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Cross-Cultural Patterns of 17 Children’s Phenomenology About Stressors and Supports Amanda P. Borja, Bonnie K. Nastasi, Emiliya Adelson and Zainab J. Siddiqui Introduction of stressors and support but they also can help to systematically isolate the environmental and Knowledge of children’s stressors and supports sociocultural factors that can influence children’s provides a basis for understanding children’s phenomenology about their stressors and sup- social–emotional risk, promotional, and protec- ports (Liamputtong, 2010). To propel the field to- tive factors. In fact, the link between children’s ward a better understanding of children’s stress- well-being and perceived stressors and supports ors and supports, this chapter presents the find- is well-established in the literature (Aldwin, ings of a qualitative cross-cultural analysis using 2007; Chu, Saucier, & Hafner, 2010; Lazarus & children’s phenomenology generated from Nas- Folkman, 1984). However, the types of stress- tasi and International Psychological Well-Being ors and supports that affect youth are highly Research Team (2012) Promoting Psychological variable and have been shown to be affected by Well-Being Globally (PPWBG) project. We begin sociocultural and environmental factors (Hitch- with a review of research on stressors and sup- cock et al., 2005), In spite of these variations, ports for child and adolescent populations. a priori categories of stressors and supports are predominantly used to explore children’s experi- Children’s Stressors ences of stress and supports, which often fails to capture the diversity of experiences of children The study of children’s exposure to stressors is a worldwide (Harrison, Stewart, Myambo, & Te- well-developed area of research, and this research veraishe, 1997). To date, a comprehensive and has demonstrated that child-relevant stressors are systematic analysis of global children’s phenom- greatly diverse, differing according to the child’s enology about their stressors and supports is non- maturation level, sociocultural context, and en- existent. Thus, cross-cultural analyses are needed vironmental demands (Aldwin, 2007). However, to build on current understanding of global chil- some stressors are well established in the interna- dren’s stressors and supports. Not only can cross- tional literature, such as exposure to community cultural analyses systematically identify patterns violence (e.g., Overstreet, Dempsey, Graham, & Moely, 1999), interpersonal aggression (e.g., Nas- Portions of this chapter were originally written as part tasi, Jayasena, Summerville, & Borja, 2011), and of Amanda P. Borja’s Doctoral Dissertation at Tulane academic performance failures (e.g., Frydenberg, University Lewis, Ardila, Cairns, & Kennedy, 2001). Further, stressors can stem from the child’s cognitions A. P. Borja () · B. K. Nastasi · E. Adelson · about him or herself (e.g., Chung & Mohanty, Z. J. Siddiqui 2014), from others in his or her social circles Tulane University, New Orleans, LA, USA e-mail: [email protected] © Springer Science+Business Media New York 2016 291 B. K. Nastasi, A. P. Borja (eds.), International Handbook of Psychological Well-Being in Children and Adolescents, DOI 10.1007/978-1-4939-2833-0_17
292 A. P. Borja et al. (Huang & Menke, 2001), extant sociocultural Some interpersonal stressors are specific to systems (e.g., Datnow & Cooper, 1997), and the the individual ecologies in which the child is so- environment (e.g., Nastasi et al., 2011). cialized, such as the home, school, and neighbor- hood. Specific to the child’s home/family life, for Self-based stressors are defined as stressors instance, children have indicated that parents can that stem from the child’s cognitions about him be sources of stress, such as when they use drugs or herself, although they are inherently linked to or alcohol (e.g., Huang & Menke, 2001; Nastasi the child’s experiences with sociocultural expec- et al., 2011), place strict restrictions on children’s tations. Thus, person-based stressors are diverse, social lives (e.g., DuongTran et al., 1996), and but children in research have commonly identi- have high, sometimes unrealistic expectations fied at least three. They include concerns about about the responsibilities, behaviors, and per- identity (e.g., Chung & Mohanty, 2014; Cun- formance that children should exhibit at home ningham, Mars, & Burns, 2012; Datnow & Coo- and at school (e.g., D’Imperio et al., 2000; Du- per, 1997); academic, social, and behavioral per- ongTran et al., 1996). Specific to peers, children formance outcomes (DuongTran, Lee, & Khoi, have indicated that the lack of friendships and/or 1996; Huang & Menke, 2001; Nastasi et al., playmates is a source of distress (e.g., Huang & 2011); the future (Byrne & Mazanov, 2002; Du- Menke, 2001), and among adolescents, peer pres- ongTran et al., 1996); and one’s physical health sure (Cunningham, 1999). (Ryan-Wenger, Sharrer, & Campbell, 2005; Sil- verman, La Greca, & Wasserstein, 1995). Children also have reported stressors that stem from extant sociocultural systems, and Perhaps reflective of the highly social nature most often, they indicate exposure to and distress of children’s upbringing, most stressors reported about poverty in their communities (e.g., Mosav- by children occur within the context of social in- el, Ahmed, Ports, & Simon, 2013), particularly terchanges between the child and other persons when it coexists with pervasive community vio- or between/among others that the child knows. lence and violent crimes (e.g., D’Imperio et al., Although some stressors are unique to individual 2000; Frydenberg et al., 2001; Huang & Menke, ecologies (e.g., home, school, peers), most inter- 2001; Mosavel et al., 2013), drug use and drug personal stressors are applicable across multiple dealings (e.g., Huang & Menke, 2001; Mosavel settings, implicating (a) children’s phenomenol- et al., 2013; Nastasi et al., 2011), and a lack of ogy about healthy and unhealthy social interac- police intervention (Mosavel et al., 2013). Chil- tions and (b) the salience of certain stressors in dren also have reported the effects of poverty children’s lives. Among those identified, inter- or scarcity at the school-wide level, such as the personal aggression and violence is one of the poor condition of resources at schools (Nastasi most common, but specific manifestations within et al., 2011). For example, among a sample of a given setting are highly variable (e.g., Hjern, Sinhalese fifth, seventh, and ninth graders in Sri Alfven, & Östberg, 2008; Jackson & Warren, Lanka, adolescents reported that the shortage of 2000; Nastasi et al., 2011; Ryan-Wenger et al., school supplies, clean water, toilets, and play- 2005; Silverman et al., 1995). Some examples ground equipment (during the recovery period include teasing in school (Nastasi et al., 2011), following 2014 tsunami) was all child-relevant parents being mean to or yelling at their chil- stressors (Nastasi et al., 2011). In addition to pov- dren (Ryan-Wenger et al., 2005), parents fighting erty, children have reported that racism and racial with each other (D’Imperio, Dubow, & Ippolito, discrimination are sociocultural stressors that can 2000; Huang & Menke, 2001), and hearing oth- affect youth’s functioning (e.g., Cunningham, ers use “foul language” (Nastasi et al., 2011, 1999; Datnow & Cooper, 1997). p. 525). Other interpersonal stressors that apply across ecologies include punishment by authority Although most stress studies do not explore figures and the death/loss, illness, and/or injury of environmental stressors relevant to children, loved ones, particularly family and close friends when given the opportunity, children have freely (e.g., D’Imperio et al., 2000; Jackson & Warren, indicated that extreme environmental condi- 2000; Nastasi et al., 2011; Silverman et al., 1995). tions, some natural elements, and pollution are
17 Cross-Cultural Patterns of Children’s Phenomenology About Stressors and Supports 293 child-relevant stressors (Frydenberg et al., 2001; that current support research has demonstrated Nastasi et al., 2011). For instance, Sinhalese that relevant supports can vary greatly across the youth in grades 5, 7, and 9 reported that tsuna- developmental life span (Demaray & Malecki, mis, landslides, monsoons, big animals, and 2003; Dubow & Ullman, 1989). In line with other environmental concerns are all stressors adult research, most studies on youth supports (Nastasi et al., 2011). According to youth in that have identified emotional, instrumental/tangible, study, natural disasters like tsunamis and floods informational, esteem/appraisal, and companion- are stressful because of the large-scale destruc- ship supports as the dominant support typologies, tion that they can cause, such as damage to the although some variations in definition and use community water system and destruction to peo- exist across studies. ple’s homes (as experienced in their own com- munity following 2014 tsunami). Thus, children Emotional support is the constellation of in- have been shown to demonstrate useful insight teractions that maintain, enhance, or encour- into the environmental factors that can be stress- age positive emotions, independent of or in the ful to youth, and more studies are needed that can face of a negative emotional state (Tardy, 1985). engage children’s perspectives about stressors in Among the extant categories of supports, emo- the physical environment. tional support is the most widely studied, and its relationship to children’s well-being is well In sum, the literature on children’s stressors of- established, especially when the support is pro- fers a wealth of knowledge about the factors that vided by family and friends (e.g., Cheng, 1998; youth consider distressing, implicating potential Richman, Rosenfeld, & Bowen, 1998). Further, risk factors in children’s development. However, even though perceptions of received emotional given the diversity in extant findings, more stud- supports from adults tend to decrease as youth ies are needed that explore internationally diverse get older (e.g., Demaray & Malecki, 2003), their children’s perspectives about their stressors and link to well-being remains the same, suggesting supports, particularly using a cross-cultural and that emotional support remains an important as- inductive approach. In extant research, under- pect of healthy development. standing of children’s stressors has been gener- ated from respondent-based (self-report) surveys, Instrumental/tangible support refers to inter- forcing a limit on the types of stressors that youth actions that provide material aid and/or tangible can report. Thus, this study aims to build on the resources to the child, such as money, food, and/ international database not only by studying popu- or clothing (Cohen & Wills, 1985), and informa- lations of children that have yet to be studied but tional/guidance support describes interactions also by using a systematic cross-cultural approach that help children understand, process, and gener- and qualitative research methods to identify pat- ate solutions for managing or improving their life terns of similarities and differences that reflect events, particularly those that are appraised as child and adolescent perspectives. stressful or challenging (Cohen & Wills, 1985). Unlike emotional support, however, received in- Youth Supports strumental and informational supports have not demonstrated consistent correlations with well- Understanding children’s supports is important being and development (Cohen & Wills, 1985; for identifying socioculturally relevant facilita- Malecki & Demaray, 2003); and likely due to tive and protective factors that are potentially this inconsistency, their effects have not been available to youth. Unfortunately, knowledge of extensively studied among children (Malecki & children’s supports is largely based on theory and Demaray, 2003). However, theorists suggest that research about supports among primarily Euro- both types of support do in fact sustain one’s psy- pean American adults (see Barrera, 1986; Cohen chological health, but only if it is (a) desired; (b) & Wills, 1985; Tardy, 1985), in spite of the fact perceived as nonthreatening, beneficial, and/or non-costly; and/or (c) appraised as warranted or necessary (Vangelisti, 2009). A number of stud-
294 A. P. Borja et al. ies have demonstrated that adults—principally Researchers in both studies suggested that the parents and sometimes teachers—tend to be the prominence of the family in their cultures may primary sources of children’s informational sup- have contributed to the resultant patterns. They port (e.g., Hombrados-Mendieta, Gomez-Jacin- also noted that collectivistic values may either to, Dominguez-Fuentes, Garcia-Leiva, & Castro- delay or stifle the child’s desire to remove them- Travé, 2012; Malecki & Demaray, 2003). selves from their families and affiliate more closely with peers, a pattern that has been ob- Esteem/appraisal support refers to the interac- served to begin during middle childhood in indi- tions that serve to enhance a person’s self-esteem vidualistic cultures. or self-worth, such as when others recognize, ac- cept, and actively promote the person’s sense of In addition to the explication of specific sup- overall worth and domain-specific competence port categories, some studies have explored the (e.g., academic, athletic, citizen; Cohen & Wills, cumulative effects of received supports using 1985; Harter, 1999). Like instrumental and infor- measures that cover various support types (e.g., mational support, enacted esteem support and its Colarossi & Eccles, 2003; Davidson et al., 2008; effects are not frequently researched in the litera- Malecki & Demaray, 2003, 2006). The results of ture, and at present, studies suggest that esteem these studies suggest that the general enactment support on its own may not actually correlate of social supports is a protective factor in the with indicators of well-being and development child’s life, buffering the relationship between (Malecki & Demaray, 2003). presented risks and potential negative outcomes. However, similar to studies on children’s stress- Companionship support refers to interactions ors, the majority of studies on youth supports that are leisurely and/or fun, theorized to pro- are derived from respondent-based surveys that mote group affiliations and provide desirable op- used adult theories and adult-based factor struc- tions for reducing stress (Cohen & Wills, 1985). tures to understand youth’s supports. This pat- Although an undoubtedly important concept tern has resulted in a major gap in the literature for youth, child studies on the effects of com- because children are invaluable sources of their panionship support are nonexistent, but numer- own social experiences, and research has shown ous studies have explored the characteristics of that children can meaningfully contribute to the its enactment from parents, teachers, and other research process (Hogan, 2005; Nastasi, 2014). youth (DeRosier & Kupersmidt, 1991; Furman & Thus, to gain a better sense of developmentally Buhrmester, 1985; Reid, Landesman, Treder, & and culturally relevant support behaviors, more Jaccard, 1989). For instance, a number of stud- exploratory studies with diverse and international ies have demonstrated that peers are the primary youth are needed to better understand the types source of companionship support among the of supports applicable to children (Gordon, 2011; US (e.g., DeRosier & Kupersmidt, 1991; Fur- Hitchcock et al., 2005), and the present study man & Buhrmester, 1985; Reid et al., 1989) and aims to accomplish just that. European Australian youth (Shute, DeBlasio, & Williamson., 2002). However, cross-cultural The Present Study analyses with children from Costa Rica and the USA (DeRosier & Kupersmidt, 1991) as well as As part of the PPWBG project (see Chap. 2), from Indonesia and the USA (French, Rianasari, this chapter describes the results of a cross-cul- Pidada, Nelwan, & Buhrmester, 2001) have sug- tural analysis aimed at understanding children’s gested that cultural values related to collectivism phenomenology about their stressors and sup- and individualism may affect this companionship ports. The methodology and findings are like pattern. That is, whereas the US children consis- none other in the current literature. In addition tently reported that their friends most frequently to using an open-ended approach to data collec- provided companionship support, Costa Rican tion, the present study used systematic methods (Grades 4–6) and Indonesian youth (Grades 5–8) to engage and analyze the perspectives of youth indicated that their mothers and siblings most frequently fulfilled their companionship needs.
