority. They clarify benefits and risks of substitute arrangements and give political training to the residents. Subsequent to examining this exercise, you will actually want to  To perceive the significance of ideological groups;  To recognize the various kinds of gathering framework;  To review the highlights of Indian gathering framework;  To recognize public and local gatherings;  To portray the goals and targets of significant public gatherings;  To like the job of these public gatherings in supporting India's popularity-based framework. Ideological groups assume critical part in the working of Indian vote-based system. Popularity based frameworks can't utilitarian; without ideological groups. They fill in as connection among state and individuals. Ideological groups challenge decisions and target catching political force. They work as a connection among individuals and government in a delegate majority rules system. In the event that an ideological group neglects to shape government, it sits in resistance. The job of the resistance is to uncover the shortcomings of the decision party to reinforce the popularity-based cycles. The time frame from the 1960s onwards hosts been huge in Indian gathering framework due to the presence of an enormous number of public and local gatherings. The prior many years were known the period of the one-party predominance, i.e., the strength of the Congress. In this unit you will concentrate some public gatherings - the Congress (I), the Bhartiya Janata Party, the Communist Party of India, Communist Party of India (Marxist), and the Ballujan Samaj Party. You will likewise consider the fundamental provincial gatherings - the National Conference, the DMK, the AIADMK, the Akali Dal, the Assam Gana Parishad, the Jharkhand Party and the Telugu Desam Party. People have consistently coordinated themselves in gatherings and bigger developments. Ideological groups have arisen as one of these human associations. In present day age the best type of government is gone through either technique for agent foundations. Every single agent government and delegate foundations require the presence of ideological groups. An ideological group is a coordinated assemblage of individuals who share certain normal standards and objectives with respect to the political arrangement of a country. The principal motivation behind ideological groups is to procure and hold political force. Ideological groups which run the public authority are known as the decision party. In an alliance government, there might be more than one decision party. The individuals who sit in the 27 CU IDOL SELF LEARNING MATERIAL (SLM)

resistance and reprimand and break down the exhibition of the decision party/parties by and large or on explicit issues are called resistance groups. An ideological group as such ought to have the accompanying fundamental highlights: i) it should be a coordinated collection of individuals with a conventional participation; ii) it should have unmistakably spelt out arrangements and projects; iii) its individuals ought to concur with its philosophy, arrangements and projects; iv) it should target getting power through the popularity-based cycle; v) it should have an unmistakable and worthy authority; and vi) it should zero in on wide issues and significant spaces of government approaches. India hosts a multi-gathering framework. Indian legislative issues are overwhelmed by a few public and local gatherings. There are nations where there is one-party framework or two- party framework. Recent Soviet Union and Yugoslavia had single gathering frameworks. Also, China has one-party framework. Prior in Germany there existed just one-party – the Nazi Party; so was the situation in Italy where the lone party was known as the Fascist Party. In a two gathering or bi-party framework there are two primary ideological groups. The United Kingdom (UK), the United States of America (USA), Australia and New Zealand have bi-party frameworks. There may exist different gatherings yet their job is by and large inconsequential. For instance, in UK, there are two fundamental gatherings, the Conservative Party and the Labor Party. In the USA the two principal parties are the Republican Party and the Democratic Party. Japan, France, Germany and Switzerland host multi-gathering frameworks. The advancement of Indian gathering framework can be followed to the arrangement of the Congress, as a political stage in 1885. Different gatherings and gatherings started later. The Indian National Congress was shaped as a reaction to the frontier rule and to accomplish freedom from the British guideline. After autonomy and with the selection of a majority rule Constitution, another gathering framework arose in the wake of the primary general race’sdependent on widespread grown-up establishment in 1952. In going before exercise you have found out about the all-inclusive grown-up establishment exhaustively. During the post-autonomy time frame, the gathering framework went through different stages. The primary stage is known as the period of one-party predominance on the grounds that except for Kerala during 1956–59, the decision party both at the Center and in the states was the Congress. The subsequent stage (1967–1975) saw the development of a multi-party 28 CU IDOL SELF LEARNING MATERIAL (SLM)

framework in India. In the Assembly decisions in 1967, Congress was crushed in eight States. Interestingly non-Congress parties shaped governments in these states. These gatherings shaped alliance governments. Then, at that point came the split in Congress into Congress (O) and Congress (N). Notwithstanding, the Congress again turned into a prevailing power at the Center in the wake of winning 1971 mid-term survey. Then, at that point it came with the crisis time frame (1975–77) which is known as the tyrant time of Indian majority rules system. With the lifting of crisis, the strength of Congress finished. In the overall appointment of 1977 Congress was crushed by the Janata Party. Janata Party appeared because of the consolidation of numerous resistance groups. Be that as it may, again in 1980 general races Congress returned to control and stayed in power till 1989. Janata Party arose out of the consolidation of Congress (O) drove by Morarji Desai, Bhartiya Lok Dal drove by Ch. Charan Singh, Congress for Democracy (CFD) drove by Jagjivan Ram and H.N. Bahuguna, the communists drove by George Fernandes and Jana Sangh drove by L.K. Advani. In 1989 races, the National Front got government together with the help of BJP and the Left Front. In any case, this development couldn't last its residency and decisions for the 10th Lok Sabha were held in May-June, 1991. Congress again shaped government at the Center. In 1996 general races BJP arose as the single biggest gathering and was approached to shape government at the Center. Since it couldn't demonstrate its greater part inside the given time it needed to leave. The United Front which was a blend of thirteen gatherings, shaped the public authority at the Center with the outer help of the Congress and the CPI(M). However, this administration additionally couldn't last its full term. Albeit the alliance government framed under the initiative of BJP after 1998 races was crushed in Lok Sabha, the 1999 races again gave them the chance to shape government which endured its full term under a multi-party alliance, known as National Democratic Alliance (NDA). In the fourteenth general decisions held in 2004, Congress arose as the single biggest gathering. It shaped partnership with similar gatherings and framed government at the Center. The period of Indian gathering framework which started in 1989 is as yet proceeding has been suitably called a period of alliance governmental issues. No single gathering has had the option to shape government all alone at the Center. India has two kinds of ideological groups – public gatherings and territorial gatherings. Public gatherings are those which by and large have impact all around the country. It isn't required that a public gathering will have equivalent strength in every one of the states; it shifts from one State to another. A gathering is perceived as a public gathering by the Election Commission based on an equation. The ideological group which has gotten at the very least four percent of the all-out legitimate votes in the past broad decisions essentially in 29 CU IDOL SELF LEARNING MATERIAL (SLM)

