-Earl_Babbie-_The_Practice_of_Social_Research(BookFi)

Some Dialectics of Social Research 25 Although researchers may use both, these two no different from the AIDS researcher trying to de- approaches call for different skills and procedures. feat that disease, As a result, you may find that you feel more com- fortable with-and become more adept in-one For some social scientists, professional activities or the other. You will be a stronger researcher, are intimately interwoven with the intention of however, to the extent that you can use both ap- creating a more humane society. Today, there is no proaches effectively. Certainly, all researchers, better role model than the Egyptian sociologist whatever their personal inclinations, should recog- Saad Eddin Ibrahim. Having addressed a great nize the legitimacy of both. many social issues, Ibrahim has focused most re- cently on the problems of modern Arab societies in You may have noticed that the qualitative ap- general and Egypt in particular. After years of re- proach seems more aligned with idiographic expla- searching and writing on the edge of political toler- nations, while nomothetic explanations are more ance, Ibrahim cTOssed the line in 2000. easily achieved through quantification. Although this is true, these relationships are not absolute. Follmving the publication of one of my articles Moreover, both approaches present considerable on Arab presidents grooming their sons to suc- \"gray area.\" Recognizing the distinction between ceed them in the North Korean tradition of the qualitative and quantitative research doesn't mean that you must identify your research activities late Kim nSung, the old guard seemed to have ,vith one to the exclusion of the other. A complete understanding of a topic often requires both gotten a green light to come after me. The day techniques. after the article appeared on Cairo news- stands-June 30, 2000-1 was arrested. The contributions of these two approaches are widely recognized today. For example, when (2003 71) Stuart 1. H. Biddle and his colleagues (2001) at the University of Wales set out to review the status of Ibrahim provides a good example of how social research in the field of sport and exercise psychol- scientists deal vvith something like imprisonment, ogy, they were careful to examine the uses of both which is, after aiL an all-too-common part of mod- quantitative and qualitative techniques, drawing at- ern social life. tention to those they felt were underused. In those initial 45 days, my human contacts in Pure and Applied Research prison were limited to prison wardens and guards, I had little opportunity to do as much From the beginning, social scientists have shown sociological research on the prison community two distinct motivations: understanding and as I would have liked, That would have to wait application. On the one hand, they are fascinated for the second and third rounds of my impris- by the nature of human social life and are driven orm1ent which followed in 2001 and 2002. to explain it to make sense out of apparent chaos. Pure research in all scientific fields is sometimes (2003 69) justified in terms of gaining \"knowledge for knowl- edge's sake.\" One of the charges brought against Ibrahin1 was Article 80D of the penal code, which prohibits At the same time, perhaps inspired by their \"spreading false rumors and tarnishing Egypt's im- subject matter, social scientists are committed to age abroad.\" A more serious charge was that he had having what they learn make a difference, to see- accepted financial contributions from abroad with- ing their knowledge of society put into action. out government permission, a violation of Military Sometimes they focus on making things better. Order No, 4 of 1992. As Ibrahim was to learn, his When I study prejudice, for example, I'd like what research institute'S acceptance of research grants- I discover to result in a more tolerant society. This is usually a valued achievement-was regarded as a federal crime in his case, As Ibrahim observes, Being an activist sociologist in a Third World country is tremendously challenging. While some elements of the work are gratifying, it is