17 Cross-Cultural Patterns of Children’s Phenomenology About Stressors and Supports 295 from 14 different communities within 12 differ- ally relevant competencies, stressors, supports, ent countries. Thus, the implications of the pres- and reactions to stressors and supports. They also ent study are far-reaching and important for prac- were asked to complete ecomap drawings. The tical, methodological, and theoretical purposes. findings presented in the chapter are drawn only from youth focus group narratives about stressors Method and supports. For more details about the data col- lection procedures, refer to Chap. 2. The chapter examines focus group data collected The PPWBG Team between 2008 and 2012 as part of Nastasi and International Psychological Well-Being Re- Under the leadership of Dr. Bonnie Nastasi at search Team (2012) PPWBG project. Overall, Tulane University, the PPWBG (2012) research the PPWBG team conducted focus groups with team consisted of 30 coprincipal investigators 880 students from 14 cities across 12 countries, (co-PIs; i.e., site-specific investigators). At the ages 4 to 19 years, in grades kindergarten to 12 time of data collection, most co-PIs were resi- (see Chap. 2). Partnerships were established with dents of the cities they were researching, with the schools and community agencies in Africa (Aru- exception of Dr. Nastasi (Tulane University) who sha, Tanzania), the Americas (Manaus, Brazil; worked closely with researchers in Sri Lanka Xalapa, Mexico; Boston, New Orleans, and Puer- and India, and the Georgia State University re- to Rico, USA), Asia (Mumbai, India; Negombo, search team who worked closely with research- Sri Lanka), and Europe (Tallinn, Estonia; Athens, ers in Mexico. Most co-PIs were female (90 %), Greece; Padua, Italy; Bucharest, Romania; Sa- formally educated at the graduate level in either mara, Russia; Kosice, Slovak Republic). With the Europe or USA, and most were school or educa- exception of Puerto Rico, focus group data from tional psychologists working within the universi- all partnered sites were made available to the ty setting. Additionally, resident researchers were chapter’s authors. Because Puerto Rico’s focus either native or nonnative fluent speakers of their group data were not readily accessible, they were respective country’s official language. (For more not included in the present analysis. detailed information on the PPWBG research team, refer to Chap. 2.) Most sites (~ 57 %) engaged the perspectives of children from middle income backgrounds, The cross-site data analysis team was led but a large proportion of sites (~ 43 %) generated by Dr. Bonnie Nastasi and consisted of Tulane the phenomenology of economically vulnerable University graduate student researchers and un- youth. In Xalapa (Mexico), Mumbai (India), and dergraduate research assistants. The graduate Padua (Italy), data were collected from partici- students were doctoral students studying school pants of low-income socioeconomic status (SES). psychology. The team consisted of a majority of In Arusha (Tanzania), Manaus (Brazil), and New female members and one male: one Pacific Is- Orleans (USA), data were collected from partici- lander American female; four European Ameri- pants of low- to middle-income SES. In Padua can females and one European American male; (Italy), data were collected from participants of one African American female and a Pakistani fe- middle-income SES. In Boston (USA), data were male. The majority was educated in the USA, but collected from participants of middle-income to the Pakistani female received most of her profes- high-income SES. In Negombo (Sri Lanka), Ath- sional training in Pakistan. ens (Greece), Central Estonia (Estonia), Bucharest (Romania), Kosice (Slovakia), and Samara (Rus- Under the guidance of Dr. Nastasi, all team sia), data were collected from participants of low-, members completed an initial training to ensure middle-, and high-income SES. Site-specific in- understanding of the project guidelines as well vestigators typically led focus groups. as the cross-site data analysis process. Training entailed the use of pedagogical, practical, and As indicated in Chap. 2, youth were asked a evaluative components so as to ensure all mem- series of questions in focus groups about cultur-
296 A. P. Borja et al. bers’ conceptual understanding of the analysis ratives were pasted into single cells under their process, encourage independent proficiency in appropriate columns and relevant rows. This analysis, experience team consensus building, format was not only visually efficient; it also al- and allow for team members to evaluate each lowed for easy manipulation when organizing other’s competence and make suggestions for themes across countries. Under the supervision the entire team. Although initial training took of the first author (Borja), undergraduate re- place over the course of a few hours in one day, search assistants were primarily responsible for training, support, and development was an ongo- the appropriate transfer of data to their respective ing process provided by Nastasi and Borja, the databases. first author of this chapter, who was extensively trained by Nastasi prior to the larger team train- Throughout the cross-site analysis process ing session. (including training), teams of two to three gradu- ate students were assigned a primary, middle, Cross-Site Data Analysis or secondary school spreadsheet and tab (i.e., either stressors or supports). Because narratives Focus group data were first analyzed by country had been previously analyzed, these teams were using the first two stages of the three-stage analy- responsible for verifying the accuracy of induc- sis process described in Chap. 2 (i.e., deductive tively derived themes as reflected by their associ- coding and inductive thematic analysis). Al- ated narratives. Teams were allowed to rename though each country was asked to provide their themes as appropriate, but only after a consensus inductively derived themes, it was not required, building process. As part of the training process, as the PPWBG cross-site analysis team com- all members of each team were required to in- pleted stage 2 analysis with or without the pre- dependently review themes and make indepen- viously analyzed data. This was done to ensure dent decisions about the accuracy of generated the use of parallel language for thematic analysis themes. Then, similar to the consensus-building across sites, a step necessary for completing a process described in Chap. 2, team members cross-cultural analysis. However, if stage 2 data discussed their decisions and attempted to reach were provided by partnered countries, they were consensus about them. If consensus was not then used to verify the accuracy of the PPWBG reached, themes and their respective narratives cross-site analysis team’s interpretations. Only were deemed “unusable” and consequently were two countries offered access to their analyzed not included in the final cross-site comparison. data (Brazil and Greece), and although themes To prevent the loss of data and to create an audit were written slightly differently across sites, the trail, the reorganized database was saved as a aggregated narratives that supported the creation new one, resulting in two comprehensive data- of their respective themes were consistent be- bases for each school level (primary, middle, and tween the PPWBG cross-site analysis team and secondary). each country, suggesting that the procedures used across sites were consistent and resulted in simi- After establishing proficiency and under- lar inductions. standing, teams worked together and built con- sensus about generated themes through ongoing To conduct the cross-site analysis, all stage 2 discussions, and one member was responsible themes were organized into one of three spread- for typing and organizing the data so that similar sheets (using Microsoft Excel) containing all themes were aligned across rows. At the end of primary, middle, or secondary school data. Data this process, themes were typed into the first col- were organized into columns labeled according umn of the database, allowing for a quick view of to site and gender (e.g., Slovakia—Females) and all available themes and the sites that endorsed rows labeled according to inductive theme. Nar- them. This method of analysis was advantageous as it (a) provided ongoing assurance that themes were appropriately and uniformly defined and
17 Cross-Cultural Patterns of Children’s Phenomenology About Stressors and Supports 297 applied across countries and where appropri- Ensuring Trustworthiness ate; (b) allowed an open forum for diverse per- spectives to be shared and questioned, thereby A number of techniques were incorporated to in- encouraging meaningful discussions and reflec- crease trustworthiness and decrease interpreter tions about the research process and outcomes; bias, which might occur when conducting in- and (c) perhaps most importantly, ensured that ductive cross-cultural analysis (van de Vijver & each member’s phenomenology did not cloud the Leung, 2000). First, as previously detailed, an participants’ phenomenology (Nastasi & Schen- accountability system was designed to record sul, 2005; Saldaña, 2013). Thus, this ongoing and track each stage of the data analysis pro- process of modeling, discussion, and consensus cess, involving the creation of new databases building helped to ensure the trustworthiness of when data were reorganized or relabeled. This the data analysis process and outcomes. process created an audit trail for the research team to verify that the findings were the result Data analysis was focused on identifying of a systematic procedure that truly promoted the grade level (primary, middle, and secondary) participants’ views (Nastasi & Schensul, 2005). and country-by-gender (male, female, or mixed Second, the use of data analysis teams helped to gender) patterns of stress and supports. Gender reduce individual interpreter bias. Finally, the use differences were not analyzed because some of a reflexive process during and after each stage sites provided only mixed gender data or, in of analysis encouraged meaningful discussions some cases, were unable to recruit male or fe- about selected interpretations. male counterparts. Thus, within each grade-level group, degrees of convergence were calculated Results according to the percentage of country-by-gen- der groups—herein referred to as site groups— Across sites, youth provided narratives about the that discussed relevant themes at least once (see people, behaviors, thoughts, and contexts that can Tables 17.1 and 17.2). Convergence did not in- be stressful or supportive. Consistent with existing clude the number of times that each site group research, most stressors and supports discussed discussed each theme because theme frequen- by children across grade-level groups (primary, cies can misleadingly suggest salience (Creswell, middle, and secondary) were interpersonal in na- 2009). Instead, site groups were identified as ture, and children most frequently cited family either having discussed or not discussed a spe- members, peers, and the self as sources of stress cific theme or subtheme. Table 17.1 defines the and support. However, across site and grade-level selected categories of convergence and their defi- groups, a great diversity of stressor and support nitions, and Table 17.2 lists the site groups used themes were discussed. The present results high- to calculate convergence at the primary, middle, light only general patterns and themes. and secondary school levels. In total, 18 groups were identified in the primary school, 19 groups in the middle school, and 19 groups in secondary school (see Table 17.2). Table 17.1 Degrees of Degree of convergence Definition cross-site convergence High convergence 75 % or more of sites discussed the identified theme used for inductive analysis Moderate convergence 51–74 % of sites discussed the identified theme of narratives Low convergence 25–50 % of sites discussed the identified theme Minimal convergence Less than 25 % of sites discussed the identified theme Site specific Only one site discussed the identified theme
298 A. P. Borja et al. Table 17.2 Data collection focus groups by site, grade level, and gender Primary school Middle school Secondary school Country Female Male Mixed NCa Female Male Mixed NCa Female Male Mixed NCa gender gender gender Brazil ✓✓ ✓✓ ✓✓ Estonia ✓ ✓ ✓✓ ✓✓ Greece ✓ ✓ ✓✓ ✓✓ India ✓ ✓✓ Italy ✓ ✓ ✓ Mexico ✓ ✓ ✓✓ ✓ Romania ✓ ✓ ✓ Russia ✓✓ ✓✓ ✓ Slovakia ✓ ✓ ✓✓ ✓✓ Sri Lanka ✓✓ ✓b ✓ ✓b Tanzania ✓ ✓ ✓✓ The ✓ ✓✓ ✓✓ USA—Boston The USA— ✓ ✓✓ ✓ New Orleans Total no. of 7 74 8 92 10 7 2 groupsc Focus group gender groupings determined the number of “groups” that was used to calculate the degree of convergence at the primary, middle, and secondary school levels, although gender differences were not analyzed due to nature of grouping (female, male, mixed gender) and missing data by gender for some sites a NC not collected b The Sri Lanka middle and secondary school male groups provided information about their supports but not about their stressors. Thus, the total number of middle and secondary school groups that were used to calculate convergence for stressors was 18, and for supports, 19 c Total groups by grade level include 18 for primary school, 19 for middle school, and 19 for secondary school Stressors the primary, middle, and secondary school lev- els indicated the family (namely, parents) and Participating children shared a plethora of narra- the self (i.e., one’s own behaviors, thoughts, and tives about their stressors, which led to the induc- feelings) as children’s primary sources of stress. tive generation of a multitude of diverse themes Peers also were identified as a primary source (see Appendix A for a full list of stress themes). of stress, but whereas primary school students As indicated by Fig. 17.1, primary, middle, and showed moderate convergence about this, mid- secondary school students shared stories that dle and secondary school students showed high generated increasing numbers of themes (29, 41, convergence. Other sources of stress that were and 44, respectively). The greatest number of met with moderate or lower levels of agreement stress themes was expressed by secondary school included teachers and neighbors or community students. Additionally, middle and secondary members; however, secondary school groups school students tended to discuss a greater num- did not discuss community members as potential ber of stressors that were broadly applicable to sources of stress. multiple people, settings, and activities, whereas primary school students tended to indicate stress The stress themes (listed in Appendix A) were triggers that were specific to the home, school, or clustered into five inductively generated aggre- friends. In spite of these changes across develop- gate categories: (a) stressors related to interper- ment (i.e., grade level), high convergence among sonal interactions/relationships, (b) stressors site groups (i.e., greater than 75 % agreement) at related to the self, (c) stressors related to physi- cal surroundings/settings, (d) stressors related to
17 Cross-Cultural Patterns of Children’s Phenomenology About Stressors and Supports 299 ϱϬ ϰϱ ϰϰ ϰϭ ϰϬ EƵŵďĞƌŽĨ^ƚƌĞƐƐdŚĞŵĞƐ ϯϱ ϯϬ Ϯϵ Ϯϱ ϮϬ ϭϱ ϭϬ ϱ Ϭ DŝĚĚůĞ ^ĞĐŽŶĚĂƌLJ WƌŝŵĂƌLJ 'ƌĂĚĞ>ĞǀĞů'ƌŽƵƉƐ Fig. 17.1 Stress themes by grade-level groups. Number of themes about stressors discussed by each grade-level group sociocultural systems, and (e) stressors related bullying or as a way to resolve conflicts. It also to supernatural or coincidental occurrences, al- involved physical beatings by adult authority though only secondary school females in India figures, specifically within the context of being (i.e., “ghosts”), Russia (i.e., “bad luck/misfor- punished (which also was discussed as a stressor tune”), and New Orleans (i.e., “bad luck”) dis- across grade-level groups with low convergence). cussed these latter incidences as stressors. In this At a site-specific level, secondary school females section, each cluster is described and illustrated from India added that sexual violence is a form with individual respondent’s words. of physical aggression that is distressing to girls in India. Stressors Related to Interpersonal Interac- tions or Relationships As shown in Fig. 17.2, Two additional interpersonal themes showed the majority of themes across grade-level groups moderate to high levels of convergence–perfor- were related to interpersonal interactions or rela- mance demands or expectations and loss. First, tionships. Specifically, high convergence was youth indicated that performance demands and consistently met among site groups at the pri- expectations were child-relevant stressors, but mary, middle, and secondary school levels about the theme showed moderate convergence at the distress triggered by verbal and physical aggres- primary school level and high convergence at the sion from others, including from adults. Exam- middle and secondary school levels. Second, chil- ples of verbal aggression included teasing (e.g., dren indicated distress related to death, loss (end “If somebody teases you badly, I feel hatred. I of relationship), illness, or injury of their loved get mad,” Italy middle school student, unknown ones. Although the theme was met with moder- gender), ridiculing (e.g., “There is hysterical sad- ate convergence across grade-level groups, some ness when other people hurt you with words,” slight variations about the meaning of “loss” Greece primary school female), and arguing (“In were evident across site and grade-level groups. my case, it is having an argument with a friend, Across grade levels, site groups discussed the end [or] in the family,” Brazil secondary school of a friendship as a common form of loss (mod- male). Examples of physical aggression primar- erate convergence), but middle and secondary ily focused on being beaten by peers as a form of school students noted that in addition to friends, the end of a romantic relationship is distressing.