four states is given the situation with a public gathering. The quantity of public gatherings has been evolving. In the year 2006, Indian National Congress, Bhartiya Janata Party, Communist Party of India (Marxist) [CPI (M)], Communist Party of India (CPI), Bahujan Samaj Party, and the Nationalist Congress Party were public gatherings. In any case, there are different gatherings in India, which detest public impact. Their exercises and impact are confined to specific states or areas. At times these gatherings are shaped to voice requests of a particular district. These gatherings are neither feeble nor brief. Here and there they end up being extremely incredible in their separate locales. These are known as provincial gatherings. Major provincial gatherings are AIADMK and DMK in Tamil Nadu, Telugu Desam in Andhra Pradesh, Akali Dal in Punjab, National Conference in Jammu and Kashmir, Jharkhand Mukti Morcha in Jharkhand, Asom Gana Parishad in Assam and Nationalist Congress Party and Shiv Sena in Maharashtra. About the local gatherings you will peruse in the accompanying exercise. As you have effectively perused, Indian National Congress was framed in the year 1885 in Bombay. W.C. Banerjee was the principal President of the Indian National Congress. In any case, Congress was an association of working class learned people who were basically worried about political changes in the British pioneer rule. In the twenties under the administration of Mahatma Gandhi, the Congress turned into a mass-based association. The gathering began partaking in the help of the ordinary citizens and assumed an exceptionally critical part in the freedom. It is clear that in the Constituent Assembly no endeavor was settled on to compel a choice, the complement being on unanimity probably in light of the fact that 'the pioneers were alive to the way that the constitution received on the guideline of larger part vote would not last long'. It was not subsequently astonishing that Rajendra Prasad, the leader of the Constituent Assembly, liked to delay discuss and permit them to work out concurred arrangements as opposed to take a vote that may, as he secured, bring about 'something not needed by anybody'. Two significant focuses arise out of the first conversations. To start with, the creation of the Indian Constitution was a troublesome exercise in light of the authentic setting as well as by virtue of the curious social surface of the Indian reality that must be interpreted in the Constitution. The aggregate psyche in the Assembly was protective as an outcome of the rising tide of brutality taking guiltless lives following parcel. Second, the principal architects appear to have been fixated on their own idea of coordinated public life. The point of the Constitution was to give 'a suitable requesting system' to India. As Rajendra Prasad ambiguously proclaimed on the floor of the Assembly, '[p]personally I don't join any significance to the mark which might be appended to it – regardless of whether you consider it a Federal 30 CU IDOL SELF LEARNING MATERIAL (SLM)

Constitution or a Unitary Constitution or by some other name. It has no effect inasmuch as the Constitution fills our need.' overall, a unitary brain delivered 'a basically unitary constitution soaked with a sprinkling of lenient force for a profoundly administered level of constituent units'. 2.2 NATIONAL POLITICAL PARTIES AND THEIR ORGANIZATION, IDEOLOGY AND ELECTORAL PERFORMANCE An ideological group is a gathering of individuals who meet up to challenge races and hold power in the public authority. They concede to certain arrangements and projects for the general public so as to advance the aggregate great. Since there can be various perspectives on what is useful for all, parties attempt to convince individuals why their arrangements are superior to other people. They try to carry out these approaches by winning famous help through decisions. Hence, parties reflect key political divisions in a general public. Gatherings are about a piece of the general public and accordingly include PARTISANSHIP. In this way a gathering is known by what part it represents, which arrangements it upholds and whose intrigues it maintains. An ideological group has three segments: l the pioneers, l the dynamic individuals and l the devotees. Capacities How does an ideological group respond? Essentially, ideological groups fill political workplaces and exercise political force. Gatherings do as such by playing out a progression of capacities: 1 Parties challenge races. In many popular governments, decisions are battled chiefly among the competitors set up by ideological groups. Gatherings select their applicants in an unexpected way. In certain nations, like the USA, individuals and allies of a gathering pick its competitors. Presently an ever-increasing number of nations are following this strategy. In different nations like India, top gathering pioneers pick contender for challenging decisions. 2 Parties set forward various strategies and programs and the citizens browse them. Every one of us may have various feelings and perspectives on what strategies are reasonable for the general public. Yet, no administration can deal with an enormous assortment of perspectives. In a vote-based system, countless comparative sentiments must be assembled to give a course where arrangements can be figured by the administrations. This is the thing that the gatherings do. A gathering decreases a huge number of assessments into a couple of 31 CU IDOL SELF LEARNING MATERIAL (SLM)

