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Handbook of Emotion Regulation
Handbook of Emotion Regulation Second Edition Edited by James J. Gross THE GUILFORD PRESS New York London
© 2014 The Guilford Press A Division of Guilford Publications, Inc. 72 Spring Street, New York, NY 10012 www.guilford.com All rights reserved No part of this book may be reproduced, translated, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, microfilming, recording, or otherwise, without written permission from the publisher. Printed in the United States of America This book is printed on acid-free paper. Last digit is print number: 9 8 7 6 5 4 3 2 1 Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data is available from the Publisher ISBN 978-1-4625-0350-6
To Paul, Mark, and Anne
About the Editor James J. Gross, PhD, is Professor of Psychology at Stanford University and Director of the Stanford Psychophysiology Laboratory (http://spl.stanford.edu). He is a leading figure in the areas of emotion and emotion regulation and is a recipient of early career awards from the American Psychological Association, the Western Psychological Asso- ciation, and the Society for Psychophysiological Research. A Bass University Fellow in Undergraduate Education and Director of the Stanford Psychology One Teaching Program, Dr. Gross has won numerous awards for his teaching, including the Dean’s Award for Distinguished Teaching, the Phi Beta Kappa Teaching Prize, the Stanford Postdoctoral Mentoring Award, and the Walter J. Gores Award for Excellence in Teach- ing. He has an extensive program of investigator-initiated research, with grants from the National Institutes of Health, the National Science Foundation, and the Institute of Education Sciences. He is the author of over 250 publications and is a Fellow in the Association for Psychological Science and the American Psychological Association. vi
Contributors Dustin Albert, PhD, Center for Child and Family Policy, Duke University, Durham, North Carolina Adam K. Anderson, PhD, Department of Human Development, College of Human Ecology, Cornell University, Ithaca, New York Allison A. Appleton, ScD, Geisel School of Medicine at Dartmouth College, Hanover, New Hampshire Ozlem Ayduk, PhD, Department of Psychology, University of California, Berkeley, Berkeley, California David H. Barlow, PhD, Center for Anxiety and Related Disorders, Boston University, Boston, Massachusetts Lisa Feldman Barrett, PhD, Department of Psychology, Northeastern University, Boston, Massachusetts Lawrence W. Barsalou, PhD, Department of Psychology, Emory University, Atlanta, Georgia Matthias Berking, PhD, Department of Clinical Psychology and Psychotherapy, University of Marburg, Marburg, Germany Lian Bloch, PhD, Department of Psychology, Stanford University, Stanford, California Martin Bohus, MD, Central Institute of Mental Health, University of Heidelberg, Mannheim, Germany Laura Campbell-Sills, PhD, Department of Psychiatry, University of California, San Diego, La Jolla, California Laura L. Carstensen, PhD, Department of Psychology, Stanford University, Stanford, California Susan Turk Charles, PhD, Department of Psychology and Social Behavior, University of California, Irvine, Irvine, California Edith Chen, PhD, Department of Psychology, Northwestern University, Evanston, Illinois James A. Coan, PhD, Department of Psychology, University of Virginia, Charlottesville, Virginia Steven W. Cole, PhD, Geffen School of Medicine, University of California, Los Angeles, Los Angeles, California William A. Cunningham, PhD, Department of Psychology, University of Toronto, Toronto, Ontario, Canada vii
viii Contributors Jozefien De Leersnyder, MA, Center for€Social and Cultural Psychology, Katholieke€Universiteit€Leuven, Leuven,€Belgium Jonathan P. Dunning, PhD, Department of€Psychology, Nevada State College, Henderson,€Nevada Nancy Eisenberg, PhD, Department of€Psychology, Arizona State University, Tempe,€Arizona Kristen K. Ellard, PhD, Department of€Psychology, Massachusetts General Hospital/ Harvard Medical School, Boston,€Massachusetts Joshua Eng, PhD, Department of€Psychology, University of€California, Berkeley, Berkeley,€California Amit Etkin, MD, PhD, Department of€Psychiatry and Behavioral Sciences, Stanford University School of€Medicine, Stanford,€California Norman A. S. Farb, PhD, Rotman Research Institute, Toronto, Ontario,€Canada Daniel Foti, PhD, Department of€Psychology, Stony Brook University, Stony Brook,€New€York David M. Fresco, PhD, Department of€Psychology, Kent State University, Kent,€Ohio Dina Gohar, MA, Department of€Psychology and Neuroscience, Duke University, Durham,€North€Carolina Ben Grafton, MA, Centre for€the€Advancement of€Research on Emotion, School€of€Psychology, University of€Western Australia, Crawley, Australia; School of€Psychology, Babes‑Bolyai€University, Cluj-Napoca,€Romania Alessandro Grecucci, PhD, Department of€Cognitive Science, University of€Trento, Rovereto,€Italy James J. Gross, PhD, Department of€Psychology, Stanford University, Stanford,€California Anett Gyurak, PhD, Department of€Psychology, Stanford University, Stanford,€California Claudia M. Haase, PhD, Department of€Psychology, University of€California, Berkeley, Berkeley,€California Todd F. Heatherton, PhD, Department of€Psychological and Brain Sciences, Dartmouth College, Hanover,€New€Hampshire Claire Hofer, PhD, Department of€Psychology, Charles de Gaulle University, Villeneuve€d’Ascq,€France Wilhelm Hofmann, PhD, Center for€Decision Research, University of€Chicago Booth€School€of€Business, Chicago,€Illinois Sarah R. Holley, PhD, Psychology Department, San Francisco State University, San€Francisco,€California Julie A. Irving, PhD, Mood and Anxiety Disorders Program, Centre for€Addiction and€Mental€Health, Toronto, Ontario,€Canada Oliver P. John, PhD, Department of€Psychology and Institute of€Personality and€Social€Research, University of€California, Berkeley, Berkeley,€California Tom Johnstone, PhD, School of€Psychology, Centre for€Integrative Neuroscience and€Neurodynamics, University of€Reading, Reading, United Kingdom Christopher R. Jones, PhD, Annenberg School for€Communication, University of€Pennsylvania, Philadelphia,€Pennsylvania Jutta Joormann, PhD, Department of€Psychology, Northwestern University, Evanston,€Illinois Bokyung Kim, MA, Department of€Psychology, Stanford University, Stanford,€California
Contributors ix Tabitha Kirkland, MA, Department of€Psychology, The Ohio State University, Columbus,€Ohio Kathrin Klipker, PhD, Max Planck Research Group “Affect Across the€Lifespan,” Max Planck Institute for€Human Development, Berlin,€Germany Hedy Kober, PhD, Interdepartmental Neuroscience Program, Yale University, New€Haven,€Connecticut Hiroki P. Kotabe, BA, Center for€Decision Research, University of€Chicago Booth School of€Business, Chicago,€Illinois Laura D. Kubzansky, PhD, Department of€Social and Behavioral Sciences, Harvard€School€of€Public Health, Boston,€Massachusetts Mark R. Leary, PhD, Department of€Psychology and Neuroscience, Duke University, Durham,€North€Carolina Robert W. Levenson, PhD, Department of€Psychology, University of€California, Berkeley, Berkeley,€California Marsha M. Linehan, PhD, Department of€Psychology, University of€Washington, Seattle,€Washington Anna Luerssen, PhD, Department of€Psychology, Lehman College, City University of€New€York, New€York,€New€York Colin MacLeod, PhD, School of€Psychology, University of€Western Australia, Perth,€Australia Erin L. Maresh, MA, Department of€Psychology, University of€Virginia, Charlottesville,€Virginia Iris B. Mauss, PhD, Department of€Psychology, University of€California, Berkeley, Berkeley,€California Samuel M. McClure, PhD, Department of€Psychology, Stanford University, Stanford,€California Douglas S. Mennin, PhD, Department of€Psychology, Hunter College, and The Graduate€Center, City University of€New€York, New€York,€New€York Batja Mesquita, PhD, Department of€Psychology, Katholieke Universiteit Leuven, Leuven,€Belgium Mario Mikulincer, PhD, Interdisciplinary Center, New€School of€Psychology, Herzliya,€Israel Eric M. Miller, PhD, Department of€Psychology, Stanford University, Stanford,€California Gregory E. Miller, PhD, Department of€Psychology, University of€British Columbia, Vancouver, British Columbia,€Canada Andrada D. Neacsiu, PhD, Department of€Psychiatry and Behavioral Sciences, Duke University Medical Center, Durham,€North€Carolina Kevin N. Ochsner, PhD, Department of€Psychology, Columbia University, New€York,€New€York Michael I. Posner, PhD, Department of€Psychology, University of€Oregon, Eugene,€Oregon Greg Hajcak Proudfit, PhD, Department of€Psychology, Stony Brook University, Stony€Brook,€New€York Michaela Riediger, PhD, Max Planck Research Group “Affect Across the€Lifespan,” Max€Planck Institute for€Human Development, Berlin,€Germany Christian Rodriguez, BA, Department of€Psychology, Stanford University, Stanford,€California Mary K. Rothbart, PhD, Distinguished Professor Emerita, Department of€Psychology, University of€Oregon, Eugene,€Oregon
x Contributors Alan G. Sanfey, PhD, Centre for Cognitive Neuroimaging, Donders Institute for Brain, Cognition, and Behavior, Nijmegen, The Netherlands Jeanine Schwarz, MA, Department of Clinical Psychology and Psychotherapy, University of Marburg, Marburg, Germany Zindel V. Segal, PhD, Centre for Addiction and Mental Health, University of Toronto, Toronto, Ontario, Canada Benjamin H. Seider, PhD, Marin County Department of Health and Human Services, San Rafael, California Phillip R. Shaver, PhD, Department of Psychology, University of California, Davis, Davis, California Brad E. Sheese, PhD, Department of Psychology, Illinois Wesleyan University, Bloomington, Illinois Gal Sheppes, PhD, The School of Psychological Sciences, Tel Aviv University, Tel Aviv, Israel Matthias Siemer, PhD, Department of Psychology, University of Miami, Coral Gables, Florida Tracy L. Spinrad, PhD, School of Social and Family Dynamics, Arizona State University, Tempe, Arizona Michael J. Sulik, MA, Department of Psychology, Arizona State University, Tempe, Arizona Maya Tamir, PhD, Department of Psychology, The Hebrew University, Jerusalem, Israel Ross A. Thompson, PhD, Department of Psychology, University of California, Davis, Davis, California Dylan D. Wagner, PhD, Department of Psychological and Brain Sciences, Dartmouth College, Hanover, New Hampshire Henrik Walter, MD, PhD, Department of Psychiatry and Psychotherapy, Charité Universitätsmedizin, Berlin, Germany Anna Weinberg, MA, Department of Psychology, Stony Brook University, Stony Brook, New York Christine D. Wilson-Mendenhall, MA, Department of Psychology, Northeastern University, Boston, Massachusetts
Preface By any measure, the field of emotion regulation is thriving. Books, articles, special jour- nal issues, and conferences related to emotion regulation seem to be everywhere. This high (and growing) level of interest in emotion regulation is reflected in citation trends. Until the early 1990s, there were just a few citations each year containing the term emotion regulation. By 2007—the year in which the first edition of this handbook was published—there were more than 3,000 Google Scholar citations for that year alone. In 2012, the citation count passed 8,000 for that year alone. Doing the math, it turns out that many more papers have been published on emotion regulation in the years since the first edition of this handbook was published than in all years up to—and includ- ing—2007. Hence, this second edition of the Handbook of Emotion Regulation. The goal of this edition is to provide an authoritative and up-to-date account of findings in this field that will (1) encourage cumulative science by drawing together and integrating the specialized literatures on emotion regulation that exist in each of the subareas of psychology; and (2) facilitate cross-disciplinary dialogue about one of the most fascinating puzzles regarding the human condition, namely, that we are at once governed by—and governors of—our emotions. Of the 36 chapters in this new edition, two-thirds are brand new chapters for this edition, and the remaining chapters have been thoroughly updated. To reflect exciting new developments in the field, three new sections have been added in this edition: Psychopathology, Interventions, and Health Implications. The Handbook begins with a section on foundations, in which I provide a concep- tual and empirical orientation to the field. To this end, I first set emotion in the context of other affective processes. Next, I relate emotion regulation to other forms of affect regulation. I then selectively review what is known about emotion regulation goals, strategies, and outcomes. In the final part of the chapter, I highlight several fundamen- tal questions and associated directions for future research on emotion and emotion regulation. The second section considers biological bases of emotion regulation. Ochsner and I draw upon the human neuroimaging literature to present an integrated framework that links emotion and emotion regulation to other important forms of valuation, including affective learning, affective decision making, and expectancies, beliefs, and placebo effects. Proudfit, Dunning, Foti, and Weinberg review electroencephalographic studies of the temporal dynamics of emotion generation and emotion regulation, demonstrating that one particular event-related brain potential—the late positive potential—is sen- sitive to attentional and cognitive emotion regulation manipulations. Johnstone and xi