300 A. P. Borja et al. ϯϬ EƵŵďĞƌŽĨ^ƚƌĞƐƐdŚĞŵĞƐ Ϯϱ Ϯϯ Ϯϰ ϮϬ ϵ ZĞůĂƟŽŶƐŚŝƉƐ ϮϬ ϰϱ ^ĞůĨ Ϯ ^ƵƌƌŽƵŶĚŝŶŐƐ ϭϱ ^ŽĐŝŽĐƵůƚƵƌĂů ϭϬ ^ĞĐŽŶĚĂƌLJ ^ƵƉĞƌŶĂƚƵƌĂů ϭϬ ϱ ϯϯϯ ϰϰ Ϭ Ϭ Ϭ DŝĚĚůĞ WƌŝŵĂƌLJ 'ƌĂĚĞ>ĞǀĞů'ƌŽƵƉƐ Fig. 17.2 Stress themes by type and grade-level group. Number of stress themes related to each of the five inductively generated aggregate categories, by grade-level group Although primary school students did not discuss convergence). However, more so than that, pri- the loss of romantic partners, they were the only mary school students noted that actual academic grade-level group to share that being home alone and athletic failures are distressing (moderate or temporarily without their parents was distress- convergence). Similarly, middle school students ing. Adolescents from Tanzania, Sri Lanka, and noted the same themes but presented with dif- India discussed a similar theme, but the context ferent levels of convergence (low, low, and high, in which they discussed it was different. Namely, respectively). Furthermore, the Tanzanian and Sri Lankan secondary school participants spoke Greek site groups added that more than just aca- about the distress caused by their parents work- demic failures, behavioral and moral failings are ing abroad to provide for the family; in Tanzania, distressing. Related to this idea, the groups in middle and secondary school students indicated Mexico shared that children are distressed when that permanently “living with nonbiological par- their own actions hurt other people. Most other ents” or being “orphaned” was a stressor; and themes that middle school participants shared in India, participants (only secondary school) were either site specific or showed minimal to shared that the threat of being abandoned by par- low convergence, such as the distress caused by ents due to the child’s shameful behaviors was a one’s negative emotional or cognitive state (low relevant stressor. In all of these examples, eco- convergence). nomic, sociocultural, and developmental factors shaped the types of loss that were relevant and Secondary school students also discussed distressing to participants. self-related stressors tied to the expectations of others, but their discussions were limited Stressors Related to the Self Participating to personal failures in the areas of academics, children also discussed stressors stemming from behavior, and social relationships (moderate the self, with older children tending to discuss convergence). Although they did not explicitly more themes about self-related stressors (see indicate distress resulting from a lack of knowl- Fig. 17.2). Among primary school students, edge or skills needed to fulfill their expecta- self-related themes were related only to distress tions, a few site groups reported that a lack of about meeting academic expectations. Specifi- help and the inability to ask for needed help are cally, they reported that distress can be triggered distressing (low convergence). All other themes when “I do not [know] what to do” (Estonia were either site specific or were met with mini- Primary School Female; low convergence), and mal to low convergence, such as when one’s ac- the thought of failing is ever present (minimal tions hurt others (minimal convergence) or, in the case of the female groups in India and New
17 Cross-Cultural Patterns of Children’s Phenomenology About Stressors and Supports 301 Orleans, being pregnant as an adolescent (mini- ily members (e.g., cousins, grandparents, aunts), mal convergence). teachers, and other school staff (e.g., coach) also were identified as supportive people. Secondary Stressors Related to Physical Surroundings students expressed high convergence for extend- or Settings, Sociocultural Systems, or Super- ed family as supports, while middle and primary natural/Coincidental Occurrences Although school students showed moderate convergence. not predominantly discussed across grade-level About teachers as supports, middle school stu- groups, some site groups indicated that one’s dents showed high convergence, whereas pri- physical surroundings as well as larger socio- mary and secondary school students had moder- cultural systems can trigger distress among ate convergence. Siblings, community members children (see Fig. 17.2). The most commonly (e.g., neighbors, mental health professionals, and cited setting-based stressors across grade-level online community), religious deities, and pets groups were the school (minimal convergence also were discussed as supportive relationships, at primary school; low convergence at both but these themes were met with low to moderate middle and secondary school) and natural envi- levels of agreement. The self was discussed as ronment (minimal convergence across grade- a source of support at moderate convergence for level groups), such as animals, the dark, and primary, middle, and secondary school students. the weather. Regarding sociocultural systems, a few site groups at each grade level indicated Support themes (listed in Appendix B) were that poverty or economic problems, the media, clustered into three inductively generated ag- and pervasive community violence are distress- gregate categories: (a) supports related to inter- ing to children. At the middle and secondary personal interactions/relationships, (b) supports school levels, a few site groups indicated social related to the self, and (c) supports related to and political injustice or inequality as distress- engaging in activities. These categories are dis- ing to youth. This theme met with minimal con- cussed separately and illustrated using children’s vergence at the secondary school level, and only words. Greek females discussed this theme at the middle school level. Supports Related to Interpersonal Interac- tions or Relationships As shown in Fig. 17.4, Supports the majority of themes across grade-level groups were related to interpersonal interactions or rela- Just as children shared many unique narratives tionships. High convergence was met among about their stressors, they also shared numerous site groups at the primary, middle, and second- narratives about their supports. The same induc- ary levels about emotional support provided by tive process was used to generate diverse themes the aforementioned support figures. Examples of (listed in Appendix B). Primary, middle, and sec- emotional support include comforting one ver- ondary students provided narratives that gener- bally (e.g., “to elevate his spirit by saying he can ated increasing numbers of themes (25, 27, and do it and tell him to calm down and take it easy”), 32, respectively). Again, the greatest number of providing physical affection (e.g., “I just hold themes was expressed by secondary school stu- her hand, I give her a hug, I try to protect her”), dents. High convergence (i.e., greater than 75 % and using humor (e.g., “someone else makes a agreement) among the different sites at the prima- joke that will make me feel more joyful”). High ry, middle, and secondary school levels indicated convergence also was met at all three grade that parents and peers (e.g., best friends, roman- level groups for the theme of advice or helping tic interests (at middle school and secondary to problem solve. At the secondary school level, school levels), casual friends, and classmates) all sites discussed this theme. Students discussed are primary sources of support. Extended fam- both giving help and/or advice (e.g., “help a friend to solve his problem by providing different options”) and receiving help and/or advice from
302 A. P. Borja et al. ϯϱ ϯϮ ϯϬ Ϯϳ Ϯϱ EƵŵďĞƌŽĨ^ƵƉƉŽƌƚdŚĞŵĞƐ Ϯϱ ϮϬ ϭϱ ϭϬ ϱ Ϭ DŝĚĚůĞ ^ĞĐŽŶĚĂƌLJ WƌŝŵĂƌLJ 'ƌĂĚĞ>ĞǀĞů'ƌŽƵƉƐ Fig. 17.3 Support themes by type and grade-level group. Number of support themes related to each of the three induc- tively generated aggregate categories, by grade-level group supportive others (e.g., “teacher helps me prepare in India, was the idea of loved ones supporting a for a test”). student’s dreams and aspirations. Although no other interpersonal themes con- Primary, middle, and secondary school stu- sistently met with high convergence across all dents all discussed the theme of giving and re- grade-level groups, other themes showed moder- ceiving rewards. This included tangible gifts ate convergence across at least two groups. Stu- (e.g., “getting something I really like, maybe dents shared the theme of talking/listening (e.g., new clothes), words of praise (e.g., “teachers say “let the friend tell you so that she can take it out nice things to us”), physical affection (e.g., “if on you”) across all three grade-level groups at a your mom really loves you she’ll kiss you”), and level of moderate convergence. Middle school permission to engage in desirable activities (e.g., and secondary school students also discussed em- “when dad allows us to sleep long”). Primary pathy (moderate convergence). A middle school school students discussed this theme at a level of girl from Greece described this theme stating, “A high convergence, while middle and secondary good friend is the one who feels sad when you school students discussed it at a moderate level are sad and is happy when you are happy.” Empa- of convergence. thy was a site-specific theme for primary school students, only discussed by primary school boys Supports Related to Self The idea of the self as living in Greece. In addition, middle school and a support was discussed with moderate conver- secondary school students discussed the impor- gence across groups, with older students discuss- tance of trustworthiness, loyalty, and uncondi- ing more themes about self-related supports (see tional support (e.g., “make him understand that Fig. 17.3). Cognitive (e.g., “think good, positive whatever happens, I will be there for him and will thoughts”), behavioral (e.g., “defeat the fear by support him and won’t leave him”) at a moderate doing that thing slowly, step by step”), and emo- convergence level. A site-specific theme related tional (e.g., “crying it out”). Self-support strat- to the idea of unconditional support, discussed by egies were discussed by middle and secondary the group of secondary school girls interviewed school students (moderate convergence). Seeking time for oneself was another theme discussed by
17 Cross-Cultural Patterns of Children’s Phenomenology About Stressors and Supports 303 middle school (low convergence) and secondary (see Appendices A and B). Most important to our school students (moderate convergence). Middle research was the inductive identification of major and secondary school students discussed the categories of stressors and supports that children theme of success/achievement of goals at a level and adolescents identified, thus reflecting their of moderate convergence. For example, a second- emic perspectives. The five major categories of ary school student from Romania expressed this stressors across sites and grade levels included idea stating, “When you manage to do something those related to (a) interpersonal interactions or by yourself, you are happy, you feel complete.” relationships, (b) self, (c) physical context, (d) Middle school students from Greece discussed sociocultural systems, and (e) supernatural or co- the site-specific theme of transitioning from a incidental occurrences. As depicted in Fig. 17.2, child to a teenager. They described physical and the majority of themes were related to interper- psychological changes, as well as increases in sonal relationships, regardless of grade level. independence and opportunity. Similarly, the three major categories of supports were those related to (a) relationships, (b) self, Supports Related to Engaging in Activi- and (c) activities. Again, the majority of sup- ties Engaging in desired activities alone or ports across grade level were those related to in- with others was discussed at primary school terpersonal relationships (see Fig. 17.4). In fact, (high convergence), middle school (moderate even the self-related themes corresponded with convergence), and secondary school (moderate interpersonal themes, such that most were con- convergence) levels. Across the three groups, cerned with meeting expectations of significant celebrating holidays together and sharing food others. Recall the inclusion of culturally valued with others (e.g., “when it’s the birthday party competencies in our conceptual model (Fig. 1.3; and they invite me and give me some cake and Chap. 1). Our findings suggest that valued com- let me play”) were identified at low conver- petencies, reflected in cultural expectations from gence. Students also discussed playing with adults or society, can serve as stressors when friends, going on trips with parents, watching children and adolescents struggle to meet those movies and sports with others, and many other expectations. This is consistent with the work activities. Students also discussed engaging in of Harter (1999) which confirms the role of per- activities on their own, such as going on walks, ceived competence, in relation to competencies playing on the computer, reading, and many valued by significant others, as a potential con- more. The season/weather (e.g., “good climate”) tributor to self-esteem and overall well-being. was discussed at a level of moderate conver- gence in secondary school and specifically by The variations in the number of subthemes Estonian boys at the middle and primary school discussed by grade-level groups reflected in- levels. This theme was included in the category creasingly more types of stressors and supports of engagement in activities because students from primary to secondary levels (see Figs. 17.1 always discussed the weather within the context and 17.3). These developmental variations may of the activities they were engaging (e.g., “When reflect increasing exposure to diverse experi- I go to the mosque, I feel the cool breeze”). ences and increasing cognitive maturity as chil- dren approach adolescence (Bost, Vaughn, Bos- Discussion ton, Kazura, & O’Neal, 2004). In addition, peers as sources of both stress and support increased This chapter explored the cross-cultural varia- from primary to secondary level, highlighting the tions in stressors and supports reported by chil- increasing importance of peers as children ap- dren and adolescents in response to focus group proach adolescence. questions detailed in Chap. 2. The analyses yielded a multiplicity of stressors and supports Our analysis was focused on the level of con- sensus across site and grade groups, with moder- ate to high levels of consensus guiding our identi- fication of important themes and subthemes. This
304 A. P. Borja et al. EƵŵďĞƌŽĨ^ƵƉƉŽƌƚdŚĞŵĞƐ Ϯϱ ϭϴ ϮϮ ZĞůĂƟŽŶƐŚŝƉƐ ϮϬ ϭϵ ϲϱ ^ĞůĨ ϭϱ ϲ ĐƟǀŝƟĞƐ ϭϬ Ϯ ϱ ϯϯ Ϭ DŝĚĚůĞ ^ĞĐŽŶĚĂƌLJ WƌŝŵĂƌLJ 'ƌĂĚĞ>ĞǀĞů'ƌŽƵƉƐ Fig. 17.4 Support themes by grade-level group. Number of themes about supports discussed by each grade-level group cross-cultural analysis suggested that variations in Thus, we assumed that students identified what the experiences of children and adolescents with was most important or salient for their respec- regard to both stress and support are more likely tive age–site–gender group. However, the failure to be explained by developmental than cultural to identify specific themes does not necessar- factors, although, as noted in this chapter, there ily indicate lack of importance. The purpose of were clearly cultural (site specific) influences. For qualitative inquiry, especially in this case, was to example, the descriptions of parental absence as a elicit the potential range of stressors and supports stressor among adolescents suggested sociocultur- among children and adolescents across multiple al variations. Adolescents in Sri Lanka identified sites. Further, the purpose of the study was not to parents working abroad as a source of stress due portray a normative perspective, so cross-site or to parental absence, as it is common for parents in site-specific results should not be interpreted as Sri Lanka to go abroad to work and leave the chil- representative of the population. As we discuss dren with the other parent or a caregiver at home. further in the final chapter of this volume, iden- Adolescents in Tanzania characterized parental tification of the potential range of stressors and absence as being orphaned or living with nonbio- supports through qualitative inquiry might be a logical parents; representative of the population, first step in further exploration of what is norma- some of the participants were orphaned and/or tive through quantitative inquiry. living in boarding schools. Adolescents in India talked of the “threat” of abandonment by parents Conclusion if they engaged in shameful behavior, reflecting the level of shared concern about bringing shame As we noted in the introduction to this chapter, to one’s family. We chose to emphasize themes the purpose of the PPWBG project was to ex- that reflected consensus or convergence across plore the psychological well-being of children culture-specific sites and developmental levels, and adolescents cross-culturally and to contrib- only highlighting some of the variations by site ute to better understanding of what Arnett (2008) and grade level. Readers are encouraged to consult referred to as the neglected 95 % of the popula- site-specific chapters in this volume (Chaps. 3–16) tion. Arnett’s review of journals published by the for more detail on site-specific findings. American Psychological Association revealed that most of the research published in these jour- A few caveats are warranted. First, all descrip- nals reflected only 5 % of the world’s population. tions of stress and support were generated by participants in response to open-ended questions.