fundamental positions which it upholds. An administration is required to put together its strategies with respect to the line taken by the RULING PARTY. 3 Parties assume an unequivocal part in making laws for a country. Officially, laws are discussed and passed in the governing body. However, since the majority of the individuals have a place with a gathering, they pass by the course of the gathering initiative, regardless of their closely-held convictions. 4 Parties structure and run governments. As we noted last year, the huge arrangement choices are taken by political leader that comes from the ideological groups. Gatherings enroll pioneers, train them and afterward make them pastors to run the public authority in the manner they need. 5 Those gatherings that lose in the decisions assume the part of resistance to the gatherings in power, by voicing various perspectives and reprimanding government for its disappointments or wrong approaches. Resistance groups likewise activate resistance to the public authority. 6 Parties shape general assessment. They raise and feature issues. Gatherings have lakhs of individuals and activists spread all around the country. A considerable lot of the pressing factor bunches are the expansions of ideological groups among various areas of society. Gatherings in some cases additionally dispatch developments for the goal of issues looked by individuals. Regularly feelings in the general public solidify on the lines parties take. 7 Parties give individuals admittance to government hardware and government assistance plans carried out by governments. For a common resident it is not difficult to move toward a neighborhood party pioneer than an administration official. That is the reason; they feel near parties in any event, when they don't completely trust them. Gatherings must be receptive to individuals' necessities and requests. In any case individuals can dismiss those gatherings in the following decisions. Necessity 32 CU IDOL SELF LEARNING MATERIAL (SLM)

This rundown of capacities it might be said responds to the inquiry posed above: we need ideological groups since they play out this load of capacities. In any case, we actually need to inquire as to why current majority rule governments can't exist without ideological groups. We can comprehend the need of ideological groups by envisioning a circumstance without parties. Each applicant in the races will be free. So, nobody will actually want to make any vows to individuals about any significant approach changes. The public authority might be framed;however, its utility will remain ever questionable. Chosen delegates will be responsible to their body electorate for what they do in the territory. Be that as it may, nobody will be answerable for how the nation will be run. We can likewise consider everything by taking a gander at the non-party-based races to the panchayat in numerous states. Albeit, the gatherings don't challenge officially, it is for the most part seen that the town gets parted into more than one group, every one of which sets up a 'board' of its applicants. This is by and large what the gathering does. That is the explanation we discover ideological groups in practically all nations of the world, regardless of whether these nations are huge or little, old or new, created or creating. The ascent of ideological groups is straightforwardly connected to the development of delegate popular governments. As we have seen, huge social orders need agent majority rule government. As social orders turned out to be enormous and complex, they likewise required some organization to assemble various perspectives on different issues and to introduce these to the public authority. They required some ways, to unite different delegates with the goal that a mindful government could be framed. They required a component to help or control the public authority, make strategies, legitimize or categorize these photos by the elements of ideological groups they delineate. Discover one photo or news cutting from your own region for every one of the capacities recorded above go against them. Ideological groups satisfy these requirements that each agent government has. We can say that gatherings are an essential condition for a popular government. What number of gatherings would it be a good idea for us to have? In a majority rules system, any gathering of residents is allowed to frame an ideological group. In this conventional sense, there are an enormous number of ideological groups in every country. In excess of 750 gatherings are enlisted with the Election Commission of India. However, not this load of gatherings is not kidding competitors in the races. Typically, just a modest bunch of gatherings are viably in the competition to win races and structure the public authority. So, the inquiry then, at that point is: what number of major or powerful 33 CU IDOL SELF LEARNING MATERIAL (SLM)

gatherings are useful for a popular government? In certain nations, just one gathering is permitted to control and run the public authority. These are called one-party frameworks. The motivation behind the accompanying fanciful story is Shri Kishen Patnaik (1930–2004), otherwise called Kishenji. He was chosen as a Member of Parliament from Sambalpur, Odisha in 1962. What did Kishenji mean by an option political arrangement? The inquiry came up in a discussion between Sudha, Karuna, Shaheen and Gracy. Each of the four ladies had driven exceptionally influential individuals' developments in various pieces of the country. They were meeting in a town in Odisha, away from their everyday battles, to think once more the eventual fate of individuals' developments. The conversation normally went to Kishenji, who was viewed as a companion, political logician and good aide by all the development bunches in the country. He had contended that individuals' development should accept governmental issues straightforwardly. His contention was straightforward yet incredible. Developments zeroed in on a solitary issue are reasonable as long as we wish to accomplish restricted changes in a specific part of life. However, in the event that we wish to achieve a major social change, or essential change even in one part of life, we would require a political association. Individuals' development should build up another political arrangement to go about as an ethical power in legislative issues. This was a dire errand, he said, on the grounds that every one of the current ideological groups had gotten immaterial for social change. \"In any case, Kishenji never explained what that association will be. He discussed an option political arrangement or a third power in governmental issues. Yet, did he mean an ideological group?\" said Gracy. She felt that an old-style ideological group was not the right instrument for social change. Sudha concurred with her. \"I have contemplated it a few times. I concur that every one of the battles that we are associated with – the battle against removal, against globalization, against position and sex mistreatment and for an elective sort of advancement – this is political. Yet, the second we structure a gathering, all the generosity we have acquired this load of years will be lost. Individuals will consider us the same as different legislators.\" \"Other than\", added Karuna, \"we have seen that a ton can be accomplished by squeezing the current ideological groups. We had a go at setting up competitors in panchayat races, yet the outcomes were not exceptionally reassuring. Individuals regard our work, they even venerate us, however with regards to casting a ballot they go for the set up ideological groups.\" Shaheen disagreed with them: \"Let us be extremely clear. Kishenji needed every one individuals' development to fashion another ideological group. Obviously, he needed this gathering to be an alternate sort of a gathering. He was not for political other options, but rather for an elective sort of governmental issues.\" Kishenji is no more. What might be your recommendation to these four activists? Would it be 34 CU IDOL SELF LEARNING MATERIAL (SLM)