xii Preface Walter describe the network of prefrontal and subcortical brain structures that are cru- cial for optimal health and show how this network is dysfunctional in clinical disorders. Finally, Gyurak and Etkin present a process-oriented neurobiological framework that seeks to integrate a wide range of implicit and explicit emotion regulation processes that are crucial to understanding mental health and illness. The third section examines cognitive aspects of emotion regulation. Miller, Rodri- guez, Kim, and McClure present a multiple systems account of delay discounting, and argue that delay discounting provides a framework for studying important instances of emotion regulation, including responses to temptations, procrastination, willpower, and addictions. Luerssen and Ayduk review the literature on delay of gratification, with an emphasis on identifying precursors, assessing the role of current affective state, link- ing delay of gratification to emotion regulation, and discussing insights from neuroim- aging. Sheppes introduces the notion of emotion regulation choice; explains why it is crucial for healthy functioning; and explores the emotional, cognitive, and motivational determinants of emotion regulation choice. Finally, Grecucci and Sanfey review the literature on emotion and decision making, and make the case that emotion regulation influences our decision making in a number of important ways. The fourth section focuses on developmental considerations, ranging from child- hood through old age. Eisenberg, Hofer, Sulik, and Spinrad examine the development of effortful control in childhood and assess its impact on socioemotional, academic, and moral development. Thompson reviews the literature on the socialization of emo- tion and emotion regulation in the family, framing the socialization process in terms of an interaction between bottom-up and top-down influences. Riediger and Klipker consider emotion regulation in adolescence, with particular attention to the acquisition of emotion regulation skills, the motivation to regulate, and emotion regulation effec- tiveness. Finally, Charles and Carstensen take a lifespan perspective, and show how bio- logical and motivational changes interact to shape the trajectory of emotion regulation throughout adulthood and into older age. The fifth section considers social aspects of emotion regulation. Coan and Maresh present social baseline theory, which they use to explain how and why each of us uses other people to help regulate our emotions. Shaver and Mikulincer apply attachment theory to adolescents and adults, and show how this theory illuminates basic processes and individual differences in interpersonal emotion regulation. Jones, Kirkland, and Cunningham link the literature on attitudes and evaluation to emotion regulation, with particular attention to their iterative reprocessing model. Levenson, Haase, Bloch, Holley, and Seider consider emotion regulation in couples, with particular attention to the nature, development, and consequences of this form of social emotion regulation. Finally, Mesquita, De Leersnyder, and Albert present a cultural perspective on emo- tion regulation and show that regulatory patterns are aligned with cultural ideas and practices. The sixth section examines personality processes and individual differences. Roth- bart, Sheese, and Posner present a temperament systems approach, which provides a context for understanding individual differences, as well as the development of emo- tion regulation. John and Eng consider individual differences in emotion regulation, with particular attention to individual differences in coping, emotional competence, and specific regulatory processes such as reappraisal and suppression. Hofmann and Kotabe argue that desires share many similarities with emotion and show how an emo- tion regulation perspective can be used to organize findings relative to the regulation
Preface xiii of desire. Mauss and Tamir argue that emotion goals are critical to emotion regula- tion, and consider their content, hierarchical structure, and modes of operation. Finally, Leary and Gohar analyze the many ways self-awareness influences emotion regulation. The seventh section focuses on emotion regulation and psychopathology. C ampbell-Sills, Ellard, and Barlow review behavioral and neurobiological findings rela- tive to the role of emotion regulation in the development, phenomenology, and treatment of anxiety disorders. Joormann and Siemer apply an emotion regulation perspective to mood disorders, with an eye toward understanding the factors that govern the onset and maintenance of these disorders. Kober discusses the role of emotion regulation in substance use disorders, featuring both the ways drugs regulate emotions and the ways in which emotion dysregulation is at once a cause for and a consequence of drug use. Finally, Barrett, Wilson-Mendenhall, and Barsalou examine emotion regulation from the perspective of situated conceptualizations and show how this perspective sheds new light on emotion dysregulation. The eighth section considers clinical interventions designed to change emotion regulation. Mennin and Fresco present emotion regulation therapy, and show how this integrative intervention can be applied to generalized anxiety disorder and major depres- sion. Neacsiu, Bohus, and Linehan describe dialectical behavior therapy, a treatment designed for individuals with severe and pervasive disorders of emotion regulation, such as borderline personality disorder. MacLeod and Grafton review research on atten- tional bias modification procedures and show how these procedures help individuals with conditions involving deficient emotion regulation. Berking and Schwarz describe the development of affect regulation training, which seeks to enhance emotional com- petence by training specific affect regulation skills. Finally, Farb, Anderson, Irving, and Segal review the literature on mindfulness meditation, showing how mindfulness meditation engages basic emotion regulation processes. The ninth section of this handbook focuses on emotion regulation and health. Cole draws upon research on social genomics to show how emotional suppression might affect the molecular underpinnings of disease. Chen and Miller document how socio- economic status predicts health outcomes, and argue that one reason for this associa- tion may be that low-socioeconomic-status children fail to learn adaptive forms of emo- tion regulation. Appleton and Kubzansky employ an emotion regulation framework to explain the association between negative emotions and cardiovascular disease. Finally, Wagner and Heatherton show how negative affect—and its misregulation—can lead to self-control failures ranging from binge eating to aggression. Although this handbook is divided into sections, one of its major goals is break- ing down barriers to cross-area communication. For this reason, there are considerably more cross-chapter links and citations than is typical in a handbook of this kind. There are also many points at which an author in one section will present material that makes contact with ideas, methods, and evidence from another section (e.g., developmental considerations in the health section; neuroscience in the cognitive section; analyses of individual differences in the social section). My hope is that these carefully assembled chapters—written by leading scholars in the field—will bring the field of emotion regu- lation together in a way that will be productive and new. A large number of wonderful people helped to bring this handbook into being. I am grateful to Seymour Weingarten, Editor-in-Chief at The Guilford Press, for convinc- ing me that the time was right for this handbook, and to Robert Levenson, with whom my work on emotion regulation began. I am also grateful to my many friends and col-
xiv Preface leagues who have helped shape my thinking about emotion regulation, and I would like to particularly thank the generous reviewers who provided helpful feedback on each of these chapters. Finally, I would like to acknowledge the contributions of the members of the Stanford Psychophysiology Laboratory, who help make Stanford such a fun place to be. James J. Gross
Contents Part I.╇ Foundations 3 â•⁄1. Emotion Regulation: Conceptual and Empirical Foundations James€J.€Gross Part II.╇ Biological Bases 23 â•⁄2. The Neural Bases of Emotion and€Emotion€Regulation: 43 A Valuation Perspective 58 76 Kevin€N.€Ochsner and James€J.€Gross â•⁄3. Temporal Dynamics of Emotion Regulation Greg€Hajcak€Proudfit, Jonathan€P.€Dunning, Daniel€Foti, and€Anna€Weinberg â•⁄4. The Neural Basis of Emotion Dysregulation Tom€Johnstone and€Henrik€Walter â•⁄5. A Neurobiological Model of Implicit and€Explicit Emotion Regulation Anett€Gyurak and€Amit€Etkin Part III.╇ Cognitive Approaches â•⁄6. Delay Discounting: A Two‑Systems Perspective 93 Eric€M.€Miller, Christian€Rodriguez, Bokyung€Kim, and€Samuel€M.€McClure â•⁄7. The Role of Emotion and Emotion Regulation 111 in the Ability to Delay Gratification Anna€Luerssen and€Ozlem€Ayduk xv
xvi Contents 126 8. Emotion Regulation Choice: Theory and Findings 140 Gal Sheppes 9. Emotion Regulation and Decision Making Alessandro Grecucci and Alan G. Sanfey Part IV. Developmental Considerations 157 173 10. Self‑Regulation, Effortful Control, and Their Socioemotional Correlates 187 203 Nancy Eisenberg, Claire Hofer, Michael J. Sulik, and Tracy L. Spinrad 11. Socialization of Emotion and Emotion Regulation in the Family Ross A. Thompson 12. Emotion Regulation in Adolescence Michaela Riediger and Kathrin Klipker 13. Emotion Regulation and Aging Susan Turk Charles and Laura L. Carstensen Part V. Social Aspects 221 237 14. Social Baseline Theory and the Social Regulation of Emotion 251 267 James A. Coan and Erin L. Maresh 284 15. Adult Attachment and Emotion Regulation Phillip R. Shaver and Mario Mikulincer 16. Attitudes, Evaluation, and Emotion Regulation Christopher R. Jones, Tabitha Kirkland, and William A. Cunningham 17. Emotion Regulation in Couples Robert W. Levenson, Claudia M. Haase, Lian Bloch, Sarah R. Holley, and Benjamin H. Seider 18. The Cultural Regulation of Emotions Batja Mesquita, Jozefien De Leersnyder, and Dustin Albert Part VI. Personality Processes and Individual Differences 305 321 19. Temperament and Emotion Regulation Mary K. Rothbart, Brad E. Sheese, and Michael I. Posner 20. Three Approaches to Individual Differences in Affect Regulation: Conceptualizations, Measures, and Findings Oliver P. John and Joshua Eng
Contents xvii 21. Desire and Desire Regulation: Basic Processes 346 and Individual Differences 361 Wilhelm Hofmann and Hiroki P. Kotabe 22. Emotion Goals: How Their Content, Structure, and Operation Shape Emotion Regulation Iris B. Mauss and Maya Tamir 23. Self‑Awareness and Self‑Relevant Thought in the Experience 376 and Regulation of Emotion Mark R. Leary and Dina Gohar Part VII. Psychopathology 393 413 24. Emotion Regulation in Anxiety Disorders 428 447 Laura Campbell‑Sills, Kristen K. Ellard, and David H. Barlow 25. Emotion Regulation in Mood Disorders Jutta Joormann and Matthias Siemer 26. Emotion Regulation in Substance Use Disorders Hedy Kober 27. A Psychological Construction Account of Emotion Regulation and Dysregulation: The Role of Situated Conceptualizations Lisa Feldman Barrett, Christine D. Wilson‑Mendenhall, and Lawrence W. Barsalou Part VIII. Interventions 469 491 28. Emotion Regulation Therapy 508 Douglas S. Mennin and David M. Fresco 529 548 29. Dialectical Behavior Therapy: An Intervention for Emotion Dysregulation Andrada D. Neacsiu, Martin Bohus, and Marsha M. Linehan 30. Regulation of Emotion through Modification of Attention Colin MacLeod and Ben Grafton 31. Affect Regulation Training Matthias Berking and Jeanine Schwarz 32. Mindfulness Interventions and Emotion Regulation Norman A. S. Farb, Adam K. Anderson, Julie A. Irving, and Zindel V. Segal
xviii Contents Part IX. Health Implications 571 33. Emotion Regulation and Gene Expression 586 596 Steven W. Cole 613 34. Early-Life Socioeconomic Status, Emotion Regulation, 629 and the Biological Mechanisms of Disease across the Lifespan 657 Edith Chen and Gregory E. Miller 35. Emotion Regulation and Cardiovascular Disease Risk Allison A. Appleton and Laura D. Kubzansky 36. Emotion and Self‑Regulation Failure Dylan D. Wagner and Todd F. Heatherton Author Index Subject Index
Part I Foundations