17 Cross-Cultural Patterns of Children’s Phenomenology About Stressors and Supports 305 He, along with others (Nastasi & Varjas, 2011; • Interpersonal physical/verbal/relational aggres- Trimble, Scharrón-del-Río, & Hill, 2012), have sion* raised concerns about the exporting of research and theory developed in the USA to other coun- • Loss/death (including potential loss)* tries and to underrepresented groups in the USA • Not having friends or someone to play with* as well. It was these concerns expressed at the • Others’ negative emotions or actions, directed initiation of this project (see Chap. 1) that guided our research purpose and methodology. or not directed at the person of interest* • Others’ (adults, peers, society) expectations of This chapter provides an overview of the themes related to stress and support generated by youth in different domains (e.g., as students children and adolescents across different sites in friends)* 12 countries. The findings reflect different levels • Others’ distressing experiences, that is, stress of consensus across site and developmental level. due to empathy Those themes that achieved high-to-moderate • Parent-to-child conflict levels of consensus provide an approximation of • Parent-to-parent conflict* an aggregate global view. Those themes achiev- • Performance demands (i.e., type of work and ing low to no consensus reflect experiences that workload)* are more likely tied to context, culture, or devel- • Physical presence of others opmental level. The site-specific Chaps. (3–16) • Pressure to do well in school also provide some insights about cultural and de- • Punishment by authority figures* velopmental variations. • Receiving bad news from others • Rules/restrictions As we discuss further in the final chapter of • Separation from caregivers or other loved ones the book, we viewed this research as an initial • Threat of physical or verbal harm step in expanding our understanding of psycho- • Unrequited romantic love logical well-being across context and culture. • Violation of personal property (i.e., when Future research is needed to confirm and extend personal belongings are broken, stolen, or these findings. Furthermore, although we caution touched by others) against universal generalization of findings, we • When one’s actions hurt others* do encourage site-specific researchers to con- • When others are “too honest” sider their findings in the context of the larger • When others break trust* picture presented here. We return to discussion • When others do not listen to or understand the of application of site-specific findings in the con- child’s point of view* cluding chapter. • When others fail to meet the child’s expecta- tions* Appendix A: Stress Themes • When others “get into somebody’s business that has nothing to do with them” Interpersonal Stressors • When others intentionally scare or startle* • Micro-specific: • Alcoholism among loved ones − Parents’ reactions (nonspecific) • “Bad relationships” (nonspecific)* − Not having teachers to talk to • Being blamed for something* − Not receiving help from teachers • Being judged or criticized by others* • Caregivers who show or say that they do not Self Stressors love their children • Being pregnant • Confronting/problem solving with a friend • Breaking rules/having “done something about a problem between them wrong” • Illness/injury*
306 A. P. Borja et al. • Existing negative emotions or thoughts in *Denotes stress themes repeated across grade- oneself* level group (e.g., interpersonal physical, verbal, relational aggression) • Having an important decision to make • Inability to ask for help Appendix B: Support Themes • Memories of bad events • Not knowing how to or what to do to complete Supports Related to Interpersonal Interactions/Relationships a task* • Potential/actual failures* • Extended family (e.g., grandparents, cousins, • Routine/monotony aunts)* • “Staying still too long” • Transition/developmental change • Parents* • Micro-specific: • Siblings* • Peers* − Bad dreams • Romantic relationships − “Miss instructions in class” • School staff (e.g., teachers, counselors, Contextual/Situational Stressors coaches) * • Religious deities • Damaged personal property • Community members (e.g., neighbors, mental • Dark* • Natural environment* health professionals, community members)* • School* • Animals/pets* • Unexpected events/new experiences* • Talking to others* • Uncertain future (e.g., of country) • Humor as emotional support* • Micro-specific: • Giving/receiving rewards* • Advice/helping to problem solve* – “Dirty environment” • Help (nondescript) • Empathy Sociocultural Stressors • Trustworthiness/dependability* • Praise/encouragement* • Media* • Emotional support * • Neighborhood/community crime/violence* • Being with others who are happy • Social/systemic injustices/inequality • Removing others from stressors • Micro-specific: • Micro-specific: − “Lack of money” − Good health of loved one − Economy* (economy was not micro-spe- − Loved one supporting child’s aspirations − Having shared interests cific at secondary school level; in fact, − Parents providing food and water it was most predominant sociocultural stressor theme) Supernatural Stressors Support Related to the Self • Misfortunes due to chance • Using cognitive, behavioral, emotional strate- • Micro-specific: gies* − Ghosts • Accomplishing goals/achievement* • Seeking time for oneself • Having no stress/worries • Micro-specific:
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Facilitating Children and 18 Adolescents’ Psychological Well-Being: A Practitioners’ Model and Research Example Helen Y. Sung and Michael Cunningham Introduction familiar with diagnoses of various psychological disorders, we have limited information on how to The world of the twenty-first century has allowed prevent them (Sheridan & Gutkin, 2000). people to live and work with others from across the globe, influencing the perception of psycho- Understanding mental health issues of racial logical well-being across cultures. However, our and ethnic minority (REM) youth in the USA is current understanding of psychological well-be- a complex undertaking, requiring consideration ing is limited to clinical definitions originating of sociocultural risk, protective, and promotive in Western culture, namely, from the USA and factors, especially in relationship to systems of Western Europe (Watters, 2010). In fact, current power that systematically marginalize REM understanding of mental health is largely deter- youth (Spencer, 2006). This marginalization is mined by the deficit-based descriptions found in particularly evident in the empirical literature the Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental about REM youth, as an emphasis on deficits Disorders, Fifth Edition (DSM-V; APA, 2013; and risks has perpetuated the belief that youth of ICD-10, WHO, 2010). Diagnoses are based on color present with more mental health challenges the symptoms that impair daily functioning, but, (Spencer, 2006). However, data suggest other- in many cases, attention to context, culture, and wise. In a nationwide sample of 1400 children environment is ignored or minimized, limiting in the USA (aged 5–17 years), McDermott and potential efforts toward systemic preventions Spencer (1997) reported that most psychopathol- and interventions (McDermott & Spencer, 1997). ogy was distributed proportionately across racial Consequently, a growing pandemic of mental and social class backgrounds. In fact, patterns of health problems has been evident in the USA, af- maladjustment displayed by European Ameri- fecting over 75 million people a year (Kessler et can (EA) participants were not uniformly com- al., 2005). Without preventive efforts, the num- mon among racial and ethnic minorities, with ber of children and adolescents with emotional REM groups manifesting variable propensity and behavioral problems only increases (Borba, for pathology. McDermott and Spencer’s (1997) 2001; Shaw & Woods, 2003). Although we are study is important because the results point to the failure of the DSM-IV (APA, 1994) to address H. Y. Sung () ethnic/racial or socioeconomic distinctions and Alliant International University, San Francisco, to acknowledge differential emergence of pa- California, USA thology across demographic strata. Notably, the e-mail: [email protected]; [email protected] challenge of addressing ethnic/racial or socioeco- nomic distinctions is still current. M. Cunningham Tulane University, New Orleans, Louisiana, USA Research points to the family, school, and community as systems that impact children’s © Springer Science+Business Media New York 2016 311 B. K. Nastasi, A. P. Borja (eds.), International Handbook of Psychological Well-Being in Children and Adolescents, DOI 10.1007/978-1-4939-2833-0_18
312 H. Y. Sung and M. Cunningham social–emotional development (Spencer, 2006). vices that can target the full range of their social– Yet, these contextual influences have been emotional needs (Doll & Cummings, 2008). In viewed as separate entities that have minimal im- fact, for some families, schools might be the only pact on the child’s functioning and development source of mental health support and intervention (McDermott & Spencer, 1997). This chapter (Strein, Hoagwood, & Cohn, 2003). highlights the integration of influencing factors that impact children’s and adolescent’s social and Gutkin (2008) explained that school profes- emotional development. When optimal condi- sionals must think in terms of an ecological model tions are identified, educational professionals by training parents and teachers to make a posi- may be able to detect warning signs earlier to tive difference in children’s environments. It is prevent more serious problems. not enough to treat the individual child when the environment does not change. Bandura (1986) The Social Systems stated that children learn through modeling or vicarious learning. Children observe and learn Bronfenbrenner’s (1979) ecological systems the- from adults in their lives. Thus, interventions at ory describes the child’s development within the the child, adult, organizational, and state/national context of relationships in the child’s environ- levels are necessary to sustain effective change ment and proposes a set of integrated systems: (Ringeisen, Henderson, & Hoagwood, 2003). (a) the microsystem, which is a set of roles, ex- pectations, and interactions that are characteristic Henderson (1995) argued that a child is im- of a single setting, such as the home, school, or pacted not only by the immediate environment neighborhood; (b) the mesosystem, or the roles, but also by the community and culture of the so- expectations, and interactions that result from ciety. Societal policies and cultural beliefs shape the relationship among multiple microsystems; how families and schools operate. For instance, (c) the exosystem, reflecting the decisions made because intelligence and achievement are highly about each microsystem that indirectly affect the valued in modern society, parents, teachers, and child; and (d) the macrosystem, encompassing schools tend to focus on grades and test scores societal norms and values. These systems inter- (Hayes, 2012). Those who are considered to be act and influence the child’s exposure to environ- successful are often rewarded and those with mental and sociocultural risk and protective fac- higher educational degrees and test scores have tors at the home, school, and neighborhood. For greater opportunities (Hayes, 2012). Yet, intel- instance, families may not always be able to place ligent people in high positions sometimes make high priorities on their children’s social–emo- poor decisions, suggesting that factors beyond in- tional well-being due to lack of parental aware- telligence and academic achievement are critical ness of children’s emotional needs and different (Goleman, 1995; Hayes, 2012). priorities (Borba, 2001; Shaw & Woods, 2003; Sung, 2010). At the school level, the push in the Today’s macrosystem in the USA is defined last decade for academic accountability and ex- by a culture of hierarchy, competition, and ma- cellence has diminished many schools’ focus on terialism (Hayes, 2012), which in turn impacts their students’ social–emotional needs, providing children’s emotional well-being. Current policies services and attention to only the neediest minor- and practices may not safeguard against inappro- ity of children (Civic Enterprises, Bridgeland, priate exposure to media, instant gratification, Bruce, & Hariharan, 2013). However, schools, promiscuity, and violence. For instance, with in- communities, and families play critical roles in creasing pressure to compete and meet material promoting children’s social–emotional health demands, Sung (2008) found changes in paren- (Nastasi, 1998), and the school is the best loca- tal availability over time. Teachers reported that tion for children to receive a continuum of ser- parents are busier and provide less supervision of their children (Sung, 2008), in spite of the fact that youth are increasingly exposed to media and the Internet (Tisone & Goodell, 2013). Although exposure to global ideas promotes progress and
18 Facilitating Children and Adolescents’ Psychological Well-Being 313 growth, the risk of exposure to inappropriate or are the priorities in Eastern (Asian heritage) and violent media and/or interchanges is greater and Western (European heritage) belief systems, as can also affect children’s social–emotional func- reflected in views of participants from Eastern tioning (Jones, Mitchell, & Finkelhor, 2012). and Western cultural backgrounds, that impact emotional well-being? The emotional well-being of children also is shaped by the beliefs and values of the people Study 2 examined African American adoles- in their environment. For instance, in a partici- cents’ perceptions of supports and challenges in patory mental health study with adolescents in the school context. Specifically, we were interest- Sri Lanka, Nastasi, Varjas, Sarkar, and Jayasena ed in understanding emotional well-being from (1998) highlighted the influence of culture on the adolescent’s perspective. In this study, future emotional well-being. Youth participants reported expectations were examined to indicate emotion- that males were treated differently from females, al well-being. As indicated in the extant research such that females’ thoughts and feelings were (e.g., Cunningham, Corprew, & Becker, 2009; often ignored while males’ voices were given Trask-Tate, Cunningham, & Lang-DeGrange, more credence. Thus, participants reported that 2010; Wyman, Cowen, Work, & Kerley, 1993), young women tend to suppress their thoughts and adolescents with higher future expectations are feelings and cope quietly with emotional abuses. resilient and work toward higher levels of aca- Sung (2010) also identified culturally based par- demic achievement. This study addressed similar enting beliefs and values that influence parent– research questions as those addressed in study 1: child interactions, which in turn, influence the What aspects of community, school, and family development of emotional intelligence. For in- promote emotional well-being? In doing so, we stance, Sung (2010) noted that a punitive environ- examined correlates of future expectations with ment in the home can contribute to low emotional domain-specific social supports (e.g., community intelligence because children are not expected to support, school support, and family support). be thinkers or problem solvers. Children with low emotional intelligence have been found to be at Methods higher risk for mental health disorders (Taylor, 2001). To better understand the cultural and rela- This section details the methods for both stud- tional influences on children and adolescents, this ies. The participants and procedures for data col- chapter presents findings from two studies, which lection and analysis are delineated separately for examined the construct of emotional well-being study 1 and study 2. from the perspective of educational practitioners and adolescents, respectively. Study 1 Study 1 examined educational practitioners’ Participants Educational professionals working perspective about the conditions that influence at elementary and high school levels participated the emotional well-being of children and adoles- in the study. Three focus groups were conducted cents within the contexts of school, family, and with seven school psychologists and five prin- community. Educational practitioners (school cipals. Of the seven psychologists, two worked psychologists and school administrators) were in high schools, two in both preschool and el- selected because of their role in making decisions ementary school settings, one in both middle about and working with children and adolescents and elementary schools, and three in elementary and their families. The following questions guid- schools. The five principals worked in elemen- ed the study: What are the beliefs and values that tary schools. promote emotional well-being? What aspects of community, school, and family promote emo- For the purpose of exploring broad cultural dif- tional well-being? What are the culture-specific ferences, participants with Eastern and Western educational factors that influence emotional well-being in children and adolescents? What
314 H. Y. Sung and M. Cunningham cultural backgrounds (i.e., heritage) were recruit- In this study, educational professionals’ per- ed. Two psychologists and two principals were spectives were obtained through focus group in- from Eastern heritage (Chinese, Japanese, and terviews, using PPWBG interview questions spe- East Indian), three principals and five school psy- cifically developed for administrators and mental chologists from Western heritage (EA). These pro- health support staff (see Chap. 2). The interview fessionals were all educated in the USA and com- questions were open-ended for rich descriptions prised first- through third-generation immigrants. of the participants’ phenomenology of emotional Most EAparticipants were at least second- or third- well-being (Lincoln & Guba, 1985). The ques- generation immigrants from European countries. tions were related to the roles of parents, teach- While acculturation plays a role in self-identity, ers, and community. Community and school sup- social scientists explain that cultural norms tend ports and parental reactions to the supports were to get passed down from generation to generation discussed. Stressors perceived to have an impact (Matsumoto, 1999). Eastern heritage generally on family and children were identified. All the values hierarchy, collectivism, and compliance. participants had the opportunity to respond to Western heritage generally values individualism each question and to react to responses of other and self-reliance (Kim & Choi, 1994; Kitayama group members. & Markus, 1994). These educational professionals were able to reflect on the disadvantages of ex- Data Analysis All interviews were audio- treme polarities; their perspectives reflect the need recorded and transcribed. The transcripts were for balance between the two extremes. coded using the coding scheme from the PPWBG project (see Chap. 2), which is based on previous Procedures The call for participation in the research on psychological well-being (Nastasi study was announced at the elementary and high et al., 1998). Coded data were then subjected to school district psychologists’ meetings in south- theme analysis consistent with procedures for the ern San Francisco, California. Several principals larger study. and administrators were notified of the study by email. Participation was voluntary and informed Study 2 consent was obtained. The interviews were con- ducted in focus group format. The first group con- Participants Two-hundred six African Ameri- sisted of three psychologists, the second group can high school students were recruited to par- four principals, and the third group five psychol- ticipate. The majority of the participants were ogists and a principal. The inclusion of both psy- female ( n = 136) and between the ages of 13 and chologists and school administrators provided for 18 ( M = 15.79, SD = 1.19). All participants at- triangulation of data (Creswell, 1998). tended a center for science and mathematics in a large urban southern city in the USA, which Data Collection This study was a part of the is a voluntary program for students who are in- Promoting Psychological Well-Being Globally terested in completing advanced or specialized (PPWBG; Nastasi & International Psychologi- classes in science and math. Students are con- cal Well-Being Team, 2012) project to identify sidered high achieving due to their interest in stakeholder perspectives of emotional (psycho- these academic areas and because they all make logical) well-being within respective cultural special efforts to attend this school. Admissions contexts, including the perspectives of children, to the school are based on the merit of a teach- adolescents, and adults (parents, teachers, school er–student interview, such that no form of stan- administrators, and support staff). The PPWBG dardized testing is used to determine eligibility. project used qualitative research methods, pri- Students spend half their day at their districted marily focus group and individual interviews; public high school and the other at the center for procedures and specific interview questions are science and math. presented in Chap. 2.