a good idea for them to shape another ideological group? Can an ideological group become an ethical power in legislative issues? What should that gathering resemble? We can't consider one-party framework as a decent choice since this is certifiably not a majority rule choice. Any just framework should permit somewhere around two gatherings to contend in decisions and give a reasonable opportunity to the contending gatherings to come to control. In certain nations, power typically changes between two fundamental gatherings. A few different gatherings may exist, challenge races and win a couple of seats in the public lawmaking bodies. Yet, just the two principal parties have a genuine shot at winning greater part of seats to shape government. Such a gathering framework is called two-party framework. The United States of America and the United Kingdom are instances of two-party framework. In the event that few gatherings seek force, and multiple gatherings have a sensible shot at coming to control either on their own solidarity or in partnership with others, we consider it a multiparty framework. Accordingly in India, we have a multiparty framework. In this framework, the public authority is shaped by different gatherings meeting up in an alliance. At the point when a few gatherings in a multi-party framework hold hands to challenge decisions and winning force, it is called collusion or a front. For instance, in India there were three such significant collusions in 2004 parliamentary races the National Democratic Alliance, the United Progressive Alliance and the Left Front. The multiparty framework regularly shows up extremely untidy and prompts political insecurity. Simultaneously, this framework permits an assortment of interests and conclusions to appreciate political portrayal. Things being what they are, which of these is better? Maybe the most fitting response to this extremely normal inquiry is that this is anything but an awesome inquiry. Gathering framework isn't something any nation can pick. It advances throughout quite a while, contingent upon the idea of society, its social and local divisions, its set of experiences of governmental issues and its arrangement of races. These can't be changed rapidly. Every nation fosters a gathering framework that is molded by its uncommon conditions. For instance, if India has developed a multiparty framework, it is on the grounds that the social and geological variety in an enormous nation isn't handily consumed by two or even three gatherings. No framework is ideal for all nations and all circumstances. 35 CU IDOL SELF LEARNING MATERIAL (SLM)

2.2.1 Indian National Congress The Congress (I) has risen up out of the Indian National Congress which was brought into the world in 1885 in Bombay. The last had prevailed with regards to uniting various classes of Indian culture in the Indian National Movement. Before all else Congress was a first-class association and under the Gandhian administration it turned into a mass association. The Non-Co-activity, Civil Disobedience, and the Quit India Movements were the significant achievements throughout the entire existence of Congress Party during the pre-autonomy time frame. The arrangement of Provincial Autonomous under the public authority of India act 1935 gave a chance to the Congress gathering to procure some preparation in the craft of running the organization between 1937-1939. After the Independence the Congress Party turned into the decision party as the British moved capacity to this gathering. Between 1947- 1967 the Congress Party overwhelmed the Indian political scene. The result of the fourth broad political race, which was held in 1967, scratched the Congress strength, incredibly. The Congress party was removed from power in eight states. Indeed, even at the middle it could get just a slim greater part in the Lok Sabha. In the year 1969 the Congress party split interestingly into another Congress drove by Indira Gandhi and an old Congress drove by S. Nijalingappa. The new Congress drove by Indira Gandhi cleared the parliamentary appointment of 1971 and gathering appointment of 1972 in the majority of the states. The 6th general political race in 1977 brought about the loss of the Congress Party and agreeable greater part for the Janata Party. The loss of the Congress party was viewed as a dismissal of Indira Gandhi's style of governmental issues. After the loss in 1977 political race there was another parted in the Congress Party. There arose two Congresses - one drove by Indira Gandhi and the other drove by Swarna Singh. This is the means by which the congress drove by Indira Gandhi or the Congress (Indira) or the Congress (I) was brought into the world in 1978. For the most part the Congress (I) and Congress are utilized equivalently. The Janata try at the middle fizzled inside two years fundamentally because of character conflicts among the pioneers and factional battles. In 1980 the Congress (I) retuned to control reestablishing Congress predominance with two third larger part in the Lok Sabha. After Indira Gandhi's death in 1984, Rajiv Gandhi turned into the Prime Minister. In 1985 General Election he drove the gathering to an in India extraordinary triumph. The Congress Party along with its partners won 400 and fifteen Lok Sabha seats. The 10th general political decision saw an intense battle between the National Front, a mix of resistance groups 36 CU IDOL SELF LEARNING MATERIAL (SLM)