Chapter 1 Emotion Regulation: Conceptual and Empirical Foundations James J. Gross Emotions often are wonderfully helpful. ceptual and empirical framework. Because They can direct attention to key features of a discussion of emotion regulation presup- the environment, optimize sensory intake, poses an understanding of what emotion is, tune decision making, ready behavioral in the first section I present the modal model responses, facilitate social interactions, and of emotion and relate emotion to other enhance episodic memory. However, emo- affective processes. In the second section, I tions can harm as well as help, particularly describe the process model of emotion regu- when they are of the wrong type, intensity, lation and distinguish emotion regulation or duration for a given situation. from other forms of self-regulation. This pre- pares the way for the third section, in which At such moments, we may try to regulate I discuss key findings regarding emotion our emotions. This fundamental insight— regulation goals, strategies, and outcomes. that emotions can and should be regulated In the final section, I highlight three of the in certain situations—is well represented biggest challenges—a nd opportunities—for over the centuries in each of the major world those interested in emotion regulation. traditions (for a more detailed historical overview of the field, see Gross, 1999). Emotions and Related Processes One of the toughest questions in the field In the past century, psychological inves- of affective science is one of the simplest, tigations of emotion regulation have namely: What is an emotion? Theorists have focused on psychological defenses (Freud, tried to address this question by posing two 1926/1959), stress and coping (Lazarus, other questions: What attributes are shared 1966), attachment (Bowlby, 1969), and self- by all emotions (necessary conditions)? regulation (Mischel, 1996). However, until What attributes—if present—g uarantee that the early 1990s, there were relatively few something is an emotion (sufficient condi- papers each year containing the term emo- tions)? Unfortunately, efforts to derive this tion regulation (see Figure 1.1). Now there kind of tidy classical definition of emotion are thousands of new publications each year, are thwarted by the fact that emotion refers making emotion regulation one of the fastest to an astonishing array of responses, from the growing areas within the field of psychology mild to the intense, the brief to the extended, (Koole, 2009; Tamir, 2011). What is needed is a framework for orga- nizing this bewildering array of findings. My aim in this chapter is to provide such a con- 3
4 FOUNDATIONS 9000 8000 7000 6000 5000 4000 3000 2000 1000 0 1990 1991 1992 1993 1994 1995 1996 1997 1998 1999 2000 2001 2002 2003 2004 2005 2006 2007 2008 2009 2010 2011 2012 FIGURE 1.1. Number of publications containing the exact term emotion regulation in Google Scholar each year from 1990 to 2012 (Gross, 2013). Note that this is not a cumulative plot; each point repre- sents 1 year’s citations. the simple to the complex, and the private to highly idiosyncratic (finding a new way of the public. Disgust at a prejudiced comment tying one’s shoes). Whatever the goal, and counts as an emotion. So does amusement whatever meaning the situation has in light at a funny mishap, anger at social injustice, of the goal, it is this meaning that gives rise joy at the prospect of receiving a promotion, to emotion. As this meaning changes over surprise at a friend’s “new look,” grief at the time—due either to changes in the situation death of a spouse, and embarrassment at a itself or changes in the meaning the situation child’s misbehavior. What are the core fea- holds for the individual—the emotion will tures of these diverse emotions? also change. Core Features of Emotion The second core feature of emotion has to The first core feature of emotion has to do do with its multifaceted nature. Emotions with when it occurs. According to appraisal are whole-body phenomena that involve theory, emotions arise when an individual loosely coupled changes in the domains of attends to and evaluates (appraises) a situ- subjective experience, behavior, and central ation as being relevant to a particular type and peripheral physiology (Mauss, Leven- of currently active goal (Lazarus, 1991; son, McCarter, Wilhelm, & Gross, 2005). Scherer, Schorr, & Johnstone, 2001). The The subjective aspect of emotion is so cen- goals that underlie this evaluation may be tral to many instances of emotion that the enduring (staying alive) or transient (want- terms “emotion” and “feeling” often are ing another piece of cake). They may be con- used interchangeably. But emotions not scious and complicated (aspiring to become only make us feel, they also incline us to a professor) or unconscious and simple (try- act (Frijda, 1986). These impulses to act in ing to avoid stepping in puddles). They may certain ways (and not act in others) include be widely shared (having close friends) or changes in facial behavior and body posture, as well as situation-specific instrumental actions such as staring, hitting, or running.
Conceptual and Empirical Foundations 5 These changes in experience and behavior external or internal, situations are attended are associated with autonomic and neuro- to in various ways, giving rise to appraisals endocrine responses that both anticipate that constitute the individual’s assessment emotion-Âr
6 FOUNDATIONS cope, and (3) moods such as depression and ing your pillow when you’re angry at a boss, euphoria. imagining your audience naked when you’re nervous about performing in a piano recital, How are these various affective processes picking up the phone to call a friend when distinguished? Although both emotion and you’re feeling sad, telling a child who is hav- stress involve whole-body responses to sig- ing a tantrum not to act like such a baby, nificant events, “stress” typically refers to anticipating going to a fun party on the negative (but otherwise unspecified) affec- weekend to reenergize yourself midweek, tive responses, whereas “emotion” refers to going for a run after an upsetting fight both negative and positive affective states with a friend, playing calming music after (Lazarus, 1993). Emotions also may be a long day at work, leaving a tense meeting distinguished from moods (Parkinson, Tot- early to cool down, going to a club to have terdell, Briner, & Reynolds, 1996). Moods a drink, and watching It’s a Wonderful Life often last longer than emotions, and com- for the 600th time. Because there seems to pared to moods, emotions are typically be no limit to the activities that may qualify elicited by specific objects and give rise to as emotion regulatory, what is needed—as behavioral response tendencies relevant to with emotion—is a description of its core these objects. By contrast, moods are more features. diffuse, and although they may give rise to broad action tendencies such as approach or Core Features of Emotion Regulation withdrawal (Lang, 1995), moods bias cog- The first core feature of emotion regula- nition more than they bias action (Siemer, tion is the activation of a goal to modify the 2001). emotion-g enerative process (Gross, Sheppes, & Urry, 2011). This goal may be activated Lest these distinctions seem academic, either in oneself or in someone else. To consider the term affect. From my perspec- mark this distinction, it is useful to refer tive, affect belongs at the top of the hier- to intrinsic emotion regulation in the first archy, as the superordinate term in this set case (James regulates his own emotions: of emotion-related terms. However, others emotion regulation in self) and to extrin- take a different view. For example, some use sic emotion regulation in the second case the terms affect and emotion interchange- (James regulates Sarah’s emotions: emotion ably (Zajonc, 1984). For others, affect refers regulation in another). Researchers who to the experiential component of emotion work with adults typically focus on intrinsic (Buck, 1993; MacLean, 1990). Still others emotion regulation (Gross, 1998b; but see use affect to refer to the behavioral compo- Levenson, Haase, Bloch, Holley, & Seider, nent of emotion (American Psychiatric Asso- this volume). By contrast, researchers who ciation, 2013; Kaplan & Sadock, 1991). As work with infants and children typically these observations suggest, clarity regarding focus on extrinsic emotion regulation (e.g., how each of these constructs is being used Cole, Martin, & Dennis, 2004). Although is a necessary prerequisite for an analysis of this distinction is often helpful, it is worth how these various processes are (or are not) noting that in some situations intrinsic and regulated (Gross, 2010). extrinsic emotion regulation co-occur, such as when James regulates Sarah’s emotions Emotion Regulation (extrinsic regulation) in order to calm him- and Related Processes self down (intrinsic regulation). Emotion regulation refers to shaping which emotions one has, when one has them, and The second core feature of emotion reg- how one experiences or expresses these emo- ulation is the engagement of the processes tions (Gross, 1998b). Thus, emotion regula- that are responsible for altering the emotion tion is concerned with how emotions them- trajectory. Many different processes can be selves are regulated (regulation of emotions), recruited to regulate emotions, and these rather than how emotions regulate some- vary considerably in the degree to which thing else (regulation by emotions). Defined they are explicit versus implicit. Many pro- in this way, many different activities count totypical instances of emotion regulation are as emotion regulatory. These include pound- explicit, and thus conscious, such as when
Conceptual and Empirical Foundations 7 we try hard to look calm even though we are These three core features of emotion very anxious before a talk, or when we try to regulation—the activation of a regulatory look on the bright side of a bad outcome to goal, the engagement of regulatory pro- cheer ourselves up. However, emotion regu- cesses, and the modulation of the emotion latory activity can also be implicit and take trajectory—are common features of many place without conscious awareness. Exam- diverse types of emotion regulation. In a ples include hiding the affection one feels for later section, I turn to a more complete dis- another person due to a fear that one will cussion of each of these three core features, be rejected, or quickly turning one’s atten- as I review what is known about emotion tion away from potentially upsetting mate- regulation goals, emotion regulation strat- rial. Previous discussions have distinguished egies, and emotion regulation outcomes. categorically between explicit and implicit Before elaborating upon each of these core processes (Masters, 1991). However, it may features, however, we need to consider what be more useful to think of a continuum of makes different forms of emotion regulation emotion regulation possibilities that range so different from one another. from explicit, conscious, effortful, and con- trolled regulation to implicit, unconscious, The Process Model effortless, and automatic regulation (Gyurak of Emotion Regulation & Etkin, this volume; Gyurak, Gross, & One framework that has proven useful for Etkin, 2011). addressing this question is the process model of emotion regulation (Gross, 1998b). This The third core feature of emotion regu- information-processing model takes as lation is its impact on emotion dynamics its starting point the modal model (Figure (Thompson, 1990), or the latency, rise time, 1.2), which—as we have seen—specifies the magnitude, duration, and offset of responses sequence of processes involved in emotion in experiential, behavioral, or physiologi- generation. The process model of emotion cal domains. Depending on the individual’s regulation builds on the modal model, and goals, emotion regulation may increase or treats each step in the emotion-generative decrease the latency, rise time, magnitude, process that is described in the modal model duration, or offset of the emotional response as a potential target for regulation. In Fig- (compared to the emotional response that ure 1.3, I present the process model, which would have occurred in the absence of highlights five points at which individuals emotion regulation) (Gross, 1998b). Emo- can regulate their emotions. tion regulation also may change the degree to which emotion response components These five points represent five families cohere as the emotion unfolds, such as when of emotion regulation processes: situation changes in emotion experience and physi- selection, situation modification, atten- ological responding occur in the absence tional deployment, cognitive change, and of facial behavior (Dan-G lauser & Gross, response modulation (Gross, 1998b). These 2013). Situation Situation Attentional Cognitive Response Selection Modification Deployment Change Modulation Situation Attention Appraisal Response FIGURE 1.3. The process model of emotion regulation.