18 Facilitating Children and Adolescents’ Psychological Well-Being 315 Demographics for the participant popula- score indicates that students have high expecta- tion are similar to the rest of the school district, tions of experiencing positive outcomes (i.e., which has the second highest number of low- “have a good job or be politically active,” etc.). performing public schools in the state. We label The scale demonstrated good internal consis- the students as high-achieving and low resource tency ( α = 0.81). for several reasons. As reported in past evalua- tions, approximately 80 % of students attending Support from Adult Family Members was receive free lunch (Foney & Cunningham, 2002) measured with constructs extracted from a larg- and 46 % live in single-parent (mother-headed) er Social Support scale (i.e., Munsch & Blyth, households. Despite these challenges, recent 1993; Munsch & Wampler, 1993). The students graduating classes demonstrated a college ac- responded to 28 questions that asked about peo- ceptance rate of 93 % (Foney & Cunningham, ple who want them to become a success, give 2002), which is much higher than the rest of the them advice, and the importance of their advice district and state. This acceptance rate is similar and suggestions. Twenty questions that addressed to self-reported information. We asked the stu- perceived social support from adults were used dents, “How many years do you think you will in the current analysis. The Adult Social Support go to school?” The students responded that they construct had a Cronbach’s alpha of 0.89. The wanted to go to graduate or professional school scale’s subcomponents included the following: (63.8 %), 4-year college or university (34.3), vo- the Family Social Support subscale (e.g., mother, cational or trade school (1.4 %), and only one stu- father, aunt, uncle, and grandparents; α = 0 .81); dent said high school. the School Social Support subscale (e.g., teach- ers, school administrators, and school club lead- Procedures Data were collected via self-report er/sports coach; α = 0.86); and the Community survey as part of the Youth Empowerment Proj- Social Support subscale included neighbors and ect (Cunningham, Hurley, Foney, & Hayes, church members/leaders ( α = 0.79). 2002), the aim of which was to identify contribu- tors to success among “at-risk” adolescents. Par- Data Analysis The data for this study were ticipants completed a survey packet during the descriptive and correlational. Means and standard school day; completion time was approximately deviations were computed. The data were stan- 1 h. Graduate and advanced undergraduate dardized, and Pearson two-tail correlations were research assistants administered the survey. The computed. Standard probability levels were used survey format was comprised of a set of demo- to discuss statistical significance (see Table 18.1). graphic questions and several subscales, each assessing different constructs. A description of Results survey measures follows. In this section, we present results from both Measures The likelihood portion of Spencer’s studies. Findings are organized based on several (1989) Future Expectations Scale was employed broad themes that emerged from qualitative and to assess future expectations. The measure is a quantitative analyses: psychological well-being, modification of Jessor’s (1993) scale of success- attitudes and priorities, parental roles, education- ful adolescent outcomes for adolescents who al priorities, community responsibility, ecologi- reside in high-risk settings. Students rated how cal perspective, and cross-cultural comparison. likely a number of listed outcomes would occur Findings from study 1 reflect the perspectives within 10 years in the future. There are 15 ques- of school psychologists and principals gathered tions on this scale, and each question is evaluated through focus groups. Study 2 findings reflect on a scale of 0 through 3. A score of 0 indicates perspectives of adolescents obtained through low perceived likelihood of the event; a 3 indi- structured surveys. cates a high perceived likelihood. Thus, a high
316 H. Y. Sung and M. Cunningham Table 18.1 Means, standard deviations, and zero-order correlations, study 2 ( n = 206) 1 23 4 5 6 7 Mean 15.77 0.65 2.01 2.33 1.72 1.65 2.64 0.92 0.36 Standard deviation 1.17 0.48 0.60 0.58 0.84 −0.11 0.02 − 0.05 0.08 1. Age – 0.13* − 0.10 − 0.09 − 0.04 0.81**** 0.33**** 0.49**** 0.29**** 2. Sex (male—0, Female—1) – − 0.07 − 0.05 − 0.07 0.62**** 0.20*** – 0.33**** 3. Adult support (1–3) – 0.83**** 0.83**** – 4. Family support (1–3) – 0.45**** 5. School support (1–3) – 6. Community support (1–3) 7. Future expectations (1–4) * p <0 .10; ** p < 0.05; *** p < 0.01; **** p < 0.001 Psychological Well-Being dents indicated that striving for a goal is impor- tant for emotional well-being. Through partici- Results from study 1 indicate that, from the per- pation in sports and teamwork, adolescents feel spective of school psychologists and administra- connected and strive for a common goal. The tors, emotionally healthy adults, adolescents, and willingness to learn is an attitude that indicates children can maintain relationships, are empa- emotional well-being. The value of relationships, thetic and flexible, and have good coping skills. especially within the family, adds to the founda- They have a sense of belonging and have balance tion for emotional well-being. Also, the attitude in their lives. Emotionally healthy individuals of self-directedness and the sense of empower- have a sense of autonomy and feel competent in ment indicate emotional well-being. When all their own abilities. They care for others as they the people involved in children’s and adoles- contribute to the wellness of others. They are cents’ lives have the sense of shared responsibil- aware of emotions, feel comfortable about shar- ity, people are united in the promotion of emo- ing emotions, and are resilient. They are content, tional well-being. As new information is added show happiness, and are willing to learn. They and technology advances, high priority must be can adapt to change and can “pick oneself up” placed on training and educating teachers and when faced with difficulties. parents about the current issues influencing chil- dren and adolescents. The sense of autonomy and competence may be related to setting and achieving goals. Similar pat- Study 1 findings are supported with the adoles- terns are noted in study 2 data from adolescent par- cent data of study 2, namely, in that students feel ticipants. As indicated in Table 18.1, students’ fu- connected when they feel supported at school. ture expectations were above average. On a scale For example, the correlation between school sup- of 1–4, the mean was 2.64 with an SD of 0.36. Ad- port and future expectations was statistically sig- ditionally, support from all the adults, as reported nificant ( r = 0.20, p < 0.01), which suggests that by adolescents, had a statistically significant rela- psychological well-being as measured by future tion to future expectations ( r = 0 .33, p < 0.01). expectations is associated with having school of- ficials who provide social support. Attitudes and Priorities Parental Roles Qualitative analyses in study 1 indicated that Respondents in study 1 discussed parental roles. beliefs and values within the culture at home, They indicated that parents are the single most school, and community impact the emotional important socialization agents in the child’s life. well-being of children and adolescents. Respon-
18 Facilitating Children and Adolescents’ Psychological Well-Being 317 Even before the child starts school, he or she is parent social support and mother social sup- with the parents. In early childhood, parents so- port had statistically significant correlations to cialize and create an environment for the child to future expectations (e.g., r = 0.16, p < 0.05 and thrive. One respondent said that the child spends r = 0 .19, p <0 .01, respectively). Father social first 5 years of life mostly with parents. They support was not statistically significant ( r = 0.09, also added that parents are expected to provide p = n.s.). However, when statistically controlling for the child’s basic needs such as food, shelter for single-parent household, the relationship be- and clothing, and opportunities for diverse expe- tween father social support and future expecta- riences and stimulating environments. Respon- tions approaches statistical significance ( r = 0.11, dents agreed that promoting a happy atmosphere p = 0.10). Additionally, more variance is account- where positive relationships are encouraged at ed for by the relationship of mother social sup- home adds to the child’s emotional well-being. port to future expectations ( r = 0.20, p < 0.01). Parents’ roles are to nurture their children Educational Priorities emotionally, connect with the community, and stay involved in their children’s education. Par- School psychologists and principals in study 1 ents’ knowledge about the emotional and devel- suggested that learning cannot happen without opmental needs of their children can help them to emotional well-being and that schools play a crit- be proactive parents. Their support in educational ical role in fostering emotional well-being. They interventions and educational goals also can help identified emotional well-being as more impor- children to value education. Additionally, being a tant than academics. One of the responsibilities listening parent instead of a critical parent encour- of the school is to teach good citizenship. Teach- ages acceptance, competence, and creativity. The ers can show care for all students by staying con- parents’ willingness to learn, develop skills, and nected with them even when they leave the class- wisdom increases their ability to respond to daily room. Teachers are models, in the classroom, for challenges in ways to promote emotional well- problem solving, communication, and emotional being. Ultimately, however, parents who are con- awareness. School is a place for students to prac- nected with other parents have more resources. tice social skills, manage their emotions, and engage in perspective taking. One respondent Consistent with the view that the supportive stressed the importance of finding success in all parent nurtures competence in children (study 1), children and magnifying their strengths to build study 2 found that parent support was significant- confidence. Others agreed that when students feel ly related to adolescents’ positive future expecta- successful, they are more likely to take risks, ask tions. Specifically, the family support construct questions, and maintain enthusiasm for learning. included mother and father collectively (e.g., par- ent support) and separately (e.g., mother support and father support). As indicated in Table 18.2, Table 18.2 Partial correlations in study 2, controlling for single-parent households ( n = 206) 12345 6 2.64 Mean 15.77 0.65 0.43 2.73 0.15 0.36 0.02 Standard deviation 1.17 0.48 0.60 0.58 0.84 0.08 0.16** 1. Age – 0.13 * − 0.09 − 0.06 − 0.07 0.19** 0.09 2. Sex (male—0, female—1) – − 0.13 * − 0.02 − 0.15** – 3. Parent support (1–3) – 0.60**** 0.90**** 4. Mother support (1–3) – 0.20*** 5. Father support (1–3) – 6. Future expectations (1–4) * p < 0.10; ** p < 0.05; *** p < 0.01; **** p < 0.001
318 H. Y. Sung and M. Cunningham Giving students a chance to succeed, no matter hindered emotional development. The long-term how small, can become a “beacon of light” when effect on quality of life is reflected in reaching they experience challenges later in life. goals, problem solving, interpersonal skills, and maintaining relationships. Respondents agreed Study 2’s results are consistent with patterns that collective responsibility and raising aware- found in study 1. The correlation between school ness at all levels need to be a priority. social support and future expectations is statis- tically significant ( r = 0 .20, p < 0.01). These ad- Cross-Cultural Comparison olescent-reported results suggest that future ex- pectations are associated with supportive school The inclusion in study 1 of educational profes- environments. sionals with different heritages across Eastern and Western regions of the world permitted ex- Community Responsibility ploration of cross-cultural differences in per- spective. The Korean heritage and North Ameri- Study 1 explored community responsibilities for can experience of the researcher (first author) child emotional well-being. Respondents agreed were useful. As a Korean American researcher, that the community has responsibility for being emerging cultural themes were identified due culturally aware in today’s global society. The to researcher’s awareness and sensitivity. In- community can share ideas and expertise to sup- terpretation involves making sense of the data port the family and children. Although it may not (Lincoln & Guba, 1985). Hunches, insights, and always be true, the businesses in the community intuition are additional forms of interpretation need to strive for common good instead of the (Creswell, 1998). The researcher was instrumen- bottom line. The community’s priority on educa- tal in interpretation of this section of qualitative tion and family translates into win–win for all. ethnographic study (Strauss & Corbin, 1998). One respondent expressed that the opportunity Consensus among the educational profession- for parents to connect through family events and als regarding the indicators of emotional well- recreation keep parents from feeling isolated. being in children and adolescents were evident. They agreed that shared responsibility for pro- Yet, some emerging themes were in response to moting emotional well-being among children and the respondents’ cultural belief system. Indica- adolescents also includes the community. tions of both Western beliefs of individualism, self-esteem, and self-reliance and Eastern beliefs Similar to the other domains of social support, of collectivism, competition, and hierarchy that the adolescent reports of community social sup- may influence emotional well-being were noted port, which includes neighbors and adults from (see Fig. 18.1). the students’ religious communities, indicate that future expectations are associated with perceived The educational professionals of Western social support from one’s community (e.g., backgrounds prioritized emotional awareness, r = 0.33, p < 0.001). emotional regulation, listening to children, and having a consistent caregiver as indicative Ecological Perspective of emotional well-being. On the other hand, the educational professionals of Eastern back- The responses of educational professionals in grounds valued feelings of contentment, flexibil- study 1 suggested an ecological perspective, re- ity, being a contributing member to community, flected in agreement that family, school, and com- and extended family involvement. Furthermore, munity contribute to the emotional well-being of the Western heritage professionals focused on children. These contexts/systems are interrelated partnerships between the school and home and and influential as children’s environment impacts maintaining a balance across academic, social, their functioning ability, leading to enhanced or and leisure times. Similarly, Eastern heritage
18 Facilitating Children and Adolescents’ Psychological Well-Being 319 :(67(51%$&.*5281' *(1(5$//< ($67(51%$&.*5281' (PRWLRQDODZDUHQHVV &20021 &RQWHQW &RQVLVWHQWDGXOWLQFKLOG¶V ([WHQGHGIDPLO\\LQYROYHPHQW OLIH &RPPXQLW\\ )OH[LEOH &RSLQJ $XWRQRP\\ 3DUWQHUVKLSZLWK &RPSHWHQFH VFKRROKRPH $GDSWDWLRQWR &RQWULEXWLQJPHPEHU 5HVLOLHQW 3HRSOH 1XUWXUHGHPRWLRQDOO\\DQG (PRWLRQDOO\\UHJXODWHG DFDGHPLFDOO\\ &DUHVIRURWKHUV (QYLURQPHQW %DVLFQHHGVPHW (PSDWKHWLF 5HODWLRQDOVNLOOV /LVWHQWRFKLOGUHQ %DODQFHEHWZHHQFRPSHWLWLRQ 0RGHOSUREOHPVROYLQJ DQGFRRSHUDWLRQ &RPSHWHZLWKVHOI %DODQFHLQDFDGHPLF 7RRPXFKSRVLWLYHPD\\QRW VRFLDODQGOHLVXUH SUHSDUHFKLOGUHQIRUWKHUHDO 3RVLWLYHUHLQIRUFHPHQW ZRUOG Fig. 18.1 Difference in perception among educational gain support within the community, maintain relation- professionals from Eastern and Western cultural back- ships with people, and adapt to environmental demands. grounds. ( Note: The center column presents themes that Common themes from participants with Western (Euro- are agreed upon among participants, regardless of cultural pean) backgrounds are on the left and common themes background and reflect characteristics of emotional well- from participants with Eastern (Asian) background are on being, including the individual’s ability to function and the right) professionals highlighted parental nurturing of Discussion children’s emotional and academic growth. They also expressed the need for balancing competi- The promotion of emotional well-being involves tion and cooperation. Finally, the Western heri- the collective community. The responsibilities of tage professionals prioritized resilience, empa- parents, teachers, local community, and the society thy, children’s expression, modeling problem were evident in these studies, consistent with Bron- solving, and positive reinforcement. In contrast, fenbrenner’s (1979) ecological systems theory. Eastern heritage professionals highlighted the need for autonomy, competence, relational skills, In discussing psychological well-being, par- getting the basic needs met, and they believed ticipants in study 1 emphasized the importance of that too many “positives” may not prepare chil- family relationships that nurture children’s emo- dren for the real world. tional and academic development, demonstrate autonomy and flexibility, fulfill children’s basic The participants responded based on their needs, and promote feelings of competence. belief system, influenced by their awareness of Professionals of Western heritage backgrounds areas to improve what they already know about discussed the importance of positive reinforce- the perceived shortcoming in the culture they ment, listening to children, being a role model understand. For example, Western professionals and a stable caregiver, and collaboration between expressed the importance of parent support in home and school. Although professionals agreed the school’s efforts and the concept of a village on all factors needed for emotional well-being, raising a child. Eastern professionals described priorities among the participants were noted. the need for autonomy and self-efficacy. All edu- This study not only enhanced the cross-cultural cational professionals expressed the concerns of understanding but also gave descriptions of char- children growing up in today’s society and pre- acteristics that indicate emotional well-being. In paring them appropriately to achieve emotional general, the participants expressed that an emo- well-being. tionally well person is someone who is caring,