and the Congress (1) in coalition with the AIADMK and the National Conference. The National Front went into seat change with both the left gatherings and the Bhartiya Janata Party in their spaces of impact. This guaranteed straight battles in a large portion of the body’s electorate. The Congress (I) arose as the single biggest gathering getting 197 seats. No gathering could get clear greater part in the Lok Sabha. In 1991 Lok Sabha political race there was a three-sided fight among the Congress (I), the Janata Dal-National Front join and the BJP. The Congress (I) won 232 seats. Rajiv Gandhi was killed during constituent mission. P.V. Narasimha Rao turned into the Prime Minister. [n 1996 and 1998 Lok Sabha decisions the quantity of seats won by the Congress (I) boiled down to 140 and 141 individually. In 1999 the quantity of seats won by the Congress (1) in the Lok Sabha boiled down to 114. The Ideology The Congress Party has been focused on communism, secularism and popular government. It bought in to the possibility of vote-based communism that is the reason monetary strategy of the Congress Party presented state control of the instructing statures of the economy like fundamental enterprises, banking and protection. The gathering represented provincial and metropolitan land roof. It was against the syndications and was for advancement of medium and little ventures. At Avadi meeting in 1956 Congress declared its obligation to communist example of society. In 1971 political race the Congress gave the motto of Garibi Hatao (eliminate destitution). Indeed, even the 20 - point program under crisis had a solid communist segment. During the 1980s Congress moved to one side. The 1984 pronouncement didn't make reference to communism or the need of controlling imposing business models. The 1989 political race declaration stressed the need to enable individuals through Panchayati Raj. ln1999, the Congress political decision declaration upheld the need of an entrepreneur economy incorporated with world industrialist framework. It additionally preferred cancelation of public syndications besides in the fields of guard, and consolation to the private area. In 1999 the political race declaration of the gathering reaffirmed its obligation to secularism and reinforcing Panchayati Raj Institutions. It likewise guaranteed multiplying use on destitution easing. In international strategy the gathering has represented the non-Alignment. The Social Base The gathering had begun as a tip top association of the informed metropolitan working class. During the 1920s it gained a mass base. Despite a mass base the authority of the Congress was in the possession of upper position huge landowners, metropolitan intellectual elite and money managers. After autonomy the Congress Party won 37 CU IDOL SELF LEARNING MATERIAL (SLM)

three general decisions without a very remarkable test. This was a result of the help it appreciated among rustic and metropolitan, instructed and ignorant, upper standing and lower station, rich and poor practically all around the country. It was the shift of the center position votes, particularly from the later 50% of the 1960s onwards, away from Congress that prompted its losing races in numerous states. The fundamental help base of Congress has been the upper station all the more especially the Brahmins, Scheduled Castes and the Muslims. In 1991 the Congress was essentially cleared out from Gangetic belt - UP and Bihar. The BSP and the Samajwadi Party in UP have grabbed the Scheduled Caste and Muslim votes from the Congress. Essentially in Bihar the Muslims and lower standings have moved to the RJD, while the upper rank votes in both these states have moved to the BJP. Association The constitution of the Congress party accommodates an intricate authoritative organization. 'The gathering president heads the authoritative set up of the gathering. There is a functioning council to help the president. The All-India Congress Committee, which is a deliberative towards the body, supplements their capacities. The focal office of the gathering is National and Regional arranged in New Delhi. The focal office administers the elements of the Pradesh. Gatherings Congress Committees, District Congress Committees and Block Congress Committees. The District Congress Committees keep up with records, raise reserves and suggest up-and-comers. 2.2.2 BJP The Bhartiya Janta Party appeared in 1980 in the wake of split in the Janata Party on the issue of the double participation, I., e., regardless of whether those individuals from the Janata Party who likewise were the individuals from Rastriya Swayamsevak Sangh (R S) ought to all the while hold their enrollments of both these associations or not. The debate on this issue brought about the exit of the Bhartiya Jana Sang constituent or the RSS individuals from the Janata Party. Subsequent to leaving the Janata Party, the Bhartiya Jana Sangh constituent dispatched the Bhartiya Janata Party (BJP). 'The B J P is appropriately seen as resurrection of the Bhartiya Jana Sangh. Syama Prasad Mukherjee established the Bhartiya Jana Sangll in 1951. The RSS established by Kesllav Baliram Hedgewar in 1925 has been an authoritative spine before for the Bhartiya Jana Sangh and afterward the Bhartiya Janata Party. In 1984 the principal Lok Sabha political race after its introduction to the world the B J P got just two seats however in 1989 it acquired 88 seats. In 1991 political race this gathering got 120 seats and arisen as the second biggest gathering in the Parliament. 38 CU IDOL SELF LEARNING MATERIAL (SLM)

In 1996 Lok Sabha political race the BJP arose as single biggest gathering getting 162 seats. The President welcomed Atal Behari Vajpayee to frame the public authority. The public authority went on for just thirteen days as it couldn't confront the Parliament since it didn't have the larger part. In1998 Lok Sabha political decision the BJP made key collusion with territorial gatherings and got 180 seats. The BJP shaped the public authority however the public authority didn't keep going long. There was another political race in 1999. The BJP challenged this political decision as an accomplice of the National Democratic Alliance (NDA). The Ideology First and foremost, the BJP endeavored to extend an alternate picture from the Bhartiya Jana Sangh. Atal Behari Vajpayee, the main President of the BJP, had connected the rise of the BJP with Jay Prakash Narayan's vision of a great India in the principal show of the gathering held at Bombay. The BJP is likewise seen as a rebirth of the recent Bhartiya Jana Sangh, the Hindu Nationalist Party established by Shyama Prasad Mukherjee in 1951. The Jana Sangh pointed toward revamping Bharat (India) as a cutting-edge majority rule society as indicated by strict statutes. Philosophically the BJP is focused on five standards patriotism and public incorporation, majority rules system, positive secularism, Gandhian communism and worth based governmental issues. The BJP announced to make these strategies the center of its advancement procedure and to assemble public agreement around them. The gathering rejects both free enterprise and communism since they advance grouping of monetary powers either in the possession of private people or state authorities. In 1984 the gathering laid weight on the improvement of both farming dry businesses. It additionally underlined decrease of charges and presentation of business ensures program and acknowledgment of right to function as a major right. In 1996 the BJP continued rehashing its obligation to swadeshi economy however it really appropriated the Congress (1's) slogari of advancement. In 1993 while tending to the Confederation of Indian Industries, L.K. Advani said that if the BJP came to control the essential course of the financial approach would stay unaltered. The BJP’s approaches as senior coalitionist accomplice in the NDA government gave obvious sign of its acknowledgment of the strategies of progression. In 1999 at its Chennai meeting the BJP gave obvious sign of leaving behind the plan of forceful Hinduism and swadeshi. The BJP has acknowledged the guideline of equity to all by consenting to reservation on standing lines. It guarantees 33% reservation to ladies in parliament and state gatherings. The Social Base 39 CU IDOL SELF LEARNING MATERIAL (SLM)