8 FOUNDATIONS families are distinguished by the point in the more similar than different, more different emotion-generative process at which they than similar, or somewhere in between. It have their primary impact. Movement from therefore is usually a good idea to pay close left to right in Figure 1.3 represents move- attention to the type of affect targeted for ment through time: A particular situation is regulation. selected, modified, attended to, appraised, and yields a particular set of emotional Emotion Regulation Goals, responses. However, as emphasized in Fig- Strategies, and Outcomes ure 1.2, emotion generation is an ongoing As we have seen, emotion regulation has process, extending beyond a single episode. three core features. The first—the emotion This dynamic aspect of emotion and emotion regulation goal—is what people are trying to regulation is signaled by the feedback arrow accomplish. The second—the emotion regu- in Figure 1.3 from the emotional response lation strategy—is the particular processes back to the situation (there may in fact be that are engaged in order to achieve that many such points of feedback). I describe goal. The third—the outcome—refers to the these five families of regulatory strategies in consequences of trying to achieve that par- more detail below. ticular emotion regulation goal using that particular strategy. In the following sections, Emotion Regulation I review each of these three core features of and Related Constructs emotion regulation in turn, selectively high- Before considering emotion regulation pro- lighting what we know about each. cesses in greater detail, however, it is impor- tant to note in passing that—paralleling the Emotion Regulation Goals distinctions drawn among members of the If asked about times they have tried to regu- affective family presented earlier—emotion late their emotions, people often describe regulation can be seen as subordinate to efforts to down-regulate negative emotions the broader construct of affect regulation. (i.e., diminish their intensity or duration), Under this broad heading fall all manner of especially anger, sadness, and anxiety, with efforts to influence our valenced responses a particular focus on decreasing the expe- (Westen, 1994), including (1) emotion regu- riential and behavioral aspects of negative lation, (2) coping, and (3) mood regulation. emotions (Gross, Richards, & John, 2006). Because virtually all goal-directed behavior People also report trying to up-r egulate pos- can be construed as maximizing pleasure or itive emotions (i.e., increase their intensity or minimizing pain—and thus as affect regula- duration), especially love, interest, and joy, tory in a broad sense—it is frequently useful often by sharing their positive experiences to sharpen the focus by examining one or with others (Quoidbach, Berry, Hansenne, more of these three second-level families of & Mikolajczak, 2010). These reports of processes. everyday emotion regulation are consistent with traditional hedonic accounts of affect Coping is distinguished from emotion regulation, which assume that individuals regulation both by its predominant focus on are motivated to decrease negative emo- decreasing negative affect and its emphasis tional states and increase positive emotional on much larger periods of time (e.g., cop- states (Larsen, 2000). ing with bereavement). As noted earlier, moods are typically of longer duration and It turns out, however, that there is more are less likely to involve responses to spe- to emotion regulation than this. Indeed, cific “objects” than are emotions (Parkinson the down-regulation of negative emotions et al., 1996). In part due to their less well- and the up-regulation of positive emotions defined behavioral response tendencies, in can be seen as just two cells in the 2 × 2 comparison with emotion regulation, mood matrix shown in Figure 1.4. It may seem regulation and mood repair are more con- odd to imagine people wanting more of a cerned with altering emotion experience “bad” thing or less of a “good” thing, but than emotion behavior (Larsen, 2000). It there are many reasons people might want is not yet known whether the regulation of emotion, stress responses, and moods are
Conceptual and Empirical Foundations 9 Decrease Increase airline passengers (Hochschild, 1983), seem- ing calm yet empathic for nervous medical Trying to calm Firing oneself up patients (Larson & Yao, 2005), showing oneself down when before a big game high levels of interest in students (R. E. Sut- angry (Int) (Int) ton, 2004), or sounding angry when trying to collect payment on debts (R. I. Sutton, Negative Reframing a friend’s 1991). At other times, these instrumental emotion Helping a tearful “little fight” with a goals are related to broader cultural impera- spouse as serious tives (Mesquita, De Leersnyder, & Albert, child untangle his (Ext) this volume); these may dictate that people kite (Ext) show (Szczurek, Monin, & Gross, 2012) or feel (Tsai, 2007) particular emotions and Positive Wiping a smile Sharing great news not others in a given situation. emotion off one’s face at a with close friends funeral (Int) (Int) Emotion Regulation Strategies Whatever emotion regulation goals people Helping giggling Telling someone a may have, they can do many different things girls calm down at joke to cheer her up to achieve them. They can even do many dif- bedtime (Ext) (Ext) ferent things at once—or at least in quick succession. For example, after a stressful FIGURE 1.4. Emotion regulation goals can day, some people might turn off their cell include efforts to decrease or increase either the phone, have a beer, and watch an entertain- magnitude or duration of negative or positive ing program on television while holding emotion. Decreasing negative emotion appears hands with their partner. This kind of mix- to be the most common regulation goal in every- ing of regulation strategies is probably com- day life, followed by increasing positive emotion. mon in everyday life. For analytic purposes, Emotion regulation may be either intrinsic (Int) however, the process model distinguishes or extrinsic (Ext). five families of regulatory processes. to up-regulate negative emotions or down- The most forward-looking approach to regulate positive emotions, as Parrott (1993) emotion regulation is situation selection. has observed in the context of mood regu- This type of emotion regulation involves lation. Motives for up-regulating negative taking actions that make it more (or less) emotions include promoting a focused, ana- likely that one will end up in a situation lytic mindset; fostering an empathic stance; that one expects will give rise to desirable and influencing others’ actions. Motives for (or undesirable) emotions. Examples include down-regulating positive emotions include avoiding a grumpy neighbor, arranging a maintaining a realistic mindset; being mind- play date for a child, or seeking out a friend ful of social conventions; and concealing with whom one can have a good cry. Despite one’s feelings from others. the commonness of situation selection, it is hard to tell how one will feel in different sit- This broader view of emotion regulation uations (in the case of intrinsic regulation), goals suggests something important about and harder still to be sure how another per- what people are trying to accomplish when son will feel in various situations (in the case they regulate their emotions. Sometimes— of extrinsic regulation). and perhaps often—people are motivated by “hedonic considerations,” or the wish to Situation modification refers to directly increase short-term pleasure and decrease modifying a situation so as to alter its emo- short-term pain. At other times, however, tional impact. When one’s parents visit at people are motivated by “instrumental con- college, situation modification may take siderations”; that is, they are motivated to the form of hiding piles of dirty laundry or change their emotions in order to achieve questionable artwork. Parents also engage some other, nonemotional outcome (Mauss in their share of situation modification, & Tamir, this volume; Tamir, 2009). Some- which ranges from helping with frustrating times, these instrumental goals may be math problems to suggesting games to play related to specific work demands, such as on a rainy day. Because efforts to modify a appearing relaxed and upbeat for nervous
10 FOUNDATIONS situation may effectively call a new situa- tions, and alcohol, cigarettes, drugs, and tion into being, it is sometimes difficult to even food also may be used to modify emo- distinguish between situation selection and tion experience. Another common form of situation modification. Also, although “situ- response modulation involves regulating ations” can be external or internal, situation emotion-expressive behavior. One well- modification—a s I mean it here—has to do researched example of response modulation with modifying external, physical environ- is expressive suppression, in which a person ments. Modifying “internal” environments tries to inhibit ongoing negative or positive (i.e., thoughts) will be considered later, in emotion-expressive behavior. the context of cognitive change. Emotion Regulation Outcomes Attentional deployment refers to direct- At the heart of the process model is the intu- ing attention within a given situation in ition that different forms of emotion regula- order to influence one’s emotions. Atten- tion might have different consequences, both tional deployment is one of the first emotion immediately and over the long term. This regulatory processes to appear during devel- prediction flows from the idea that if emo- opment (Rothbart, Ziaie, & O’Boyle, 1992), tions develop over time, then intervening at and it is used from cradle to grave, particu- different points in the emotion-generative larly when it is not possible to modify one’s process should lead to different outcomes. situation. One of the most common forms of attentional deployment is distraction, which To test this idea, researchers have used focuses attention on other aspects of the situ- both experimental and correlational ation or moves attention away from the situ- approaches to investigate the affective, cog- ation altogether; distraction also may involve nitive, and social consequences of different changing internal focus, such as when some- types of emotion regulation. This work is one calls to mind thoughts or memories that yielding a rich and nuanced understanding help to instantiate the desired emotional state of how specific forms of emotion regulation (Thiruchselvam, Hajcak, & Gross, 2012). affect both the people who are doing the regulating and the people around them. Cognitive change refers to modifying how one appraises a situation so as to alter To illustrate this rapidly growing body its emotional significance, either by chang- of work, I focus on one of the most well- ing how one thinks about the situation or researched contrasts in the field, namely, the about one’s capacity to manage the demands contrast between reappraisal (from the cog- it poses. Sometimes, cognitive change is nitive change family) and suppression (from applied to an external situation (e.g., “This the response modulation family). This con- interview is a chance for me to learn more trast is an interesting one because although about the company”). At other times, cogni- both suppression and reappraisal are com- tive change is applied to an internal situation monly employed to down-regulate emotion, (e.g., “I’m not anxious—I ’m getting ‘pumped suppression is a behaviorally oriented form up’ for a game, and this will help me play my of emotion regulation in which a person best”). One particularly well-studied form decreases emotion-e xpressive behavior while of cognitive change is reappraisal; this form emotionally aroused, whereas reappraisal is of cognitive change is often used to decrease a cognitively oriented form of emotion regu- negative emotions, but it can also be used lation in which a person tries to think about to increase or decrease negative or positive a situation in a way that alters the emotional emotions (Samson & Gross, 2012). response (for a more comprehensive review of the effects of different emotion regula- The fifth family of emotion regulatory tion strategies, see Webb, Miles, & Sheeran, processes, response modulation, occurs 2012). late in the emotion-generative process, after response tendencies have already been initi- Affectively, experimental studies have ated, and refers to directly influencing expe- shown that suppression leads to decreased riential, behavioral, or physiological com- positive but not negative emotion experi- ponents of the emotional response. Physical ence (Gross, 1998a; Gross & Levenson, exercise and deep-breathing relaxation tech- 1993, 1997; Stepper & Strack, 1993; Strack, niques can be used to decrease experiential Martin, & Stepper, 1988), increased sympa- and physiological aspects of negative emo-
Conceptual and Empirical Foundations 11 thetic nervous system responses (Demaree viduals who typically use suppression have et al., 2006; Gross, 1998a; Gross & Lev- worse memory for emotional interactions enson, 1993, 1997; Harris, 2001; Richards than do individuals who use suppression less & Gross, 2000), and greater activation in frequently (Richards & Gross, 2000). emotion-generative brain regions such as the amygdala (Goldin, McRae, Ramel, & By contrast, experimental studies have Gross, 2008). Correlational studies are found that reappraisal either has no impact largely congruent with these experimental on subsequent memory or actually improves findings and, if anything, suggest a more it (Richards & Gross, 2000; Hayes et al., negative profile of affective consequences 2011), and can enhance performance on for suppression, in that compared to people standardized exams (Jamieson, Mendes, who do not report using suppression, people Blackstock, & Schmader, 2010). Correla- who report using suppression experience less tional studies bear out these findings, show- positive emotion and more negative emo- ing that individuals who typically reappraise tion, including painful feelings of inauthen- have comparable or even enhanced memory ticity as well as depressive symptoms (Gross compared to others (Richards & Gross, & John, 2003; Moore, Zoellner, & Mollen- 2000). holt, 2008; Nezlek & Kuppens, 2008). Socially, experimental studies have By contrast, experimental studies have reported that suppression leads to less lik- shown that reappraisal leads to decreased ing from social interaction partners, and to levels of negative emotion experience and an increase in partners’ blood pressure lev- increased positive emotion experience els (Butler et al., 2003). Correlational stud- (Gross, 1998a; Feinberg, Willer, Antonenko, ies support these laboratory findings. Indi- & John, 2012; Lieberman, Inagaki, Tabib- viduals who typically use suppression report nia, & Crockett, 2011; Ray, McRae, Och- avoiding close relationships and having less sner, & Gross, 2010; Szasz, Szentagotai, & positive relations with others; this dove- Hofmann, 2011; Wolgast, Lundh, & Viborg, tails with peers’ reports that suppressors 2011), has no impact on or even decreases have relationships with others that are less sympathetic nervous system responses emotionally close (English, John, & Gross, (Gross, 1998a; Kim & Hamann, 2012; 2013; Gross & John, 2003; Srivastava, Stemmler, 1997; Shiota & Levenson, 2012; Tamir, McGonigal, John, & Gross, 2009). Wolgast et al., 2011), and leads to lesser acti- vation in emotion-generative brain regions Reappraisal, by contrast, has no detectable such as the amygdala (Goldin et al., 2008; adverse consequences for social affiliation in Kanske, Heissler, Schonfelder, Bongers, a laboratory context (Butler et al., 2003). & Wessa, 2011; Ochsner & Gross, 2008; Correlational studies support these findings: Ochsner et al., 2004) and ventral striatum Individuals who typically use reappraisal (Staudinger, Erk, Abler, & Walter, 2009). are more likely to share their emotions— Correlational studies suggest that compared both positive and negative—and report hav- to people who do not use reappraisal, people ing closer relationships with friends, which who use reappraisal experience and express matches their peers’ reports of greater liking more positive emotion and less negative (Gross & John, 2003; Mauss et al., 2011). emotion, including fewer depressive symp- toms (Gross & John, 2003; Nezlek & Kup- Across these three outcome domains, pens, 2008). Reappraisers’ reports of less reappraisal seems preferable to suppression. negative emotion are corroborated by func- However, caution is required here, because tional imaging studies that show less activa- the effects of emotion regulation vary by con- tion in emotion-related regions such as the text. Thus, the adverse social consequences amygdala (Drabant et al., 2009). of suppression are not evident in individu- als with bicultural European–A sian values Cognitively, experimental studies have (Butler, Lee, & Gross, 2007; Soto, Perez, shown that suppression leads to worse mem- Kim, Lee, & Minnick, 2011). Similarly, ory (Johns, Inzlicht, & Schmader, 2008; some of the benefits of reappraisal are mod- Richards, Butler, & Gross, 2003; Richards erated by context. For example, if emotional & Gross, 1999, 2000, 2006). Correlational intensity is already high when reappraisal is findings support these conclusions: Indi- engaged, it no longer has the experiential or physiological benefits seen in other contexts (Sheppes, Catran, & Meiran, 2009).