320 H. Y. Sung and M. Cunningham empathetic, resilient, competent, flexible, and the school is structured for early interventions. contributes to one’s environment. These de- When the culture of the school is collaborative scriptions are similar to characteristics of a per- and proactive, teachers work together to support son with high emotional intelligence (Baron & one another and model problem solving. Third, Parker, 2002; Ciarrochi, Forgas, & Mayer, 2001; the local community and the society have criti- Goleman, 1995). cal roles to play. For example, economic profit at all cost could be damaging to children when Consistency was also found from a sample the parents are not available to supervise closely of urban African American adolescents in study for many different reasons. With shared respon- 2. Although the extant literature is plagued with sibility, people at all levels could collaborate to more examples of challenges than of successes promote emotional well-being in children. for this population of young people, by using the ecological model, we were able to demonstrate As Bronfenbrenner (1979) stated, the culture that psychological well-being, as measured by of dominance, competition, and materialism have future expectations, is associated with supportive an impact on children’s emotional well-being. adults in the students’ home, school, and commu- The policies that are in place may not safeguard nity settings. against inappropriate exposure to media, instant gratification, and violence. Because children do The participants in study 1 were highly edu- not grow up in isolation, we need to take a serious cated professionals, working in the school sys- look at the larger social ecology and the cultural tem. The focus group discussions triggered beliefs that maintain the detrimental influence thoughtful ideas about the conditions that pro- on children. The collaboration between home mote emotional well-being regardless of culture. and school must be the common practice. Gutkin Valuable contributions were made to fostering (2008) explained that parents and teachers could emotional well-being from both Eastern and be educated to make a positive difference in the Western perspectives. Sung (2010) found that the children’s environment. With knowledge about adolescent with high emotional intelligence had the influencing factors, parents and teachers are parents who were able to take the best of Eastern positioned to create an environment that will pro- and Western belief systems, moving away from mote emotional well-being. Specific communi- the extreme polarities. The participants in this cation techniques and interaction patterns can be study expressed the need for balance between op- learned. When we increase emotional well-being posing views. The respondents also focused on in children and adolescents, it will have a pro- the positive contribution of both belief systems. found impact on the future. We will have better Respondents not only acknowledged the pri- leaders, educators, entrepreneurs, and scientists orities of respecting elders, social responsibility, who make decisions that benefit humanity, are and self-awareness common in Eastern belief but empathetic to human needs, recognize and adapt also of respecting individuality, shared parenting, to change, work effectively with people from communication, and emotional expressions typi- across the globe, and bring people together for cal in Western culture as positive influences on common good. emotional development. By accepting the best of what each culture offers, the chance for maximiz- Implications ing emotional well-being increases. Study 1 is part of the larger psychological well- Both studies described the roles of parents, being study highlighted throughout this volume. teachers, school, and community. First of all, it This study has implications for parents, teach- is the close interaction within the family and the ers, administrators, and policy-makers cross- positive nurturing that occurs emotionally and culturally. Results suggest influencing factors at intellectually. The parents listen to their children home, school, and the community for supporting and model behaviors that are valued. The parents the emotional needs of children. Study 2’s focus are involved in the child’s life. When a problem arises, they are on the same team when solving problems rather than being at odds. Second,
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Future Directions in Promoting 19 Psychological Well-Being Globally Bonnie K. Nastasi and Amanda P. Borja Introduction well-being from the perspectives of children and adolescents and then reconstruct them through As we described in Chap. 1 of this book, the im- cross-cultural analysis. The deconstruction pro- petus for the Promoting Psychological Well-Be- cess is best reflected in the site-specific chap- ing Globally (PPWBG) project was the interest ters (Chaps. 3–16), whereby site researchers of international school psychologists in studying identified themes and patterns across age and children’s psychological well-being cross-cultur- gender groups within the specific cultural con- ally and the challenge of doing so in a way that text. The reconstruction process, depicted in the addressed the following concerns: cross-site analysis (Chap. 17), was designed to capture congruence across informants from dif- How do we study children’s mental health across ferent sites and age–gender groups in order to multiple countries given the potential variations in reflect “universal” meanings. We, of course, worldviews and meaning across cultures and lan- offer the reconstruction of meanings based on guages? Moreover, how do we engage in research selected sites across 12 countries. As an ini- without imposing “Western” definitions of mental tial step in understanding universal meanings, health such as those generated in United States? we acknowledge the limitations of population How do we avoid the use of the term “mental representation. health” given potential negative connotations (and stigma) through association with the term “mental The methodology for the PPWBG project was illness”? (Nastasi & Borja, Chap. 1, this volume) primarily qualitative and ethnographic, consis- tent with the purpose of understanding psycho- We attempted to develop what D’Augelli (2003) logical well-being from a cultural perspective. referred to as culturally sensitive methodol- As described in Chap. 1 (this volume), several ogy. Speaking of the challenges of developing conceptual models provided the foundations methodologies that permit cultural analysis, for the project: Bronfenbrenner’s (1989, 1999) D’Augelli (2003) describes the process as “the ecological systems theory (EST); a conceptual systematic deconstruction of embedded mean- model of psychological well-being that reflects ings…followed by reconstruction of some kind” an integration of emic and etic perspectives based (p. 348). The data collection and analysis meth- on our prior research (Nastasi et al., 1998, 2004); ods (described in Chaps. 2 and 17, this volume) a child rights perspective based on the UN (1989) of the PPWBG project were an attempt to do just Convention of the Rights of the Child, with par- that, to deconstruct meanings of psychological ticular attention to representing children’s voices; and, PCISM (Nastasi et al., 2004), a participatory B. K. Nastasi () · A. P. Borja research model for developing culture-specific Tulane University, New Orleans, LA, USA e-mail: [email protected] © Springer Science+Business Media New York 2016 323 B. K. Nastasi, A. P. Borja (eds.), International Handbook of Psychological Well-Being in Children and Adolescents, DOI 10.1007/978-1-4939-2833-0_19
324 B. K. Nastasi and A. P. Borja interventions. We return to these models as we high convergence, primary and secondary stu- discuss findings and future directions. dents reached moderate convergence. Other de- velopmental differences were evident in types Conceptual Interpretations: Going of peer supports. For example, whereas students Full Circle at all three grade levels identified best friends, classmates, and casual friends as supports, only As we discussed in Chap. 1, conceptual founda- middle and high school students identified ro- tions framed our etic perspective for exploring mantic interests. Lower levels of convergence children’s psychological well-being cross-cultur- were evident for siblings, community members, ally. In this section, we discuss the study findings religious deities, and pets as source of support in the context of respective foundations. (see Chap. 17 for details.) Ecological Systems Theory The examination of findings from an ecologi- cal–developmental perspective has implications As reflected in Fig. 1.2, the multiple systems for enhancing our understanding of the role of in which the child is embedded are critical for significant others in supporting well-being. For understanding current level and development of example, identifying important sources of stress competence, in this case, of psychological well- and support can inform development of assess- being. The cross-cultural findings (Chap. 17) sup- ment and intervention tools, as well as contribute port the role of significant others within the vari- to theory development. Although we highlighted ous microsystems as seen in Fig. 1.2 (e.g., family, convergence in themes, the variations across school, peer group, and community). In particu- groups in level of importance and description lar, the highest level of convergence (greater than of what constitutes support and stress need to be 75 % of site groups) was found for interpersonal considered. Also critical to our understanding of relationships and interactions as a source of stress and support was the identification of the stress and/or support. Particularly important as self as a source of both stress and support, thus sources of stress were the family and peer group the individual at the center of the ecosystem. We (microsystems), with the peer group increasing in return to the discussion of the self in the next importance as students approached adolescence. section. School and community/neighborhood microsys- tems, although important, achieved lower levels Conceptual Model of Psychological of convergence across sites and developmental Well-Being levels. The developmental differences in the im- portance of different contexts support the con- The conceptual framework for defining psy- sideration of chronosystem factors, for example, chological well-being (Fig. 1.3) includes both peers as sources of stress showed high conver- individual (culturally valued competencies, per- gence among middle and secondary school stu- sonal resources, and vulnerabilities) and cultural dents but only moderate convergence for primary (norms, resources, stressors, agents, and prac- level (see Chap. 17 for details). tices) factors. This model guided our develop- ment of data collection and analysis methods Sources of support that realized high con- (see Chap. 2, this volume). We were intentional vergence across site and developmental groups in our efforts to understand these categories of were parents and peers, with developmental individual and cultural factors cross-cultur- variations for school staff and extended family. ally. As reflected in the site-specific chapters For example, whereas middle school students (Chaps. 3–16), researchers were asked to focus identified school staff as sources of support with on culturally valued competencies, stressors, and supports within the conceptual framework,
19 Future Directions in Promoting Psychological Well-Being Globally 325 whereas the cross-site analysis (Chap. 17) fo- about the types of interpersonal interactions that cused specifically on stressors and supports. convey stress or support to children, adults can be better equipped to consider how expectations In the previous section, we described stress- are communicated, and how one responds when ors and supports related to interpersonal relation- expectations are not met (examples can be found ships and interactions. Children’s identification in Chaps. 3–17). of key relationships facilitates understanding of socialization agents (e.g., parents, teachers, and As discussed in Chap. 17 (this volume), sourc- peers) and practices, as well as cultural norms es of stress and support extended beyond the in- related to relationships (see Fig. 1.3). For ex- terpersonal and personal to social–cultural fac- ample, children’s discussions of what constitutes tors (specifically, social–cultural stressors and re- stress and support within key relationships pro- sources). Though to a lesser extent, children also vide evidence of influential practices related to identified physical surroundings, settings, and socialization that may facilitate or inhibit well- sociocultural systems as sources of distress; these being. Most important was the high level of con- sources typically yielded low-to-moderate con- vergence regarding verbal and physical aggres- vergence, which suggests that they are more like- sion from both peers and adults as a source of ly to be influenced by local context. For example, distress. These included physical beatings in the the contextual-related stressors included poverty context of discipline/punishment by adults as and community violence, which we would expect well as the use of physical aggression to resolve to vary across communities. Similarly, social– peer conflicts. In contrast, descriptions of sup- political injustice and inequality were identified ports suggested that emotional care (comforting) by middle and secondary students at some sites, or instrumental help (e.g., to solve a problem) perhaps suggesting variations in social–political from others was consistently identified by stu- conditions or in individual awareness of such in- dents. These findings further address the impor- justices. With regard to supports, students identi- tance of peer and adult interactions in facilitating fied different types of activities as sources of sup- psychological well-being. port. These findings also reflect potential contex- tual variations in social–cultural resources. For In addition to significant others, children also example, students discussed activities related to identified the self as an important source for both holidays and celebrations, or excursions to mov- stress and support. These findings are helpful in ies or sports events. The availability and acces- understanding the role of individual factors, cul- sibility to different activities is likely to vary; turally valued competencies, personal vulnera- however, the critical factor is the engagement in bilities, and personal resources as well as cultur- pleasurable activities either alone or with others al factors such as cultural norms (see Fig. 1.3). as a potential source of support. Moreover, the Perhaps most important is children’s identifica- identification of personal, interpersonal, and con- tion of their personal difficulty in meeting expec- textual resources as mechanisms for support in tations as a key source of stress. These findings times of difficulty and distress provides evidence are important for understanding not only the re- of children’s coping strategies. lationship between self-perceptions and psycho- logical well-being but also the role of culturally Perhaps what is most important about the valued norms and competencies as sources of identification of cultural and individual fac- distress and personal vulnerability. The failure tors related to psychological well-being through to meet expectations of others encompassed self- focus group interviews was the opportunity to perceptions of academic, behavioral, and moral capture children’s voices. The use of open-ended failings (see Chap. 17). Such findings can facili- data collection methods and inductive analysis tate identification of potential triggers for distress provided a unique opportunity to facilitate child and dysfunction based on expectations related to participation in research. We discuss this further valued competencies. Coupled with the findings in the next section.