The BJP, similar to its archetype the Bhartiya Jana Sangha, has delighted in help base in the Hindi belt. It additionally has solid presence in Gujarat and Maharashtra. Since 1989 the gathering has been attempting to infiltrate into south India. BJP's conventional help base was among upper ranks, little and medium dealers and retailers. Among minorities it gets casts a ballot generally from the Sikhs. It is principally seen as a Hindu Party. From the 1990s, its base has expanded in rustic and metropolitan regions, and among the bigger quantities of gatherings of people. The Organization At the public level the BJP hosts a Get-together President and the National Council and gathering entire or exceptional meeting. At the state level the gathering has a Council and the State Executive followed by Regional Committees, District Committees and Block Committees. The BJP likewise has front associations like Bhartiya Janata Yuva Morcha and Bhartiya Janata Mahila Morcha. They work as indicated by the rules of the National Executive. 2.2.3 BSP Kanshi Ram established the Bahujan Samaj Party (BSP) on April 14, 1984.The gathering claims itself to be the gathering of the larger part segment or the Bahujan Samaj Party, behind this case is that is India Castes and minorities comprise 85% of India's populace. They establish the greater part or the Bahujan Samaj of India. The BSP contends that the minority high stations have been utilizing the votes of the Bahujan Samaj to govern over them. Since, in popular government the greater part should administer, the BSP endeavors to set up the system of the Bahujan Samaj. Prior to really appearing as a gathering, the BSP existed as friendly and social associations like the BAMCEF (All India Backward and Minority Employees Federation) and DS4 (Dalit Soshit Samaj Sangharsh Samiti). 'The BSP challenged political race in 1985 when it’s up-and-comer Mayawati battled a by-political decision from Bijnore Lok Sabha body electorate in Ugtar Pradesh. The BSP up-and-comer came third after the Congress and Janata Dal up-and-comers. Be that as it may, the BSP up-and-comer showing was very reassuring. She surveyed 6 1,504 votes against Congress applicants 1.28 lakh and Janata Dal competitor's 1.22 lakh. In the U.P get together political decision that year the BSP didn't win any seat however it surveyed vote percent of the mainstream votes. In 1989 UP gathering political race the BSP won just 13 seats yet it surveyed 9.33% of the famous votes: Gradually the BSP has happened to the significant parts in the political existence of the nation overall and the legislative issues of states like UP, Haryana, MP, Punjab and Rajasthan specifically. In 1996 Lok Sabha political race this gathering got 20% votes in UP, 8% in MP and 3% in Rajasthan. This gathering won five Lok Sabha seats from UP and one from Haryana in 1998 Lok Sabha political decision. The BSP won 14 seats from 40 CU IDOL SELF LEARNING MATERIAL (SLM)

UP in the 1999 Lok Sabha political decision. This gathering has been broadening its base by giving tickets not exclusively to the Dalits yet in addition to in reverse Muslims and surprisingly the upper stations. In the 2002 UP gathering political race this strategy of the BSP has delivered rich profits. The gathering has gotten 98 out of 403 get together seats. The Bahujan Samaj Party was established on the birth commemoration of B. R. Ambedkar, 14 April 1984, by Kanshi Ram, who named previous teacher, Mayawati, as his replacement of BSP in 2001. The gathering's force developed rapidly with seats in the Legislative Assembly of Uttar Pradesh and the Lok Sabha, the lower place of the Parliament of India. In 1993, following the get together decisions, Mayawati framed an alliance with Samajwadi Party president Mulayam Singh Yadav as Chief Minister. On 2 June 1995, she pulled out help from his administration, which prompted a significant occurrence where Yadav was blamed for sending his radicals to keep her gathering lawmaker’s prisoner at a Lucknow visitor house and yell casteist maltreatments at her. Since this episode, they have viewed each other freely as boss adversaries. Mayawati then, at that point got support from the Bhartiya Janata Party (BJP) to become Chief Minister on 3 June 1995. In October 1995, the BJP pulled out their help and new decisions were called after a time of President's Rule. In 2003, Mayawati left her own administration to demonstrate that she was not \"eager for power\" and asked the BJP-run Government of India to eliminate Union Tourism and Culture Minister, Jagmohan. In 2007, she started driving a BSP-framed government with an outright larger part for an entire five-year term. 2.3 SUMMARY  In this exercise you host found out about the political gatherings in India. Which means and job of ideological groups in supporting Indian majority rules system has been depicted.  Different kinds of ideological groups have additionally been addressed to give the right point of view about the gathering framework.  Evolution of gathering framework in India has been described. In the wake of giving a short meaning of public and local gatherings, features of significant public gatherings like the Congress, the BJP, the Communist Parties and the Bahujan Samaj Party have been given. 41 CU IDOL SELF LEARNING MATERIAL (SLM)