12 FOUNDATIONS The context specificity of the effects of sup- Frankel, & Camras, 2004), and many of the brain systems that give rise to emotion are pression and reappraisal (and, presumably, also engaged by emotion regulation (Ochsner other forms of emotion regulation) means et al., 2009). This has led some commenta- that global conclusions about one strategy tors to argue that the two sets of processes being “better” than another are likely to be are so intertwined that no clear distinction misleading. Indeed, any given emotion regu- can be made between them (Kappas, 2011; lation strategy may be used to make things Thompson, 2011). either better or worse, depending on whose point of view is adopted, on the outcome Part of the problem here is that there are of interest, and on details regarding the many different ways to define emotion, each context. For example, cognitive strategies of which suggests a different take on how that dampen negative emotions may help a (and whether) emotion and emotion regu- medical professional operate efficiently in lation should be distinguished (Gross & stressful circumstances, but they also may Barrett, 2011). From my perspective, the neutralize negative emotions associated crucial distinction between emotion and with empathy and thereby decrease helping. emotion regulation is a functional one. As It also bears emphasizing that regulatory we have seen, an emotion arises when a strategies may accomplish one person’s goals person attends to a situation that he or she at the expense of another’s. For example, a evaluates as relevant to a particular type of mother may accomplish her goals when she goal. For example, I may feel angry at others stops a child from crying for candy in the when they throw garbage from their cars. I supermarket, but this success may come at may even have an emotion about my anger the expense of the child’s failure to achieve response. For example, I may feel proud that his or her goal of getting candy. I feel anger at others who are degrading the environment. Emotion regulation may be Fundamental Questions said to occur when (1) an emotional response and Directions for Future Research itself is subject to valuation as good or bad, As is the case with any new and vital area and (2) this valuation leads to the activation of science, the study of emotion regulation of a goal to change that particular emotion has generated many more questions than response trajectory. To continue the earlier answers (Gross, 2013). In the following example, if I find myself getting so annoyed sections, I describe three of the questions I at others who pollute the environment that I think are particularly important to the field snap at my children, I may negatively value of emotion regulation. my anger and feel upset that I am snapping at my children. If this is all that happens, How Separable Are Emotion there’s no emotion regulation—just two and Emotion Regulation? overlapping instances of emotion (anger at One of the most intuitively compelling dis- polluters, and upset at myself for snapping at tinctions in the field of emotion research is my children). But if this feeling of upset leads that between emotion and emotion regula- me to try to curb my anger, then this would tion. We feel angry, and try not to show it. A be an instance of emotion regulation. child cries, and we comfort her. We are dis- couraged, and try to find hope. In each case, A more general way of putting this idea is it seems utterly obvious that one set of psy- to say that emotion regulation involves the chological processes governs the emergence valuation of a valuation. That is, an emo- of an emotion, and another governs whether tional response is itself judged to be good or and how we manage these emotions. bad—hence leading to an affective response about the target emotional response—and However, the closer one looks, the harder this second affective response motivates an it is to draw a bright line between emotion effort to modify the first affective response. and emotion regulation (Gross et al., 2011). This perspective on emotion regulation is Many situations seem to call forth both functional in that it doesn’t define a priori emotion and emotion regulation (Campos, what should “count” as emotion versus emotion regulation; instead, the question of separability hinges on whether a goal has been activated to influence the emotion-
Conceptual and Empirical Foundations 13 generative process itself (for a more detailed Even after a person has become aware of exposition of this valuation perspective on an emotion and activated a goal to regulate emotion regulation, see Ochsner & Gross, that emotion, there remains the question: this volume). What determines how this regulatory goal will fare in its competition with other cur- Why Do People Regulate Their rently active goals? As discussed earlier, Emotions as They Do? people have both hedonic and instrumen- Anyone who has ever seen two grown men tal goals, but it is far from clear how these step out of their cars to fight over who is the various goals interact. What is known sug- bigger idiot has likely wondered why on earth gests that emotion regulation often involves the two can’t manage to regulate their emo- tradeoffs between hedonic and instrumental tions in more productive ways. This puzzle- motives. Avoidance that may bring short- ment points to a more general question about term relief (“If I skip the cocktail party, I why people regulate (or fail to regulate) their can avoid feeling anxious”) may have a sub- emotions as they do. Answering this ques- stantial long-term price tag (“If I skip the tion requires a more complete analysis of cocktail party, I may miss out on develop- the emotion regulatory process than I have ing helpful professional contacts”). Over the provided so far, and one of the most press- course of development, it appears that the ing challenges for researchers in this area is balance of motives shifts repeatedly, first to contribute to this analysis. In answering from hedonic to instrumental goals, then, this overarching question, a number of more later in life, away from instrumental motives specific questions must be addressed: and toward hedonic motives, reflecting an 1. What leads people to activate a goal to awareness of the reduced value of long- term investments as one moves toward the regulate emotion? end of one’s life (Carstensen, Isaacowitz, & 2. What determines the fate of this regula- Charles, 1999; Charles & Carstensen, this volume). Just how people flexibly manage tory goal? competing regulatory goals is likely to be an 3. Which strategy is employed to achieve a important determinant of healthy adapta- tion. given emotion regulatory goal? Why do some people activate a goal to Once an emotion regulatory goal has regulate emotions when others do not? One been activated and has survived a com- reason may be differences in awareness of petition with other currently active goals, the person’s own ongoing (or anticipated) there remains the question: Which emotion emotional responses—in the case of intrin- regulatory strategy (or strategies) will be sic emotion regulation—or in awareness of selected in order to achieve that particular another person’s ongoing (or anticipated) emotion regulatory goal? Part of the answer emotional response—in the case of extrinsic may hinge on context-specific factors, such emotion regulation. People differ substan- as the type and intensity of emotion that tially in their ability to track subtle emotion needs regulating. For example, people pre- dynamics and represent these in a differen- fer reappraisal to distraction when emotion tiated fashion; some do this very well, but intensity is low, but prefer distraction to others (e.g., those who have alexithymia reappraisal when emotion intensity is high, or low levels of emotion awareness) have because at high-intensity levels, reappraisal little or no awareness of ongoing emotional is often no longer effective (Sheppes, this responses (Salovey & Mayer, 1990; Taylor, volume; Sheppes, Scheibe, Suri, & Gross, 1994). Emotional awareness appears to be 2011). Another important context-specific a crucial rate-limiting factor in successfully factor may be a person’s perceptions of his regulating emotions (Barrett, Gross, Con- or her currently available social and/or psy- ner, & Benvenuto, 2001; Samson, Huber, chological resources (Coan & Maresh, this & Gross, 2012), but much remains to be volume; Opitz, Gross, & Urry, 2012). Other learned about the precise role of emotional factors that govern strategy selection may be awareness in activation of the goal to engage more stable across situations. For example, in emotion regulation. some people have incremental beliefs about emotion, and see emotions as the kinds of
14 FOUNDATIONS things that can be changed. Others have better place. Efforts in this direction are jus- entity beliefs about emotion, and see emo- tified by not only their ends but also what tions as relatively immutable. Perhaps not they can teach us about basic processes as surprisingly, those with incremental beliefs we apply what we think we know to real- seem to be more adept at emotion regula- world situations. tion than those with entity beliefs (Mauss & Tamir, this volume; Tamir, John, Srivas- One type of application—a nd perhaps the tava, & Gross, 2007). Another important most obvious—is individual-level interven- kind of belief has to do with whether one tions designed to teach healthier patterns of believes one is able to engage in a particular emotion regulation (Gross & Munoz, 1995). form of emotion regulation when one wishes Such interventions might take the form of to do so. This type of belief is referred to crafting instructional materials, teacher as emotion regulation self-efficacy, and workshops, classroom-based interventions, self-efficacy beliefs can be modified. For and parenting classes designed to increase example, in the context of generalized social awareness of the importance of emotion and anxiety disorder, patients who received skillful emotion regulation. Interventions cognitive-behavioral therapy (vs. those may target individuals at heightened risk randomized to a wait-list group) showed of adverse outcomes, such as daughters of increased reappraisal self-e fficacy, and these depressed mothers, children who live in abu- changes in self-e fficacy mediated the effects sive families, members of underrepresented of therapy on clinical improvement (Goldin minorities in work or academic contexts, et al., 2012; John & Eng, this volume). or those with high temperamental levels of negative emotion. More specific interven- It is evident that these three questions— tions will target individuals who have clini- regarding the activation of a regulatory goal, cal diagnoses (Barrett, Wilson-M endenhall, the relative dominance of that regulation & Barsalou, this volume; Campbell-Sills, goal compared to other goals, and the emo- Ellard, & Barlow, this volume; Joormann tion regulation strategy that is selected— & Siemer, this volume; Kober, this volume). represent a small subset of the many ques- These are the inventions that come to mind tions that need to be answered before we most easily, and many of our pharmacologi- fully understand whether (and how) a par- cal and psychosocial interventions for psy- ticular person will regulate emotion in a chiatric disorders have an emotion regula- particular situation, and whether he or she tion component, although much remains to will do so successfully. Other determinants be learned about exactly how each type of include person-based factors, such as work- intervention influences particular aspects ing memory capacity, as well as situation- of emotion regulation (Berking & Schwarz, based factors that make some forms of emo- this volume; Neacsiu, Bohus, & Linehan, tion regulation easier to implement than this volume; MacLeod & Grafton, this vol- others. One pressing challenge for future ume; Mennin & Fresco, this volume; Farb, research is to clarify the rules that govern Anderson, Irving, & Segal, this volume). the skillful application of emotion regula- tion. This work is important, because it A second type of application involves will create a framework for understanding making larger changes in the physical and individual and group differences in emotion social worlds in which we live. An example regulation, and suggest strategies for inter- of this class of interventions comes from vention when regulation is deficient. applying an emotion regulation perspec- tive to seemingly intractable global con- How Can We Use What We Know flicts (Halperin, 2013). These conflicts are to Make the World a Better Place? characterized by high levels of negative Although we still have much to learn about emotions that powerfully shape attitudes the psychological processes that are neces- and behaviors of each of the parties to the sary for skillful and flexible emotion regula- conflict. In particular, negative intergroup tion, we now know enough to begin think- emotions—emotions that arise as a result ing about how to use what we know about of belonging to a certain group—can lead emotion regulation to make the world a to the commencement and maintenance of hostilities, then block progress toward a peaceful solution to the ongoing conflict. To