326 B. K. Nastasi and A. P. Borja Child Rights (2013), in which children were research part- ners through the stage of dissemination, even As we discussed in Chap. 1 (this volume), the coauthoring the cited article. UN (1989) Convention on the Rights of the Child was a critical underpinning of this research. In Of critical importance to representing child particular, we endeavored to conduct what Al- voices are research methodology and researcher derson (2012) referred to as rights-respecting competence. First, the research methods need research through the use of research methods to provide a context for capturing children’s that ensured representation of children’s voices thinking. This typically requires using not only and active participation of children to inform our qualitative methods, such as interviews but also understanding of psychological well-being from involves the use of nonverbal methods, such as a global (cross-cultural) perspective. The use of drawing, photography, play, etc. For example, as focus groups with children and adolescents pro- we describe in Chap. 2 and depict in site-specific vided the context for gathering their perceptions chapters (this volume), the ecomap provides the of individual and cultural factors that contribut- context for children to depict their social net- ed to well-being. Further, we used a combined works in graphic form and then serve as a stimu- deductive–inductive (i.e., abductive) approach lus for eliciting descriptions and narratives about to data analysis that facilitated capturing chil- those relationships (see also Nastasi, Jayasena, dren’s voices through their descriptions. As high- Summerville, & Borja, 2011). Keat, Strickland, lighted in site-specific and cross-site chapters and Marinak (2009) described a method involv- (Chaps. 3–16 and 17, respectively), the themes ing photo-narration in which children, aged 3–5 that emerged from the inductive analyses were il- years, took photographs of their home/neighbor- lustrated with children’s words (voices). We offer hood experiences and then narrated those expe- this research as an example of how one might en- riences during individual adult–child conversa- gage in research that respects and promotes the tions. rights of children. Also critical are the competencies of research- As described in Nastasi (2014), there are ers. Engaging children as active participants several levels of participation to ensure child in research requires skills in building rapport, voice in research, including (a) examining child communicating, enlisting and maintaining in- perceptions, (b) examining child experiences, terest and cooperation, and managing behavior (c) facilitating child–adult communication, (d) and potential power struggles (Nastasi, 2014; informing decision-making, and (e) participa- see also Bromstrom, 2012; Dalli & One, 2012). tory research with children as coresearchers. And perhaps most critical, and familiar to those At a minimal level, representing children’s who have worked with children, is flexibility and perspective is achieved through self-report problem solving to handle potential challenges, measures; however, such measures are typi- for example, related to varying social–emotion- cally developed based on existing theory and al, language, cognitive, and behavioral needs of research without input from children. The use individual children (Nastasi, 2014). In the case of more inductive methods such as qualitative of focus groups, researchers also need to be pre- interviews can facilitate the representation of pared to manage the group dynamics among chil- children’s voices and can be used to capture dren or adolescents. their perspectives and experiences in their own words. Such methods can be used to facilitate In carrying out the PPWBG project, the par- adult–child communication and child represen- ticipation of school psychologists as researchers tation in decision-making. The maximum level was especially advantageous, as the researchers of participation is the engagement of children were already skilled in interacting with children as coresearchers. An excellent example of chil- for the purposes of assessment and intervention. dren as coresearchers is found in Plotnik et al. The data collection at each site was directed by a school psychologist who was responsible for training and supervision of research assistants.
19 Future Directions in Promoting Psychological Well-Being Globally 327 We could thus be confident that site-specific described in Chap. 16 (this volume) was con- researchers were competent in working with ducted in year 1, and involved data collection, children and prepared to deal effectively with using focus groups or individual interviews with any challenges related to data collection. Most students, parents, teachers, and school admin- importantly, the researchers were committed to istrators. Additional data collection in year 2 capturing child voices in order to represent their involved implementation of universal mental experiences and perspectives related to psycho- health screening for the purpose of school plan- logical well-being. ning for comprehensive mental health services. The combination of focus group and screening The data collection and analysis that charac- data, along with school record data related to terized the PPWBG project was intended to rep- discipline and academic performance, provided resent child voices. As we described in Chap. 1 a more complete mixed methods picture of the (this volume), we considered this as an impor- mental health (psychological well-being) needs tant step in the cycle of program development of the student population. Thus, the integration of and evaluation. We return to this topic in the next qualitative (e.g., focus groups) and quantitative section. (screening measure, school record data) facili- tated decision-making. The mental health screen- Completing the Cycle of PCISM ing data in particular indicated elevated risk for social–emotional–behavioral problems among The PCISM (Fig. 1.1) characterized the pro- 53 % of the student population and provided the cedural process that guided our research. The impetus for subsequent development of compre- PPWBG project was designed to achieve steps hensive mental health services (Bell et al., 2015). I through VI, concluding with research findings The focus group data, particularly from students, and a conceptual model for subsequent interven- suggested that behavioral difficulties (often tion design at specific sites (see Chap. 1). Chap- viewed as a discipline issue) were manifesta- ters 3–16 describe the outcomes of each site, and tions of student distress. For example, children Chap. 17 presents results of cross-site analyses. described aggressive responses to stress such as, As we describe in earlier sections of this chap- “hitting people,” “kicking chairs,” and “punching ter, the cross-site findings contributed to our the wall;” or “I [am] mean to the teacher when understanding of psychological well-being ini- I’m angry and kick the teacher’s stuff down and tially based on EST and a conceptual model of [don’t] pick it back up or say sorry” (Bell et al., well-being as the integration of individual and Chap. 16, this volume). These, as one might cultural factors. Both site-specific and cross-site expect, were behaviors that met disciplinary con- outcomes could inform subsequent intervention sequences, such as getting clips moved down (a development, using PCSIM steps VII through X. visual representation of unacceptable behavior We draw on intervention development and evalu- viewed by children as punishment), or other pun- ation work conducted in the New Orleans site ishing consequences such as “whoopings” from (see Chap. 16) to illustrate steps VII–X, includ- parents or being sent home (suspension). Stu- ing program design, implementation, evaluation, dents, in turn, described these consequences as capacity building, and translation. additional stressors. Information such as this was critical to informing the school’s understanding New Orleans Illustration The implementation of the dynamics related to student stress and sub- of PCSIM steps VII–X (Fig. 1.1) evolved over sequent solutions. Moreover, using the school’s a 4-year period (see Bell, Summerville, Nastasi, explicit values, the research-intervention team in MacFetters, & Earnshaw, 2015, for full report), consultation with school staff identified universal through a process of participatory consultation social–emotional learning (SEL) programming by the research-intervention team. The forma- (tier I services) that was consistent with school’s tive data collection (relevant to PPWBG project) values and informed by mixed methods data
328 B. K. Nastasi and A. P. Borja collection. In addition, subsequent assessment of well-being at both site-specific and cross-cultural students identified as at-risk resulted in provision levels and generate further research to define of mental health services at tier II (for at-risk or psychological well-being from a cultural per- mild problems) and tier III (for those with identi- spective. One potential application is that dem- fied disorders), through either on-site services or onstrated in the previous section, the use of the referrals to community agencies. The research- formative research data to inform model and pro- intervention team also worked with the school gram development, thus completing the PCISM staff to develop and implement program evalu- cycle. Each site is encouraged to engage in simi- ation and institute annual universal screening. lar efforts. In the interest of capacity building and institu- tionalization, the school hired a full-time mental As we have acknowledged, the study was not health professional and contracted for additional intended to represent the total population in the services through local mental health agencies and respective countries, and thus caution should practicum and internship placements. Critical to be exercised in generalizing findings. However, these developments was the school–university site-specific and cross-site findings could lead to partnership that began with consultation and the further research to confirm or disconfirm find- school’s agreement to participate in the PPWBG ings in other contexts and with broader popula- project. A full description of the 4-year process tions. One way to do that is to repeat the data of implementing PCSIM can be found in Bell collection in other settings, and thus expand the et al. (2015). In addition, further information on database. Another is to develop measures based the use of mixed methods research for program on this formative research in order to test ap- development and evaluation using PCSIM can plicability to broader populations. Hitchcock be found in Nastasi and Hitchcock (Nastasi and and colleagues (Hitchcock et al., 2005, 2006; Hitchcock, 2015). Nastasi et al., 2007) demonstrate development of culture-specific self-report measures of psy- Future Directions chological well-being for adolescents through the use of mixed methods research, using quali- The illustration from the New Orleans site (Bell tative methods to identify and define constructs et al., this volume, Chap. 16; Bell et al., 2015) and then mixed qualitative–quantitative methods demonstrates site-specific application of research to validate measures with a broader sample from findings generated by the PPWBG project to in- the same population. Such measures can also be form program development. In this section, we used to evaluate site-specific intervention pro- discuss possible future directions stemming from grams (e.g., see Nastasi et al., 2010). the project. We address not only application of the study’s specific findings but also implications Future Research Directions for further research related to ecological sys- tems theory, psychological well-being, and child Recalling the appeals from international agencies rights. We also discuss implications for address- (e.g., UNICEF, 2014; WHO, 2013), discussed in ing the unexamined 95 % of the world’s popula- Chap. 1 (this volume), we return to the discussion tion that Arnett (2008) discusses. of future research related to global initiatives for promoting children’s mental health or psycholog- Application of PPWBG Project Findings ical well-being. UNICEF (2014), for example, called for innovation that encompassed participa- Consistent with the intent of the project, the find- tory approaches to social change, engaging chil- ings described in Chaps. 3–17 have the potential dren in research, promoting and protecting child to inform conceptualization of psychological rights, and programs that could be adapted to the local context and culture. WHO (2013), in its Mental Health Action Plan for 2013–2020, called