26 Chapter 1: Human Inquiry and Science more often permeated with agony One hon- records of three months' industrial injuries estly never knows when one is breaking a law, which we secured from the hospitals. violating a military order or simply stepping over an invisible red line. (Eastman 1910: 789,· quoted ill Lmgennallli and Niebmgge-BraJztley 2002: 13) (2003. 70) As a result of this and sinlilar studies, American Eventually, because of his own efforts and the workers now enjoy the protections of worker'S international uproar produced by his arrest and im- compensation insurance. prisonment, Ibrahim was given a new trial and was finally released from prison on his 64th birthday: As vvith each of the other dialectics just dis- December 3, 2002. You can learn more about cussed, some social scientists are more inclined Ibrahim's experience http://shr.aaas.org/aaashran/ toward pure research, others toward application. alert.php?a_id=223 Social researchers put their Ultimately, both orientations are valid and vital ele- research into practice in many mundane ways ments in social research as a whole. In dealing with as welL EX'Periments and surveys, for example, the basics of social research, whether pure or ap- can be used in marketing products. In-depth plied, one of the intentions of this book is to draw intervievving teclmiques can be especially useful attention to the ways in which such research is in social work encounters. Chapter 12 of this book used to make a difference. deals with evaluation research, by which social scientists determine the effectiveness of social The Ethics of Social Research interventions. Most of this book is devoted to the logic and skills Sometimes, seemingly mundane research of doing social research, the various techniques efforts can powerfully affect people's lives. Imag- preferred by social researchers, and the reasons ine working alongside Crystal Eastman, an ap- why researchers value them. There are, however, plied sociologist and settlement worker active some vital nonscientific concerns that shape the ac- in the Pittsburgh area in the early twentieth tivities of social researchers. A key concern is the century: matter of ethics in research. We got permission to use these [coroner's Chapter 3 of this book deals extensively with records] and made a record of every industrial research ethics, and other chapters will refer to eth- fatality reported to the coroner during the ical issues as appropriate. Here, I want to introduce twelve months from July 1906 to July 1907, two basic ethical issues to keep in mind as you read taking down on a separate card for each case, the rest of this book. the name and address of the man killed, his age, occupation and conjugal condition, the Voluntary Participation name of his employer, the circumstances of the accident, the names of important witnesses, A basic ethical rule of social research is that partici- and the verdict. The plan was to learn from the pation should be voluntary. In principle, this seems evidence in the coroner's record, how each ac- like a simple rule to follow. An experimenter who cident happened, and to learn from visiting forced people to participate in an experiment family what happened after the accident, [for would be roundly criticized. Similarly, forcing example,] how great a financial loss was suf- people to fill out a survey by locking them in a fered by the family of the workman killed, how room or threatening them with some dire conse- much of this was made up by compensation re- quence if they refuse (perhaps a failing grade in a ceived from the employer, and how the family course) would clearly be unethicaL was affected in its economic life by the acci- dent. When we had done this with the fatali- Yet things are not always so clear-cut. When ties, we followed the same course vvith the we formally observe a campus demonstration, we do not ask for permission from all the participants. When a researcher pretends to join a religious cult

Main Points 27 to do research on it, those being observed have not surveyor experiment by saying, \"We want to learn really volunteered for the research project. Social how prejudiced you are,\" the subjects will likely researchers often debate whether a particular re- modify what they do and say, so as to appear un- search design did or did not violate established re- prejudiced.) When it is deemed necessary to de- search ethics, As you review research already done ceive people regarding research purposes, however, or think about your own research designs, ask researchers must ask whether the potential value yourself whether the chosen technique honors the of the research justifies the act of deception. principle of voluntary participation. The seriousness of ethical concerns is evident in No Harm to Subjects the codes of ethics created and published by profes- sional associations whose members engage in social The fundamental ethical rule of social research is research. These codes deal with issues of voluntary that it must bring no harm to research subjects. participation, not harming subjects, and many Surely no one would disagree with this rule in other topics, as you'll see in Chapter 3. principle. You'll see, however, that it is sometimes difficult to follow this rule absolutely, These, then, are some of the foundations of so- cial research. I hope this discussion has helped to Suppose, for example, that some of the people show how social science is anything but routine or that researchers interview about their religious boring. At its best, it is a vibrant, exciting, and im- views realize for the first time that they have portant activity. All we need is an open mind and a doubts about their religion. Or suppose a study of sense of adventure. the treatment of women in society leads some women to become unhappy with their jobs or MAIN POINTS marriages. When does investigating a subject do harm by affecting the people who take part in Introduction the study? I! The subject of this book is how we find out As we'll see, abiding by the seemingly simple about social reality. etl1ical rule to do no harm requires vigilance on the part of researchers. In designing your own studies, Looking for Reality be sure to ask yourself whether your research could I! Inquiry is a natural human activity. Much of harm the people you intend to study. Because everything we do in life could possibly harm some- ordinary human inquiry seeks to explain one else, all researchers must weigh the relative events and predict future events. risk against the importance and possible benefits of I! When we understand through direct ex'Peri- the research activity. ence, we make observations and seek patterns of regularities in what we observe. Social researchers have many ways to guard I! Much of what we know, we know by agree- against harming people. For example, they are ment rather than by experience. In particular, careful to respect the privacy of subjects. Research two important sources of agreed-on knowledge often requires learning private details of people's are tradition and authority. However, these use- lives, and researchers are committed to maintain ful sources of knowledge can also lead us astray. the confidentiality of what they learn. Often they I! Science seeks to protect against the mistakes collect information anonymously, so there is no we make in day-to-day inquiry. way of identifying individuals with the information I! Whereas we often observe inaccurately, re- they voluntarily provide, thus preventing even the searchers seek to avoid such errors by making accidental release of information. observation a careful and deliberate activity. I! We sometinles jump to general conclusions on You'll see that although the execution of some the basis of only a few observations, so scientists kinds of research projects requires deception, re- searchers are committed to avoiding it except when it is inescapable. (For example, if you introduce a