Conceptual and Empirical Foundations 15 assess the role of emotion regulation in one nuto, M. (2001). Knowing what you’re feeling such conflict, namely, the ongoing Israeli– and knowing what to do about it: Mapping the Palestinian conflict, a nationwide survey of relation between emotion differentiation and Jewish-Israeli adults was conducted during emotion regulation. Cognition and Emotion, the Gaza War between Israelis and Palestin- 15, 713–724. ians. This survey assessed both reappraisal Barrett, L. F., Ochsner, K. N., & Gross, J. J. use and attitudes toward providing humani- (2007). On the automaticity of emotion. In J. tarian aid to Palestinian citizens. Findings Bargh (Ed.), Social psychology and the uncon- indicated that Israelis who regulated their negative emotions during the war by using scious: The automaticity of higher mental reappraisal were more supportive of pro- processes (pp. 173–217). New York: Psychol- viding humanitarian aid than Israelis who ogy Press. did not use reappraisal (Halperin & Gross, Berking, M., & Schwarz, J. (this volume, 2014). 2011). Building on this foundation, a sec- Affect regulation training. In J. J. Gross (Ed.), ond study randomized Israeli participants to Handbook of emotion regulation (2nd ed., either a reappraisal training condition or a pp. 529–547). New York: Guilford Press. control condition just before the Palestinian Bowlby, J. (1969). Attachment and loss: Attach- United Nations (UN) bid in 2011. Findings ment. New York: Basic Books. indicated that a week following the training, Buck, R. (1990). Mood and emotion: A compari- participants who had been trained to use son of five contemporary views. Psychological reappraisal showed greater support for con- Inquiry, 1, 330–336. ciliatory policies and less support for aggres- Buck, R. (1993). What is this thing called sub- sive policies toward Palestinians. These jective experience?: Reflections on the neuro- effects persisted when assessed 5 months psychology of qualia. Neuropsychology, 7, after training, and at each time point, nega- 490 – 499. tive emotion mediated the effects of reap- Butler, E. A., Egloff, B., Wilhelm, F. W., Smith, praisal on conflict-related attitudes (Hal- N. C., Erickson, E. A., & Gross, J. J. (2003). perin, Porat, Tamir, & Gross, 2012). These The social consequences of expressive suppres- findings hint at the broader, real-world rel- sion. Emotion, 3, 48–67. evance of an emotion regulation perspective, Butler, E. A., Lee, T. L., & Gross, J. J. (2007). and in future work it will be interesting to Emotion regulation and culture: Are the social investigate how such a perspective might be consequences of emotion suppression culture- applied in other arenas. specific? Emotion, 7, 30–48. Campbell-Sills, L., Ellard, K. K., & Barlow, D. Acknowledgments H. (this volume, 2014). Emotion regulation in anxiety disorders. In J. J. Gross (Ed.), Hand- I would like to thank Gal Sheppes, Heather Urry, book of emotion regulation (2nd ed., pp. 393– and members of the Stanford Psychophysiology 412). New York: Guilford Press. Laboratory for comments on a prior version of Campos, J. J., Frankel, C. B., & Camras, L. this chapter. (2004). On the nature of emotion regulation. Child Development, 75, 377–394. References Carstensen, L. L., Isaacowitz, D. M., & Charles, S. T. (1999). Taking time seriously. American American Psychiatric Association. (2013). Diag- Psychologist, 54, 165–181. nostic and statistical manual of mental disor- Charles, S. T., & Carstensen, L. L. (this volume, ders (5th ed.). Arlington, VA: Author. 2014). Emotion regulation and aging. In J. J. Gross (Ed.), Handbook of emotion regulation Barrett, L. F., Wilson-M endenhall, C. D., & (2nd ed., pp. 203–218). New York: Guilford Barsalou, L. W. (this volume, 2014). A psy- Press. chological construction account of emotion Coan, J. A., & Maresh, E. L. (this volume, 2014). dysregulation. In J. J. Gross (Ed.), Handbook Social baseline theory and the social regula- of emotion regulation (2nd ed., pp. 447–465). tion of emotion. In J. J. Gross (Ed.), Handbook New York: Guilford Press. of emotion regulation (2nd ed., pp. 221–236). New York: Guilford Press. Barrett, L. F., Gross, J. J., Conner, T., & Benve- Cole, P., Martin, S., & Dennis, T. (2004). Emo- tion regulation as a scientific construct: Meth-
16 FOUNDATIONS odological challenges and directions for child of Consulting and Clinical Psychology, 80, development research. Child Development, 1034–1040. 75, 317–333. Gross, J. J. (1998a). Antecedent- and response- Dan-Glauser, E. S., & Gross, J. J. (2013). Emo- focused emotion regulation: Divergent con- tion regulation and emotion coherence: Evi- sequences for experience, expression, and dence for strategy-s pecific effects. Emotion. physiology. Journal of Personality and Social Davidson, R. J. (1994). On emotion, mood, and Psychology, 74, 224–237. related affective constructs. In P. Ekman & Gross, J. J. (1998b). The emerging field of emo- R. J. Davidson (Eds.), The nature of emotion: tion regulation: An integrative review. Review Fundamental questions (pp. 51–55). New of General Psychology, 2, 271–299. York: Oxford University Press. Gross, J. J. (1999). Emotion regulation: Past, Demaree, H. A., Schmeichel, B. J., Robinson, present, future. Cognition and Emotion, 13, J. L., Pu, J., Everhart, D., & Berntson, G. G. 551–573. (2006). Up- and down-regulating facial dis- Gross, J. J. (2010). The future’s so bright, I gotta gust: Affective, vagal, sympathetic, and respi- wear shades. Emotion Review, 2, 212–216. ratory consequences. Biological Psychology, Gross, J. J. (2013). Emotion regulation: Tak- 71, 90–99. ing stock and moving forward. Emotion, 13, Drabant, E. M., McRae, K., Manuck, S. B., 359–365. Hariri, A. R., & Gross, J. J. (2009). Individual Gross, J. J. & Barrett, L. F. (2011). Emotion differences in typical reappraisal use predict generation and emotion regulation: One or amygdala and prefrontal responses. Biological two depends on your point of view. Emotion Psychiatry, 65, 367–373. Review, 3, 8–16. Ellsworth, P. C., & Scherer, K. R. (2003). Gross, J. J., & John, O. P. (2003). Individual dif- Appraisal processes in emotion. In R. J. David- ferences in two emotion regulation processes: son, K. R., Scherer, & H. H. Goldsmith (Eds.), Implications for affect, relationships, and Handbook of affective sciences (pp. 572–595). well-being. Journal of Personality and Social New York: Oxford University Press. Psychology, 85, 348–362. English, T., John, O. P., & Gross, J. J. (2013). Gross, J. J., & Levenson, R. W. (1993). Emo- Emotion regulation in close relationships. In J. tional suppression: Physiology, self-report, A. Simpson & L. Campbell (Eds.), The Oxford and expressive behavior. Journal of Personal- handbook of close relationships (pp. 500– ity and Social Psychology, 64, 970–986. 513). New York: Oxford University Press. Gross, J. J., & Levenson, R. W. (1997). Hiding Farb, N. A. S., Anderson, A. K., & Segal, Z. V. feelings: The acute effects of inhibiting posi- (this volume, 2014). Mindfulness interven- tive and negative emotions. Journal of Abnor- tions and emotion regulation. In J. J. Gross mal Psychology, 106, 95–103. (Ed.), Handbook of emotion regulation (2nd Gross, J. J., & Munoz, R. F. (1995). Emotion ed., pp. 548–568). New York: Guilford Press. regulation and mental health. Clinical Psy- Feinberg, M., Willer, R., Antonenko, O., & chology: Science and Practice, 2, 151–164. John, O. P. (2012). Liberating reason from the Gross, J. J., Richards, J. M., & John, O. P. passions. Psychological Science, 23, 788–795. (2006). Emotion regulation in everyday life. In Freud, S. (1959). Inhibitions, symptoms, anxiety D. K. Snyder, J. A. Simpson, & J. N. Hughes (A. Strachey, Trans.; J. Strachey, Ed.). New (Eds.), Emotion regulation in couples and York: Norton. (Original work published 1926) families: Pathways to dysfunction and health. Frijda, N. H. (1986). The emotions. Cambridge, Washington, DC: American Psychological UK: Cambridge University Press. Association. Goldin, P. R., McRae, K., Ramel, W., & Gross, Gross, J. J., Sheppes, G., & Urry, H. L. (2011). J. J. (2008). The neural bases of emotion Emotion generation and emotion regulation: A regulation: Reappraisal and suppression of distinction we should make (carefully). Cogni- negative emotion. Biological Psychiatry, 63, tion and Emotion, 25, 765–781. 577–586. Gross, J. J., & Thompson, R. A. (2007). Emotion Goldin, P., Ziv, M., Jazaieri, H., Werner, K., regulation: Conceptual foundations. In J. J. Kraemer, H., Heimberg, R. G., et al. (2012). Gross (Ed.), Handbook of emotion regulation Cognitive reappraisal self-efficacy mediates (pp. 3–24). New York: Guilford Press. the effects of individual cognitive-behavioral Gyurak, A., & Etkin, A. (this volume, 2014). A therapy for social anxiety disorder. Journal neurobiological model of implicit and explicit
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20 FOUNDATIONS Tamir, M. (2009). What do people want to feel pp. 367–467). Lincoln: University of Nebraska and why?: Pleasure and utility in emotion reg- Press. ulation. Current Directions in Psychological Thompson, R. (2011). Emotion and emotion Science, 18, 101–105. regulation: Two sides of the developing coin. Emotion Review, 3, 53–61. Tamir, M. (2011). The maturing field of emotion Tsai, J. L. (2007). Ideal affect: Cultural causes regulation. Emotion Review, 3, 3–7. and behavioral consequences. Perspectives on Psychological Science, 2, 242–259. Tamir, M., John, O. P., Srivastava, S., & Gross, J. Webb, T. L., Miles, E., & Sheeran, P. (2012). J. (2007). Implicit theories of emotion: Affec- Dealing with feeling: A meta-analysis of the tive and social outcomes across a major life effectiveness of strategies derived from the transition. Journal of Personality and Social process model of emotion regulation. Psycho- Psychology, 92, 731–744. logical Bulletin, 138(4), 775–808. Westen, D. (1994). Toward an integrative model Taylor, G. J. (1994). The alexithymia construct: of affect regulation: Applications to social- Conceptualization, validation, and relation- psychological research. Journal of Personal- ship with basic dimensions of personality. ity, 62, 641–667. Wolgast, M., Lundh, L.-G., & Viborg, G. New Trends in Experimental and Clinical (2011). Cognitive reappraisal and acceptance: Psychiatry, 10, 61–74. An experimental comparison of two emotion Thiruchselvam, R., Hajcak, G., & Gross, J. J. regulation strategies. Behaviour Research and (2012). Looking inwards: Shifting attention Therapy, 49, 858–866. within working memory representations alters Zajonc, R. B. (1984). On the primacy of affect. emotional responses. Psychological Science, American Psychologist, 39, 117–123. 23(12), 1461–1466. Thompson, R. A. (1990). Emotion and self- regulation. In Socioemotional development: Nebraska Symposium on Motivation (Vol. 36,
Part II Biological Bases
Chapter 2 The Neural Bases of Emotion and Emotion Regulation: A Valuation Perspective Kevin N. Ochsner James J. Gross The observation that emotions can be pow- basic and clinical contexts. Our goal in this erful forces for good and for ill has moti- chapter is to provide such a framework. vated researchers’ efforts to understand how emotions arise and how they are regulated Our starting point is the assertion that (Gross, 2007; Kalisch, 2009; Ochsner & goal-directed (motivated) behavior may be Gross, 2005, 2008; Phillips, Ladouceur, defined as behavior that aims to decrease the & Drevets, 2008; Quirk & Beer, 2006). In probability of states of either our bodies or particular, neuroscience research recently of the world that have negative value for us has made great strides in describing the (e.g., putting on a sweater when we are cold; neural systems that give rise to emotional picking up trash in the park), or increase responses and that permit their regulation. the probability of states that have positive At the same time, parallel progress has been value for us (e.g., opening a can of soup to made in delineating the neural bases of eat when we are hungry; arranging to have related abilities, including affective learning, coffee with a friend). affective decision making, and expectancies, beliefs, and placebo effects (Cunningham The determination of value occurs & Zelazo, 2007; Hartley & Phelps, 2010; dynamically at many levels of the brain, Murray, O’Doherty, & Schoenbaum, 2007; at different time scales, and with respect Pessoa, 2008; Rangel, Camerer, & Mon- to many features in the environment (Lev- tague, 2008). It is becoming evident that the enthal, 1984; Rangel et al., 2008; Scherer, neural systems implicated across these vari- 2001). A sudden loss of blood pressure may ous literatures—including those concerned occasion a valuation, as may the smell of with emotion and emotion regulation—are dinner being prepared, an aggressive driver strikingly similar. This suggests that any cutting one off, or a new way of thinking account of the neural bases of emotion and about a poem. If valuations are assessments its regulation—or related abilities—should of what is bad for me (negative value) or be informed by these similarities. Such an good for me (positive value), computed for integrated framework would be both more many different objects, then different types robust and more translatable to multiple of valuation might be expected to give rise to different types of responses, and indeed, they do (Ortony, Clore, & Collins, 1988; 23