 Political parties are effectively quite possibly the most apparent organizations in a vote-based system. For most customary residents, popular government is equivalent to ideological groups. In the event that you travel to distant pieces of our nation and address the less taught residents, you could go over individuals who may not know the slightest bit about our Constitution or about the idea of our administration. However, odds are that they would know something about our political parties. At a similar time, this perceivability doesn't mean ubiquity. The vast majority will in general be extremely incredulous of ideological groups.  They will in general fault parties for all that isn't right with our vote-based system and our political life. Gatherings have gotten related to social and political divisions. In this way, it is normal to ask – do we require ideological groups by any stretch of the imagination? Around hundred years prior there were not many nations of the world that had any ideological group.  Now there are not many that don't host gatherings. For what reason did ideological groups turn out to be so ubiquitous in vote-based systems everywhere? Allow us first to answer what ideological groups are and what they do, before we say why we need them. 2.4 KEYWORDS  Lok Sabha-The Lok Sabha, or House of the People, is the lower house of India's bicameral Parliament, with the upper house being the Rajya Sabha.  Rajya Sabha- The Rajya Sabha or Council of States is the upper house of the bicameral Parliament of India. As of 2021 it has a maximum membership of 245, of which 233 are elected by the legislatures of the states.  BSP- Bahujan Samaj Party. Kashi Ram founded the Bahujan Samaj Party (BSP) on April 14, 1984.The party claims itself to be the party of the majority section or the Bahujan Samaj Party, behind this claim is that is India Castes and minorities constitute 85% of India's population. 2.5 LEARNING ACTIVITY 1. Define Lok Sabha. 42 CU IDOL SELF LEARNING MATERIAL (SLM)

________________________________________________________________________ ________________________________________________________________________ 2. State the principles of BSP. _______________________________________________________________________ _______________________________________________________________________ 2.6 UNIT END QUESTIONS A. Descriptive Questions Short Questions: 1. What has been the social base of the Congress (I)? 2. In which way the name of Jay Prakash Narayan is associated with the BJP? 3. What do you mean by a Political Party? 4. List any four characteristics of Political Parties. 5. Describe any four functions of Political Parties. Long Questions: 1. Describe the essential features of a political party. 2. Discuss about the major National Political Parties of India. 3. Why do we need Political Parties? 4. Explain briefly the policies of the Indian National Congress. 5. Describe three features of the nature of party system in India? 6. What is a pressure group? 7. Distinguish between political parties and the pressure groups highlighting two points. 8. Give a brief account of pressure groups in India. 9. What are Civil Society Organizations? Write the names of any two contemporary Civil Society Organizations in India B. Multiple Choice Questions 1. A political party is an organized body of people whose main aim is to __________________ 43 CU IDOL SELF LEARNING MATERIAL (SLM)

a. acquires and retain power b. pressurize government c. doesn’t support d. be patient 2. Members of a political party ____________________ common principles, goals and philosophy a. Share b. doesn’t share c. value d.dis-regard 3. Parties serve as a link between the _________________ and the government a. Students b. Youth c. Citizens d. institutions 4. Who founded BSP? a. Bapu Ashram b. Kanshi Ram c. Manik Ojha d. Ram Dulal 5. Who is the first president of BJP? a. Atal Behari Vajpayee b. Manmohan Singh 44 CU IDOL SELF LEARNING MATERIAL (SLM)

c. Biju Patnaik d. L. K Advani Answers 1-a, 2-a, 3-c, 4-b, 5-a 2.7 REFERENCES References book  Chowdhuri, Satyabrata Rai. Leftism in India, 1917-1947. Palgrave, U.K., 2007.  Shively, W. Phillips. Power and Choice: An Introduction to Political Science—Chapter 14 Example: Parliamentary Government in India. McGraw Hill Higher Education, 2008. ISBN 978-0-07-340391-5  Mitra, Subrata K. and Singh, V.B. Democracy and Social Change in India: A Cross- Sectional Analysis of the National Electorate. New Delhi: Sage Publications, 1999. ISBN 81-7036-809-X (India HB) ISBN 0-7619-9344-4 (U.S. HB).  Shourie, Arun (2007). The parliamentary system: What we have made of it, what we can make of it. New Delhi: Rupa & Co.  Shourie, Arun (2005). Governance and the sclerosis that has set in. New Delhi: ASA Publications.  Tawa Lama-Rewal, Stéphanie. \"Studying Elections in India: Scientific and Political Debates\". South Asia Multidisciplinary Academic Journal, 3, 2009. Textbook references  \"Welcome to Embassy of India, Washington D C, USA\" (PDF). www.indianembassy.org. Archived from the original on 26 January 2012.  Priyanka Shah (1 November 2014). \"13 Amazing Facts about Atal Ji, the Bhishma Pitamah of Indian Politics\". Topyaps. Archived from the original on 11 September 2014. Retrieved 16 May 2014.  \"Anti-Terrorism Legislation\". Human rights watch. 20 November 2001. Archived from the original on 3 July 2017. Retrieved 6 August 2019.  Guha, Ramachandra (2008). India after Gandhi: the history of the world's largest democracy (Indian ed.). India: Picador. pp. 637–659. ISBN 9780330505543. 45 CU IDOL SELF LEARNING MATERIAL (SLM)

 \"Shiv Sainiks will maintain peace post-Ayodhya verdict: Uddhav\". Hindustan Times. HT Media Ltd. Archived from the original on 3 March 2014. Retrieved 13 March 2014.  Chandra, Kanchan. 2004. Why Ethnic Parties Succeed. Cambridge University Press. Website  https://www.inc.in/  https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Bahujan_Samaj_Party  http://www.hkrdb.kar.nic.in/documents/Downloads/Good%20Reads/Indian%20Politi cs%20and%20Society%20Since%20Independence%20- %20Bidyut%20Chakrabarty.pdf 46 CU IDOL SELF LEARNING MATERIAL (SLM)