28 Chapter 1: Human Inquiry and Science seek to avoid overgeneralization, They do this €I Both pure and applied research are valid and by committing themselves to a sufficient num~ vital parts of the social scientific enterprise. ber of observations and by replicating studies. €I In everyday life we sometimes reason illogi- The Ethics of Social Research cally. Researchers seek to avoid illogical reason~ €I Ethics is a key consideration in the design of so- ing by being as careful and deliberate in their reasoning as in their observations. Moreover, cial research. Two fundamental ethical guide- the public nature of science means that others lines are that participation in social research are always there to challenge faulty reasoning. should be voluntary and that no harm should €I Three views of \"reality\" are the premodern, come to research subjects. modern, and postmodern views. In the post- modern view, there is no \"objective\" reality in~ KEY TERMS dependent of our subjective experiences. Dif- ferent philosophical views suggest a range of The follovving terms are defined in context in the possibilities for scientific research. chapter and at the bottom of the page where the term is introduced, as well as in the comprehensive glossary The Foundations of Social Science at the back of the book. €I Social theory attempts to discuss and explain attributes induction what is, not what should be. Theory should not deduction nomothetic be confused with philosophy or belief. dependent variable replication €I Social science looks for regularities in social life. idiographic theory independent variable variables €I Social scientists are interested in explaining hu- man aggregates, not individuals, REVIEW QUESTIONS AND EXERCISES €I Theories are written in the language of L Review the common errors of human inquiry variables. discussed in this chapter. Find a magazine or newspaper article, or perhaps a letter to the edi- €I A variable is a logical set of attributes. An at- tor, that illustrates one of these errors, Discuss tribute is a characteristic. Gender, for example, how a scientist would avoid it. is a variable made up of the attributes male and felllale. 2. List five social variables and the attributes they comprise, €I In causal explanation, the presumed cause is the independent variable, and the affected vari~ 3. Go to one of the following websites and find able is the dependent variable, examples of both qualitative and quantitative data. Some Dialectics of Social Science €I Whereas idiographic explanations present a. UN High Commissioner for Refugees: http:// www.unhcLch/cgi-bin/texis/vtx/home specific cases fully, nomothetic explanations present a generalized understanding of many b.. U.S. Centers for Disease Control and cases, Prevention: http:/twww,cdcgov/ €I Inductive theories reason from specific obser- c National library of Australia: http://www vations to general patterns, Deductive theories ,nla,gov.aul start from general statements and predict specific observations. 4, At InfoTrac College Edition, search for \"post- modernism.\" Write a short report discussing the €I Quantitative data are numerical; qualitative various fields or disciplines to which it has been data are not. Both types of data are useful for applied. Give examples. different research purposes.