19 Future Directions in Promoting Psychological Well-Being Globally 329 for evidence-based interventions that took into Final Thoughts account culture. This book has been the culmination of multiple In our own work, we have incorporated con- years of work by 30 research partners and their ceptual foundations that emphasize the integra- associates from 12 different countries, which tion of individual, developmental, and cultural grew out of a meeting at an International School factors and the rights of children to be heard and Psychology Association (ISPA) conference. The to have a voice in decision-making that affects product is a testament to the competencies and them (see Chap. 1, this volume). We have used commitment of school psychologists around the research methods embedded in an ethnographic globe, and the willingness of individual research- framework to facilitate in-depth understanding of ers and practitioners to devote their time and psychological constructs from cultural perspec- energy to enhance our knowledge of psychologi- tives, in order to combat the trends in American cal well-being. Most importantly, this group of psychology that Arnett (2008) speaks about, that researchers were committed to engaging in inno- is, representing only 5 % of the world’s popula- vative research methods in order to represent the tion in scientific research. As we conclude this voices of children and adolescents and encour- volume, we encourage researchers to consider the age psychologists and educators to consider the use of qualitative and mixed methods research views of children and adolescents as they engage to further our understanding of psychological in decision-making about practice, research, and constructs, such as those related to psychologi- policy related to psychological well-being at cal well-being, in order to broaden the scope of local and global levels. psychological science to encompass the global population. References With the aforementioned considerations in Alderson, P. (2012). Rights-respecting research: A com- mind, we make the following recommendations mentary on ‘the right to be properly researched: for future research. research with children in a messy world’. Children’s • Extend the investigation of children’s per- Geographies, 2009, 7, 4. Children’s Geographies, 10(2), 233–239. doi:10.1080/14733285.2012.661603. spectives and experiences related to psycho- logical well-being to other sites and countries, Arnett, J. J. (2008). The neglected 95 %: Why Ameri- thus continuing to build on the findings from can psychology needs to become less Ameri- PPWBG project. can. American Psychologist, 63(7), 602–614. • Apply research findings from local settings to doi:10.1037/0003–066X.63.7.602. development and evaluation of intervention programs, for example, using PCSIM. Bell, P. B., Summerville, M. A., Nastasi, B. K., MacFet- • Develop quantitative measures from qualita- ters, J., & Earnshaw, E. (2015). Promoting psy- tive data in local sites in order to extend data chological well-being in an urban school using the collection to a population level. Participatory Culture Specific Intervention Model. • Investigate further the relevance of children’s Journal of Educational and Psychological Consulta- ecological systems to their psychological tion, 25, 1–18. doi:10.1080/10474412.2014.929955. well-being, for example, through more in- depth study of the role of significant others in Brostrom, S. (2012). Children’s participation in research. respective microsystems (family, peer group, International Journal of Early Years Education, 20(3), school, etc.), how children conceptualize 257–269. doi:10.1080/09669760.2012.715407. these relationships in terms of reciprocity, and how the influence of those relationships Bronfenbrenner, U. (1989). Ecological systems theory. In changes over time. R. Vasta (Ed.), Annals of child development (Vol. 6, • Continue to investigate ways in which pp. 187–249). Greenwich: JAI. research can be used to promote and protect child rights. Bronfenbrenner, U. (1999). Environments in developmen- tal perspective: Theoretical and operational Models. In S. L. Friedman & T. D. Wachs (Eds.), Measuring environment across the life span: Emerging methods and concepts (pp. 3–28). Washington, DC: American Psychological Association. Dalli, C., & One, S. T. (2012). Involving children in educational research: Researcher reflections on chal-
330 B. K. Nastasi and A. P. Borja lenges. International Journal of Early Years Educa- and culturally specific programs. Washington, DC: tion, 20(3), 224–233. doi:10.1080/09669760.2012.71 American Psychological Association. 5408. Nastasi, B. K., Hitchcock, J. H., Burkholder, G., Varjas, D’Augelli, A. R. (2003). Coming out in community psy- K., Sarkar, S., & Jayasena, A. (2007). Assessing ado- chology: Personal narrative and disciplinary change. lescents’ understanding of and reactions to stress in dif- American Journal of Community Psychology, 31, ferent cultures: Results of a mixed-methods approach. 343–354. School Psychology International, 28(2), 163–178. Hitchcock, J. H., Nastasi, B. K., Dai, D. C., Newman, Nastasi, B. K., Hitchcock, J. H., Varjas, K., Jayasena, J., Jayasena, A., Bernstein-Moore, R., Sarkar, S., A., Sarkar, S., Moore, R. B., Burden, F., & Albrecht, & Varjas, K. (2005). Illustrating a mixed-method L. (2010). School-based stress and coping program approach for identifying and validating culturally spe- for adolescents in Sri Lanka: Using mixed methods cific constructs. Journal of School Psychology, 43(3), to facilitate culture-specific programming. In K. M. 259–278. T. Collins, A. J. Onwuegbuzie, & Q. G. Jiao (Eds.), Hitchcock, J. H., Sarkar, S., Nastasi, B. K., Burkholder, Toward a broader understanding of stress and coping: G., Varjas, K., & Jayasena, A. (2006). Validating cul- Mixed methods approaches. The research on stress ture- and gender-specific constructs: A mixed-method and coping in education series (Vol. 5, pp. 305–342). approach to advance assessment procedures in cross- Charlotte: Information Age Publishing. cultural settings. Journal of Applied School Psychol- Nastasi, B. K., Jayasena, A., Summerville, M., & ogy, 22, 13–33. Borja, A. (2011). Facilitating long-term recov- Keat, J. B., Strickland, M. J., & Marinak, B. A. (2009). ery from natural disasters: Psychosocial program- Child voice: How immigrant children enlightened their ming in tsunami-affected schools of Sri Lanka. teachers with a camera. Early Childhood Education School Psychology International, 32, 512–532. Journal, 37, 13–21. doi:10.1007/s10643–009-0324–1. doi:10.1177/0143034311402923. Nastasi, B. K. (2014). Empowering child voices through Plotnik, J. M., Pokorny, J. J., Keratimanochaya, T., Webb, research. In C. Johnson, H. Friedman, J. Diaz, Z. C., Beronja, H. F., et al. (2013). Visual cues given by Franco, & B. Nastasi, (Eds.), Praeger handbook of humans are not sufficient for Asian Elephants (Ele- social justice and psychology: Vol. 3. Youth and dis- phas maximus) to find hidden food. PLoS ONE, 8(4), ciplines in psychology (pp. 75–90). Santa Barbara: e61174. doi:10.1371/journal.pone.0061174. ABC-CLIO/Praeger. UN (United Nations). (1989). Convention on the rights of Nastasi, B. K., & Hitchcock, J. (2015). Mixed methods the child. http://www2.ohchr.org/english/law/crc.htm. research and culture-specific interventions: Program Accessed 29 Nov 2013. design and evaluation. ( The new mixed methods UNICEF (United Nations Children’s Fund). (2014). The research series). Thousand Oaks: Sage. state of the world’s children 2015: Executive sum- Nastasi, B. K., Varjas, K., Sarkar, S., & Jayasena, A. mary. http://data.unicef.org/. Accessed 29 Nov 2013. (1998). Participatory model of mental health program- WHO (World Health Organisation). (2013). Mental ming: Lessons learned from work in a developing Health Action Plan 2013–2020. Geneva: WHO. http:// country. School Psychology Review, 27(2), 260–276. www.who.int/mental_health. Accessed 29 Nov 2013. Nastasi, B.K., Moore, R. B., &Varjas, K. M. (2004). School- based mental health services: Creating comprehensive
Index A perceptions of psychological well-being and mental Acculturation 248, 271 health 248 level of participants 249 school psychologists 247 role of 314 Chinese immigrant Adolescent perspective 293 children 248 Adolescents well-being of 247 and children 3 households 247 mental disorders in 2 in USA 248 mental health service provision for 2 Competencies 29, 40 well-being of 1, 2, 11, 13 and stressors 23 culturally relevant 13 Adolescent voices 11 culturally valued 7, 8, 11, 20, 54 Adult roles 24 culture-specific 15 African American adolescents 313, 320 valued 40, 46 Amazonas, Brazil 37 Coping strategies 15, 36, 47, 54, 185, 187, 192, Athens, Greece 2, 15, 22, 63, 64, 295 193, 196, 203, 205, 215, 217, 265, 325 B and reactions Bucharest, Romania 2, 15, 22, 155, 295 to stress 217 and social supports 55 C and sources of support 35 behavioral 215, 217 Child participation behavioural 69 in research 325 cognitive 259 in academic assessment 153 Children’s perspectives 64, 293, 329 Cross-cultural 2 Children’s phenomenology 291, 292, 294 analysis 39, 291, 294, 296, 297, 304, 323 Children’s voices 10, 163, 323, 326 and inductive and active participation 326 approaches to 293 Child rights 224, 323, 326, 328 comparison 318 constructions framework 6, 9, 11 Chinese-American of well-being 15 differences 318, 321 community leaders 250 findings 6, 324 immigrant adolescents 265 levels 328 immigrants literature 116 patterns 15 in USA 247 immigrant students well-being of 247 parents 247 © Springer Science+Business Media New York 2016 331 B. K. Nastasi, A. P. Borja (eds.), International Handbook of Psychological Well-Being in Children and Adolescents, DOI 10.1007/978-1-4939-2833-0
332 Index perspective 326 findings from 180 research 63, 229 interview 105 surveys 163 participants generated 84 variations relations and nature 157 student 55, 57 in stressors and supports 303 supportive 160 Cultural co-construction 2, 5 type of relationships depicted in 43 Cultural expectations 54, 100, 102, 143, 146, types of actors in 157 Elementary students 119, 121, 122, 131 163, 228, 303 in New Orleans 132 and valued competencies 162 Emic perspectives 13, 116, 132, 275 of researchers 229 Emotions 18, 42, 84, 148, 161, 186, 190, 196, Culturally-valued competencies 20, 29, 64 Culturally-valued expectations 284 259, 280, 316, 317 Cultural perspective 24, 323, 328, 329 analysis of descriptions of 104 Culture-specific categorization of 194 competencies 15, 23, 74, 208, 217, 218 commonly experienced 147 constructions 15 frequently experienced curriculum 204 definitions 7 in adolescence 186 negative 104–106, 161, 193, 194, 197 of key constructs 8 positive 186, 284, 293 factors 131 Emotions See also Feelings 127 interpretations Estonia, Tallinn 2, 13, 15, 51 compulsory educational system in 51 of psychological well-being and mental psychological well-being in 52 health 248 schools in 52, 53, 58, 175, 303 Ethnographic interventions 5, 117 framework 329 language 156 observations 23 (local) model development 11 research 4, 10 nature of the mental health needs 133 study 318, 323 perspectives of stressors 249 role in co-construction process 5 F self-report instruments 204 sites 304 Female adolescents 94 stressors 282 Focus groups 9, 13, 15, 17, 18, 54, 83, 84, 100, themes 1, 20, 22, 39, 65, 71 understanding 101, 103, 104, 118, 125, 127, 130, 133, 146, 155, 157, 162, 188, 207, 213, 214, of psychological well-being 9 228, 244, 249–252, 256, 259, 261, 264, 277, 282, 295, 313, 326, 327 E and ecomap drawings 206 and individual interviews 142 Ecological-developmental perspective 324 and interviews 17 Ecological perspective 1, 4, 315, 318 as method 64 Ecological system 7, 8, 329 context of 65 Ecomaps 13, 19, 39, 44, 117, 119, 130, 155–157, gender-specific 64 159, 160, 163–165, 177, 180, 213, 214, G 228, 250 and associated stories 156, 157 Gender roles 33, 92–94 and focus group 17, 24, 100, 101 and sexual health 79, 92, 93 and focus group discussions 105 definition of 87 as an intervention tool 18 in Brazil 36, 46 benefits of using 131 drawings 277 egocentric 15, 17
Index 333 in Romania 165, 231 Psychological well-being 1, 4, 6, 7, 10, 11, 14, 17, Global perspectives 24, 27, 33, 34, 36, 46, 47, 71, 73, 83–85, 89, 92–94, 100, 102, 110, 137, 144, 148, future directions for children’s mental health 3 151, 154, 156, 162, 186, 187, 325, 328, 329 status of children’s mental health 2 Greek children/adolescents 61, 71 and mental health 248–251, 258 and psychologically healthy environment 38, H 46, 142 Healthy environments 1, 37, 38, 40, 46 and psychological safety 175 High-achieving adolescents 247 conceptions of 264 concept of 186 I conceptual model of 7, 216, 218 International perspective 9 mental health 33 Interpersonal relationships 35, 54, 57, 62, 67, 84, cultural-specific definitions of 181 definition of 11, 201 94, 264, 303, 324, 325 in children and adolescents 34 in Estonia 52, 54, 57, 58, 61 K in Greece 62 in the North Region of Brazil 46 Kosice, Slovakia 188, 295 investigation of 181 methods for promoting 142 M models of 8 of adolescent girls 79, 82 Mayagüez, Puerto Rico 2, 15 of children and adolescents 37, 142, 304 Mental health programming 1 Mixed methods research 217, 328, 329 in Brazil 37 Mumbai, India 2, 15, 16, 81, 84, 85, 295 of children and youth 115–118, 132, 134 perceptions of 264, 311 N population-based movements to promote 273 Promoting Psychological Well-Being Globally Narratives 15, 19, 22–24, 66, 70, 179, 207, 296, 301, 326 (PPWBG) project 13 research on 174, 314, 319, 321 and themes 64 of secondary school children 65 in Sri Lanka 204, 205, 207, 208 Romanian coordinates in children’s and Negombo, Sri Lanka 2, 15, 205, 206, 208, 211, 213, 215, 217, 295 adolescents’ 163 school community model of 62, 64 New Orleans 2, 15, 20, 23, 132 social elements of 163 elementary charter school in 277 student elementary school students’ perspectives 271 public school system 276 role of the teacher in 143 unique manifestations of macro- and urban PWB See Psychological well-being 6 exo-system factors 276 Q P Qualitative research 14, 23, 47, 63, 100 Padua, Italy 2, 15, 101, 295 quality criteria for 156, 226 Parental roles 315, 316 Parent perspective 54 R Parents 6, 9, 11, 14, 18, 34, 39, 42, 46, 52, 53, Reactions to stress 18, 20, 23, 40, 54, 69, 100, 312, 314, 319 125, 127, 130, 157, 282 Participatory approach 4, 58 and coping 42, 175 to social change 328 and feelings 193 Participatory consultation 327 and stressors 207 Personality models 98, 111, 187, 189, 190 and support 166, 214, 215, 217 Psychological stressors 83, 116 Psychological supports 9
334 Index sources of 160 and support 17, 297, 303 behavioral 193, 194, 197 child-relevant 299 Research directions 11, 328 children 291 Resilience 54, 57, 63, 196, 203, 224, 319 contextually relevant 13 and positive development 226 contextual-related 325 and positive school climate 73, 74 cultural 249, 251, 252, 256, 264, 282 and vulnerability, of children 227, 228 economic crisis 69 in northern Tanzania 226 reaction to 70, 72 building strategies 235 impact of definition of 230 development of for adolescents 35 personal 69 in Tanzanian youth 233, 234 psychological 83 in children 230, 232 reactions to 89, 91 outward signs of 233 research on and support 214 related to interpersonal interactions/ in developing countries 225 relationships 299 S related to self 300 setting-based 301 Samara, Russia 2, 15, 172, 175, 176, 295 social 83 School-age population 57 social-cultural 8 School principals 39, 141 youth 213 School psychologists 2, 11, 181, 198, 265 and support 213 and administrators 316 Stress reactions 166, 174, 215, 282 and principals 317 and public schools 273, 313, 314 T participation of Tanzania, Arusha 2, 15, 221, 222, 224 as researchers 326 Teacher roles 166 Sexual health 79, 94 Teachers 1, 9, 13, 24, 41, 42, 51, 54, 67, 105, 121, and gender roles 79, 92 144, 233, 312, 317 and interpersonal relationships 84 and disciplinary measures 144 and psychological well-being 83 and school administrators 235 and well-being 93, 94 classroom 143 definition of 85 expectations 143 gender roles in 87 male secondary school 232 identifying 92 participating 143 intervention 94 role of 147, 148, 160, 166 issues in psychological well-being of students 143 information sources on 86, 87 of adolescent girls 80, 85 U risks 86 Social relationships 184, 233 Urban slums 81 and behavior 300 in India 79 Social roles 178, 182, 195 Stressors 15, 29, 68, 74, 79, 82, 85, 89, 91, 130, V 142, 143, 145, 175, 180, 185, 204, 295, Valued competencies 8, 11, 20, 40, 46, 54, 156, 298, 324 282, 303, 324 among Brazilian children and adolescents 34 and reactions to stress 207 of citizen 190 of friend 189 of parent 190
Index 335 of teacher 190, 191 in developing countries 225, 226, 228, 230, Valued competencies See also Culturally-valued 244 competencies 7 X Vulnerability 79, 224 Xalapa, Mexico 2, 15, 116, 117, 125, 130, 134, personal 8, 33, 325 295 research on
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