UNIT - 3: REGIONAL PARTIES STRUCTURE 3.0 Learning Objectives 3.1 Introduction 3.2 Regional Parties and their organization, ideology and electoral performance 3.2.1 SAD 3.2.2 DMK 3.3 Other Regional Parties 3.4 Summary 3.5 Keywords 3.6 Learning Activity 3.7 Unit End Questions 3.8 References 3.0 LEARNING OBJECTIVES After studying this unit, you will be able to:  Describe the Regional Parties  Discuss the regional party’s organization their ideology and electoral performance  Identify the ideologies and organization of other Regional Parties. 3.1 INTRODUCTION The elements that bring about provincial gatherings might be social, monetary and political. Which of these elements assume more significant part relies upon the political conditions? It might fluctuate from one case to another and time to time. India is a multi-lingual, multi - strict and multi ethnic country. The social minorities may hold onto the dread of being caught up in larger part culture and losing their unmistakable character. A longing to keep up with this social uniqueness has been at the underlying foundations of the territorial developments drove by the Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam (DMK), All lndia Anna Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam (AIADMK), the Akali Dal, the Jharkhand Mukti Morcha (JMM) and the AGP. The acknowledgment that formative requirements of any locale have been disregarded for 47 CU IDOL SELF LEARNING MATERIAL (SLM)

quite a while may likewise bring forth regionalism and provincial gatherings. Strategically, the provincial gatherings might be viewed as a development against centralization and in line with the soul of a genuine alliance. In a vote-based system, ideological groups give an office to the general public to assemble various perspectives on different issues and to introduce these to the public authority. They unite different agents with the goal that a capable government could be framed. They give an instrument to help or limit the public authority, make strategies, legitimize or go against them. India hosts a multi-get-together framework. Ideological groups in India Every ideological group in India needs to enroll with the Election Commission. The Election Commission registers ideological groups with the end goal of decisions and awards them acknowledgment as public or state parties based on their survey execution • Recognised Parties: Are given a one-of-a-kind image – just the authority competitors of that gathering can utilize that political decision image • National Parties: A gathering that gets essentially 6% of the complete votes in Lok Sabha decisions or Assembly races in four States and wins something like four seats in the Lok Sabha is perceived as a public gathering. • State Parties: A gathering that gets basically 6% of the absolute votes in a political race to the Legislative Assembly of a State and wins something like two seats is perceived as a state party. According to the Election Commission of India, there are more than 2000 ideological groups in India, which incorporate eight \"perceived public\" and more than 50 \"perceived state\" parties. Provincial Parties in India Other than the 8 public gatherings Indian National Congress, Bhartiya Janata Party, Nationalist Congress Party, Communist Parties, Bahujan Samaj Party, Rastriya Janata Dal, All India Trinamool Congress and National People's Party; a large portion of the significant gatherings of the nation are characterized by the Election Commission as 'State parties'. These are usually alluded to as territorial gatherings. 48 CU IDOL SELF LEARNING MATERIAL (SLM)

Yet these gatherings need not be provincial in their philosophy or standpoint. A portion of these gatherings are altogether India parties that have succeeded distinctly in certain states. The presence of various ethnic, social, semantic, strict and position bunches inside the Indian culture is extraordinarily answerable for the beginning and development of local gatherings. In India local gatherings depend on topics like–Identity, Statehood, Autonomy and Development and so forth Autonomy comprises of requesting more prominent forces to the states (like the National Conference in Jammu and Kashmir).  Statehood comprises of battling for an autonomous state inside the nation (like the Telangana Rastra Samiti requested a different territory of Telangana).  Identity comprises of battling for acknowledgment of social privileges of a gathering (like the Shiv Senna in Maharashtra or the DMK battling for the personality of the Dalits).  Development comprises of local gatherings accepting that no one but they can carry advancement to individuals of a specific area.  Sometimes territorial gatherings make these 'social specificities' for discretionary additions. Development of Regional Party  Over the most recent forty years, the number and strength of provincial gatherings has extended.  This has made the Parliament of India politically more assorted. Territorial ideological groups have arisen to satisfy local yearnings.  No one public gathering can get on its own a larger part in Lok Sabha. Therefore, the public gatherings are constrained to frame unions with State parties. The territorial 49 CU IDOL SELF LEARNING MATERIAL (SLM)

ideological groups began assuming a critical part in alliance governmental issues since 1989.  It is a direct result of the provincial ideological groups that our gathering framework has been federalized. The Centre has started to resolve their issues and react their yearnings through convenience.  The advancing nature of our gathering framework has fortified the helpful patterns of our government framework. Different Stages of Indian Party System  1952-64: The Nehruvian time of public agreement The Congress Party was the prevailing party and Indian majority rule government was basically a one gathering framework additionally named as 'Congress framework'. Congress advanced as the gathering that resembled a major umbrella under which all networks and interests and belief systems looked for and got a spot. There were numerous little gatherings contending with the Congress yet they acted chiefly as a sort of pressing factor gatherings.  1964-77: An Uneasy Transition With the demise of Jawahar Lal Nehru, and 1967 races presented challenge to predominance of the congress framework. The Congress neglected to get larger parts in eight states and its larger part in the Lok Sabha was decreased to extremely limit 54% of the seats. Regional parties began developing all once again the country. The troubling execution of the Congress prompted a progression of force battles with in congress. Ultimately, the gathering was parted in 1969 and Indira Gandhi's matchless quality was set up both in the gathering and the public authority. However, a few chiefs like Morarji Desai in Gujarat and JP (Jaiprakash Narayan) in Bihar did an effective development against Congress defilement and self-assertive standard. Their development crested in 1975 when Indira Gandhi for the sole time in Indian history chose to force in interior crisis. 50 CU IDOL SELF LEARNING MATERIAL (SLM)