24 BIOLOGICAL BASES Scherer, Schorr, & Johnstone, 2001). One particularly important type of valuation is The Functional Architecture emotion, which arises when a situation is of Valuation evaluated as relevant to an individual’s goals, According to the framework we propose thereby triggering a loosely coordinated set here, valuation can be schematized as the of experiential, behavioral, and peripheral three-stage processing cycle outlined in physiological responses (Mauss, Levenson, Figure 2.1A. As detailed below, a percep- McCarter, Wilhelm, & Gross, 2005). Emo- tion stage takes various kinds of stimuli tional responses such as joy, anger, and dis- as inputs; a valuation stage dynamically gust all have at their core an evaluation of appraises the value of these stimuli given whether something is good for me or bad for current goals, context, and prior experience me. with similar stimuli; and an action stage comprises valuation-appropriate responses Given the major role that emotions play ranging from covert adjustments of low-level in shaping how we feel about and respond sensory (e.g., increased pupil dilation) or to the world around us, it is no surprise that higher-level cognitive processes (e.g., shifts emotions themselves can become the tar- in effortful attention) to overt adjustments of get of valuation. For example, we may feel a wide range of response systems (e.g., facial angry at a child’s impolite behavior, and behavior, postural adjustments, sympathetic judge our anger as either inappropriate (hav- nervous system activation). This perception– ing negative value) or appropriate (having valuation–a ction (PVA) sequence repeats as positive value), depending on the age of the the new state of the world, resulting from the child. In this and in similar cases, we assign action, becomes the input for the next PVA negative or positive value to the valuation sequence, thus setting in motion a new PVA process itself, thereby energizing processes cycle. Because multiple PVA cycles are typi- that tend to make the emotion in question cally running at any given time, these cycles either less or more likely to occur, depend- interact, and it is these processing dynamics ing on whether the valuation is negative or that give rise to behavior. positive. When individuals influence their emotions in this way, they are engaging in PVA Components: emotion regulation. The Perception Stage A PVA sequence is initiated by an external Our framework therefore holds that emo- or internal stimulus that can vary in com- tions arise via the valuation of internal or plexity from low-level perceptual features external stimuli, and that emotion regula- (like eye whites or low spatial frequencies) or tion arises via the valuation of the emotion physiological responses (e.g., a racing heart) itself. From this perspective, emotion and to organized perceptual exemplars (e.g., emotion regulation both have valuation at objects or scenes) to abstract constructs their core. such as the self. In this initial perception stage of the sequence, sensory systems (e.g., This three-part chapter uses a valuation thalamus plus primary and secondary sen- perspective to integrate diverse findings sory cortices) encode these types of sensory in current neuroscience research regard- inputs and pass them along to systems for ing emotion, emotion regulation, affective computing value (Kravitz, Saleem, Baker, & learning, decision making, and expectancy. Mishkin, 2011). In the first part, we propose a multilevel framework that analyzes emotion and emo- PVA Components: The Valuation Stage tion regulation in terms of valuation. In Valuations are subserved by an overlapping the second part we use this framework to set of interacting brain systems that com- understand current research on emotion pute the badness or goodness of perceptual and its regulation. Finally, in the third part inputs (Hamann, Ely, Hoffman, & Kilts, we explore the general utility of this frame- 2002; Ochsner & Barrett, 2001; Rangel et work by giving examples of how it can be extended to account for current research on related phenomena, including affective learning, decision making, and expectancy effects.
Valuation and Emotion Regulation 25 A. Valuation B. Regulation W2 P2 V2 A2 W1 P1 V1 A1 Future Present FIGURE 2.1A. The perception–v aluation–a ction (PVA) processing cycle that comprises the fundamen- tal building block of emotion and other types of valuation. As described in the text, multiple PVA cycles can operate at once, here represented by subscripts 1 to n. Each cycle involves individual PVA sequences that iteratively feed into one another across time (shown here progressively spiraling into the future), thereby comprising a PVA cycle. For each cycle, some set of internal and external stimuli comprising an initial state of the world (W) is represented perceptually (P), values are placed upon the stimuli (V), and associated action links (A) that are activated result in a new state of the world that feeds into the next iteration of the PVA processing cycle. Note that here we place emphasis on the three-stage (P-V-A) processing cycle, and the world (W) is considered to be the result of a prior action and the input for the next PVA sequence. PVAs can interact with one another, exciting or inhibiting each other’s activation (schematically shown here by double-headed arrows between PVAs). Emotions are specific types of PVA sequences that involve specific types of perceptions, valuations, and actions. The neural systems supporting valuation are shown in Figure 2.2A and elaborated in the text and in Figure 2.3. FIGURE 2.1B. How PVA sequences instantiate regulation. To illustrate how PVA sequences enable regulation, we zoom in on two PVA sequences, PVA1 and PVA2. As shown here, emotion regulation (or value regulation more generally) is a functional relationship between two PVA sequences in which one (PVA1) is “generating emotion” and the other (PVA2) is taking the first PVA as its “P,” valuing it (negatively or positively), and targeting that first PVA for change via its “A.” The “A” of PVA2 enacts an emotion regulation strategy that influences one or more steps of PVA1. As described in the text, five types of regulatory strategies may be distinguished. Each regulatory strategy depends on different com- binations of cognitive control systems (see text, Figure 2.2B, and Figure 2.3) whose regulatory effects can be understood in terms of the stage of the PVA sequence that is targeted for change. On this view, emotion regulation is a type of valuation in which the valuation process is itself the target of valuation. al., 2008; Rolls, 1999), thereby providing a sweet drink, to secondary reinforcers— a common currency for comparing vari- objects that derive their negative or positive ous objects and events (Levy & Glimcher, value from their association with primary 2011). In this chapter we use valuation as an reinforcers, such as an A+ written at the top umbrella term to connote the same kinds of of one’s term paper (Rangel et al., 2008; underlying processes that emotion theorists Rolls, 1999). Figure 2.2A shows the brain would describe using the term appraisal and regions associated with valuation processes. attitude researchers would describe using the term evaluation. Targets of valuation range Multiple valuations are computed for a from primary reinforcers—objects that are given stimulus, and these vary along a con- innately seen as “bad” or “good,” such as tinuum of representational complexity, with more complex valuations typically taking
26 BIOLOGICAL BASES A. Valuation Systems B. Regulation/Control Systems FIGURE 2.2A. Neural systems supporting valuation. Medial (top), lateral (bottom left), and coronal (bottom right) views of the brain showing systems implicated in different types of valuation processes that can be arrayed along a continuum from core level valuations (amygdala, ventral striatum) that consist of links between stimuli and reinforcers, to contextual level valuations (vmPFC/OFC) that place these S-R links in their historical, social, and motivational context, to conceptual level valua- tions that represent the value of stimuli in belief–desire terms (rostral and dorsal medial PFC) that may be verbalizable and consciously reportable. The insula, implicated in the representation of body states, may play a role in representing the body states associated with all three types of valuation. See text and Figure 2.3 for examples of how these systems play roles in specific types of valuation and emotion. FIGURE 2.2B. Neural systems supporting regulation. Medial (left) and lateral (right) views of the brain showing systems implicated in regulatory strategies that can be used to regulate valuation in general, and emotion in particular Regions include: the dorsal anterior cingulate cortex (dACC), impli- cated in monitoring conflicts between desired and actual actions, posterior and dlPFC and inferior parietal cortex, implicated in holding control strategies and goals in mind and directing attention to relevant perceptual inputs, and vlPFC, implicated in selecting context-appropriate responses and inhib- iting context-inappropriate responses. See text and Figure 2.3 for examples of how these systems play roles in specific types of emotion regulation and related phenomena. longer to compute than less complex valua- of a variety of stimuli, there is evidence that tions (Leventhal, 1984; Scherer, 2001). core valuations for pain sensations involve dedicated pathways from the thalamus to At the lowest level of this continuum, nociceptive regions of the midcingulate cor- core valuations are made. These represent tex and anterior insula (Willis & Westlund, relatively direct associations between per- 1997). In addition, while the ventral stria- cepts and basic physiological and behav- tum and amygdala are typically linked with ioral responses at the action stage (e.g., positive/appetitive and negative/aversive snake → fear response). Core valuation valuations, respectively, both human and involves primarily subcortical and brain- animal studies suggest that subregions of stem systems implicated in affective learning each structure may play roles in both kinds and responding. While many of these sys- of valuations (Delgado, Jou, LeDoux, & tems, including the ventral striatum, amyg- Phelps, 2009; Holland & Gallagher, 2004; dala, and periaqueductal gray (PAG), receive Wager, Barrett, et al., 2008). The associa- inputs from a variety of sensory inputs tions underlying core valuations can be (but (Keay & Bandler, 2001; Packard, 2009), are not always) activated automatically and and as such can be involved in the valuation
Valuation and Emotion Regulation 27 without conscious intent, and are implicit temporal context, can be valued less nega- insofar as they are not directly accessible tively; Quirk & Beer, 2006). More gener- to awareness, although one can be aware of ally, contextual valuations play key roles in the actions they trigger, and thereby become other forms of affective learning, in deter- aware of them indirectly. Core valuations mining whether the value of stimuli change typically are linked to stereotyped action across contexts, and in subjective awareness impulses (Kober et al., 2008; LeDoux, 2000; of one’s affective states (Craig, 2009; Cun- Rolls, 1999; Russell & Barrett, 1999), and ningham, Raye, & Johnson, 2004; Holland as such, can provide the basis for stimulus– & Gallagher, 2004; Lieberman, Jarcho, & response (S-R) links of the sort that under- Satpute, 2004; Rangel et al., 2008; Schoen- lie Pavlovian conditioning and other basic baum, Saddoris, & Stalnaker, 2007). Con- forms of affective responding that involve textual valuations influence behavior either pleasure and pain (Rangel et al., 2008). by activating action impulses themselves or—as detailed below in the section on emo- At an intermediate level, contextual valu- tion regulation—by influencing which core ations evaluate inputs that represent combi- valuations are expressed via actions (Och- nations of S-R links and at least three types sner, Ray, et al., 2009). of contextual information: the historical as well as current social and motivational con- At the highest level of this continuum, texts of the person (for an illustrative exam- conceptual valuations represent apprais- ple, see the section “Emotion as a Type of als of stimuli that are abstract and often PVA Sequence”). This computational step verbalizable. By this we mean representa- involves at least three regions. The first com- tions of evaluations and affective states that prises the orbitofrontal cortex (OFC) and abstracted across exemplars and contexts ventromedial prefrontal cortex (vmPFC) and are accessible to awareness in the form (Ongur, Ferry, & Price, 2003; Price, 1999), of “belief–d esire” language. For example, a whose inputs include the output of both the conceptual valuation of a snake may involve core valuation level and the medial tempo- activation of a conceptual representation of ral lobe (MTL) and the cortical associative “fear,” which one can verbalize using that memory systems, which provide temporal word. and spatial context (Davachi, 2006; Murray et al., 2007). Second is the superior tempo- We propose that this level involves at least ral sulcus/temporoparietal junction (STS/ four regions. First, the rostromedial (rmPFC) TPJ), which itself is a multisensory zone that and dorsomedial (dmPFC) prefrontal regions integrates expectancies with feedback, and implicated in attending to and explicitly reorients attention accordingly, including judging the value of stimuli and use of cat- when expectations must be adjusted about egories and belief–d esire language to elabo- the beliefs, actions, and intentions of others rate semantically the affective value of a (Saxe, 2006; Young, Camprodon, Hauser, wide range of stimuli, from simple objects to Pascual-L eone, & Saxe, 2010). Third is the the self (Cato et al., 2004; Lindquist & Bar- anterior insula (AI), which integrates and rett, 2008; Lindquist, Wager, Kober, Bliss- makes available to awareness information Moreau, & Barrett, 2012; Mitchell, 2009; about current body states, especially as they Olsson & Ochsner, 2008; Zysset, Huber, pertain to one’s current affective state (Craig, Ferstl, & von Cramon, 2002). An unre- 2003; Harrison, Gray, Gianaros, & Critch- solved question about medial PFC (mPFC) ley, 2010; Kurth, Zilles, Fox, Laird, & Eick- is whether different subregions are involved hoff, 2010; Zaki, Davis, & Ochsner, 2012). in making judgments (whether evaluative or Contextual valuations indicate whether an not) about others, the self, and/or stimuli in object is good or bad in the present context, general (Denny, Kober, Wager, & Ochsner, and therefore whether it should be sought or 2012; Ferstl & von Cramon, 2002; Zys- avoided at the present time. One commonly set, Huber, Samson, Ferstl, & von Cramon, studied form of contextual valuation is fear 2003). For our present purposes, we con- extinction, in which an organism learns that sider mPFC to be critical for using concep- a stimulus that previously predicted an aver- tual information to elaborate the affective sive outcome (and was therefore negatively meaning of stimuli, whether the stimulus valued) no longer does so (and in the present triggering the valuation and emotion is the self, another person, or some other object/
28 BIOLOGICAL BASES event/situation. A third region involved in PVA Operating Principles: conceptual valuation is the ventrolateral Processing Dynamics prefrontal cortex (vlPFC), which helps select As multiple valuations are computed at dif- desired and inhibit undesired value represen- ferent levels and time scales—each with tations (Aron, Robbins, & Poldrack, 2004; its own associated action impulses—only Badre & Wagner, 2007; Barrett, 2006; Gal- a subset of the possible actions associated lagher & Frith, 2003; Lieberman et al., with a percept and its valuations can be 2007; Lindquist & Barrett, 2008; Mitchell, enacted. What determines which actions are 2009; Olsson & Ochsner, 2008; Thompson- expressed, whether mental (e.g., thoughts Schill, Bedny, & Goldberg, 2005). Finally, and feelings) or physical (e.g., smiling and regions of the anterior insula that support hugging)? introspective awareness of body states also may be integral to awareness of body states One factor is the existing structure of the and use of conceptual knowledge about PVA sequences an individual possesses at them to make judgments about one’s cur- any given moment in time. This factor has rent affective states (Craig, 2009; Damasio, been addressed primarily in psychologi- Damasio, & Tranel, 2013; Gray et al., 2012; cal and computational models of associa- Harrison et al., 2010; Zaki et al., 2012). tive memory networks that suggest the P’s, Conceptual valuations influence behavior V’s, and A’s of all currently activated PVAs either by activating action impulses them- mutually excite and/or inhibit one another selves or—as detailed below in the section in such a way that the most activated action on regulation—influencing which contex- tendency or (a set of equally activated) ten- tual and core valuations are expressed via dencies “win” and are manifested as mental actions (Ochsner, Ray, et al., 2009). We and/or physical actions (Desimone & Dun- propose that conceptual valuations play key can, 1995; Barrett, Ochsner, & Gross, 2007; roles in introspection about and self-reports Maas, 2000; Miller & Cohen, 2001). The of affective states, in mental state attribu- schematic PVA sequences of Figure 2.1A tion, and in judgments about the values of illustrate the possible kinds of links that may stimuli and actions that involve conscious exist between P, V, and A nodes. reasoning about their value (Kalisch, Wiech, Critchley, & Dolan, 2006; Mitchell, 2009; A second factor is the multiple contextual Olsson & Ochsner, 2008). and historical considerations that determine the level of activation for each PVA sequence PVA Components: The Action Stage and whether they have inhibitory or excit- At any given level of valuation, the action atory links with other PVAs—including impulses associated with a PVA sequence can the stimuli that are (or have been) present be either mental (e.g., retrieving information as inputs, their activation history (which from memory, forming a mental image, or determines the strength of links within and introspecting about one’s mood) or physical across PVAs, and hence their relative ease of (e.g., including overt behaviors such as shifts activation [Anderson, 1983; Neely, 1991]), of gaze or starting to run, and autonomic/ and whether they are in the focus of atten- physiological responses such as heart rate tion (which enhances activity, especially at increases or the release of stress hormones; the perception stage [Pessoa, Kastner, & Levenson, 1999). Although elaborating the Ungerleider, 2003; Polk, Drake, Jonides, brain systems supporting the action stage is Smith, & Smith, 2008]). not the focus of this chapter, it likely involves subcortical and cortical regions involved in At any given moment, an individual’s selecting motor actions, as well as initiating affective response comprises the profile of autonomic responses (e.g., the PAG, primary activation across all PVAs—at all levels— motor and supplementary motor areas, cin- that may combine or cancel one another gulate motor regions, and insula) (Buhle et depending on the nature of their connections al., 2012; Critchley, 2005; Dum, Levinthal, and levels of activation (Barrett, Mesquita, & Strick, 2009; Mobbs et al., 2009). Ochsner, & Gross, 2007; Scherer, 2001). As described below, depending on the circum- stances, core, contextual, and/or conceptual PVAs may be activated most strongly and lead to action.
Valuation and Emotion Regulation 29 PVA Operating Principles: one is angry about something), (2) unfold Interacting Networks over seconds to minutes, and (3) involve As our process-level description makes clear, coordinated changes in subjective experi- the PVA sequence is continually unfolding ence, behavior, and physiology (Barrett et in real time for multiple stimuli as multi- al., 2007; Mauss et al., 2005; Scherer et al., ple levels of analysis. This means that net- 2001). In keeping with our overall goal of works of interacting brain systems underlie showing how the valuation framework is each stage of the PVA sequence, as well as broadly applicable, in the sections that fol- the interactions among stages. This follows low we employ an expansive view of emo- from the fact that an individual’s affective tion. response comprises the profile of activation across all PVAs, at all levels, which in turn Emotion as a Type of PVA Sequence follows from the idea that the P, V, and A Imagine you are a commuter in a crowded stages all involve multiple brain systems New York subway car. Across from you sit working together to compute the perceptual, a sleepy-e yed old man, a muscular teen, and evaluative, and action components of one’s an attractive woman. As the subway rattles response to a given stimulus. toward your stop, the teen removes a knife from his pocket, shifting it from hand to Thus, the totality of one’s valuation of a hand. stimulus cannot be understood in terms of the activation of a single brain system. That In our framework, emotional reactions to said, most of what we know about the func- the knife-w ielding teen may be conceived of tions of brain systems implicated in the P, as specific kinds of PVA sequences derived V, and A stages comes from studies employ- from particular perceptions, valuations, and ing analytic techniques (e.g., simple con- associated action impulses (Ortony et al., trasts) designed to isolate the contributions 1988; Scherer et al., 2001). Thus, an ini- to behavior of single regions rather than tial response may reflect a core-level valua- integrated networks. Increasingly, however, tion of the teen and his knife as potentially various kinds of connectivity, network, and threatening by the amygdala and related multivoxel pattern analyses are being used regions, which triggers corresponding action to describe the task-varying functional rela- impulses that mobilize you to avoid harm tionships among regions that define them as (e.g., increased heart rate, behavioral readi- critical for aspects of the P, V, and A stages ness to fight or flee; LeDoux, 2000; Phelps, (Kober et al., 2008). For example, we and 2006). At the contextual level, the action others have used mediation and structural outputs of core-level PVA sequences become equation modeling to describe the ways in perceptual inputs that are integrated with which prefrontal control regions regulate other inputs representing the historical (epi- emotional response via their impact on sodic) context of, for example, having prior subcortical regions that trigger affective subway conversations with the teen (via responses (Johnstone, van Reekum, Urry, MTL inputs), the social context of multiple Kalin, & Davidson, 2007; Kober et al., other passengers being present (via STS/TPJ 2010; Urry et al., 2006; Wager, Barrett, et inputs), and the motivational context of cur- al., 2008; for review, see Ochsner, Silvers, rent stress and bodily complaints (via AI and & Buhle, 2012). As such analytic techniques other subcortical inputs). As time passes, mature, we expect that our framework will activation of the contextual-level PVAs, be able to describe more precisely the func- which dictate other courses of action, can tional interactions governing the P, V, and A begin to build, and the initial valuation may stages, as well as their interactions. evolve dynamically into valuations of the teen as relatively innocuous or highly dan- A Valuation Perspective on Emotion gerous, depending on whether the teen pre- and Emotion Regulation viously indicated he has a role as a thug in Emotions are particular types of valuation a school play or is on medication for a delu- that (1) have a well-specified object (i.e., sional disorder (historical context), whether he elicits calm or anxious reactions from
30 BIOLOGICAL BASES other passengers (social context), or whether fear response. When we do this—thereby you are stressed from work or just had a activating a goal to influence the nature of great day (motivational context). Then, the the emotional response—w e are engaging in action outputs of activated contextual-level emotion regulation. As described below, this PVAs are taken as inputs to systems (rmPFC, involves interactions among regions impli- and/or vlPFC) that compute a valuation of cated in cognitive control (i.e., regulation) the teen in belief–d esire terms that can—at and/or valuation. the action stage—be introspectively accessed or reported to others as the thoughts and In our framework, emotion regulation is feelings you attribute to yourself or others, initiated when a PVA cycle that gives rise including, for example, the thoughts that to emotion becomes the object of valua- you yourself are brave, that the knife-wielder tion (see Figure 2.1B). We propose that this looks aggressive, and that the old man and typically happens across levels of valuation, young woman seem calm. as a higher-level PVA places a good or bad valuation on a lower-level PVA (although it The order in which these valuation sys- also can happen between PVAs at a single tems is activated, and their interplay, is not level). It also can happen if there is a high fixed and depends on the circumstances of level of conflict between active PVAs, such your encounter with a stimulus. For exam- as whether the impulse to flee a poten- ple, if you are sitting on the subway, and the tially dangerous situation conflicts with the teen enters from the opposite end of the car impulse to freeze, and a clear set of emo- and does not pose an immediate threat, then tional responses isn’t activated. We propose conceptual valuation systems might evaluate that when this happens, the level of conflict his intentions (“Is he dangerous?”) and your constitutes an input to the next PVA cycle, own level of fear (“I’m not scared—y et”). As and evaluation of that conflict triggers an the teen moves closer, contextual systems appropriate course of regulatory action. might be most active as you evaluate the goodness or badness of potential courses of One key feature of our framework is the action based on your changing motivational idea that some of the prefrontal systems that state (increasing anxiety), history (the seat support emotion regulation are involved in next to you was just vacated, and the teen the control of nonaffective forms of behav- moves toward this open seat) and the appar- ior as well (Miller & Cohen, 2001; Ochsner ent anxiety of your fellow passengers (who & Gross, 2005). These systems (see Figure look increasingly afraid). Finally, as the teen 2.2B) include dorsal and ventrolateral pre- moves even closer and the threat level is very frontal regions that support selective atten- high, activation in core valuation systems tion, working memory, and retrieval from may escalate to promote defensive actions semantic memory; cingulate regions that such as freezing, escape or fighting (Mobbs monitor conflicts between competing As et al., 2007). and the need for continued control; medial regions that support mental state attribu- The key idea is that, taken together, all of tion; and ventromedial prefrontal regions these PVAs, however they were activated, that place contextual constraints on the and each with their associated mental and expression of core-level PVAs (Miller, 2000; physical action tendencies, comprise an Ochsner & Gross, 2005; Olsson & Ochsner, emotional response. 2008; Wager, Jonides, & Reading, 2004; Wager & Smith, 2003). As detailed below, Emotion Regulation as a Type the regulatory actions supported by these of PVA Sequence systems comprise different types of “A’s” in As noted earlier, emotions themselves are PVA sequences that place a value on one’s sometimes the target of valuation. For current affective state. example, in the previous subway exam- ple, we might wish to protect our view of Distinguishing among Emotion ourselves as brave and, as a consequence, Regulation Processes desire to decrease our fear responses. To We have previously argued that emotion do this, we can take as objects of valuation regulation processes can be differentiated the action outputs of PVAs that comprise a into five families according to which stage
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