Online Study Resources 29 . ADDITIONAL READINGS should concentrate. You'll find information on this online tooL as well as instructions on how Babbie, EarL 1994. The Sociological Spirit. Belmont to access all of its great resources, in the front of CA: Wadsworth. A primer in sociological points the book, of view, this book introduces you to many of the concepts commonly used in the social sciences. 2, As you review, take advantage of the Sociology Noll' Research Methods customized study plan, - - - . 1998. Observing Ourselves: Essays in Social Re- based on your quiz results, Use this study plan search. Prospect Heights, Ii: Waveland Press. A with its interactive exercises and other re- collection of essays that expand some of the sources to master the material. philosophical issues you'll see in the following chapters, including objectivity, paradigms, 3. When you're finished with your review, take determinism, concepts, reality, causation, the posttest to confirm that you're ready to and values. move on to the next chapter. BeckeL Howard S. 1997. Tricks ofthe Trade: How fo WEBSITE FOR THE PRACTICE Think about Your Research While You're Doillg It. OF SOCIAL RESEARCH 11TH EDITION Chicago: University of Chicago, This very ap- proachable book offers an excellent \"feel\" for Go to your book'S website at htrp:llsociology the enterprise of social scientific research, ,wadsworth,com/babbie_practice11e for tools to whether qualitative or quantitative, It's filled aid you in studying for your exams. You'll find Tuto- with research anecdotes that show social in- rial Quizzes with feedback, Imemet Exercises, Flashcards, quiry to be a lively and challenging endeavor. and Chapter Tutorials, as well as Extended Projects, Info- Trac College Edition search terms, Social Research ill Cole, Stephen. 1992. lvIaking Sciel!cC Between Nature Cyberspace, GSS Data, Web Links, and primers for us- and Society, Cambridge, MA: Harvard University ing various data-analYSis software such as SPSS and Press. If you're interested in a deeper examina- NVivo. tion of science as a social enterprise, you may find this a fascinating analysis, WEB LINKS FOR THIS CHAPTER Hoover, Kenneth R. 1992 . The Elements of Social Sci- Please realize that the Internet is an evolv- entific Thinking, New York: St. Martin's Press. ing entity, subject to change, Nevertheless, Hoover presents an excellent overview of the these few websites should be fairly stable, key elements in social scientific analYSis. Also, check your book's website for even more Web Links. SPSS EXERCISES Bill Trochin1's Center for Social Research Methods See the booklet that accompanies your text for exer- http://w.vw.socialresearchmethods.net/ cises using SPSS (Statistical Package for the Social Sci- Dr. Trod1in1 has created a first-rate and comprehen- ences), There are exercises offered for each chapter. sive resource for students of social research, dealing and you'll also find a detailed prinler on using SPSS, with most of the topics to be covered in this book Online Study Resources Urtiversity of Surrey's Social Research Update htrp: Ilw'Yvw.soc.surrey.ac.uk/srulsru.html Sociology ~ Now'\": Research Methods The University of Surrey in England provides a wealth of materials useful to learning the many skills of social 1. Before you do your final review of the chapteL research. take the SociologyNolV Research Methods diagnos- tic quiz to help identify the areas on which you Michael Kearl's Methods, Statistics, and the Research Paper http://www.trinityedu/- mkearllmethods.html Dr. Kearl has brought together an extensive collection of links to social research websites useful to students,

Paradigms, Theory, and Social Research Introduction Deductive and Inductive Reasoning: A Case Illustration Some Social Science Paradigms A Graphic Contrast Macrotheory and Microtheory Early Positivism Deductive Theory Construction Social Danvinism Getting Started Conflict Paradigm Constructing Your Theory Symbolic Interactionism An Example of Deductive Ethnomethodology Theory: Distributive Justice Structural Functionalism Feminist Paradigms Inductive Theory Construction Critical Race Theory An Example of Inductive Rational Objectivity Theory: Why Do People Reconsidered Smoke Marijuana? Elements of Social Theory The Links between Theory and Research Two Logical Systems Revisited The Traditional Model of Science Sociology®Now\"';: Research Methods Use this online tool to help you make the grade on your next exam. After reading this chapter, go to the \"Online Study Resou~ces\" at the end of the chapter for instructions on how to benefit from SOCl%gyNow: Research

Some Social Science Paradigms 31 Introduction flashlight around randomly, hoping to chance upon the errant keys-or you could use your memory There are restaurants in the United States fond of of where you had been and limit your search to conducting political polls among their diners when- more likely areas. Theories, by analogy, direct re- ever an election is in the offing. Some take these searchers' flashlights where they vvill most likely polls very seriously because of their uncanny his- observe interesting patterns of social life. tory of predicting winners. Some movie theaters have achieved similar success by offering popcorn This is not to say that all social science research in bags picturing either donkeys or elephants. Years is tightly intertwined vvith social theory. Sometimes ago, granaries in the Midwest offered farmers a social scientists undertake investigations simply to chance to indicate their political preferences discover the state of affairs, such as an evaluation of through the bags of grain they selected. whether an innovative social program is working or a poll to determine which candidate is Ivinning a Such idiosyncratic ways of determining trends, political race. Similarly, descriptive ethnographies, though interesting, all follow the same pattern such as anthropological accounts of preliterate soci- over time: They work for a while, and then they eties, produce valuable information and insights faiL Moreover, we can't predict when or why they in and of themselves. However, even studies such will faiL as these often go beyond pure description to ask \"why.\" Theory relates directly to \"why\" questions. These unusual polling techniques point to a significant shortcoming of \"research findings\" that This chapter explores some specific ways the- are based only on the observation of patterns. Un- ory and research work hand in hand during the less we can offer logical explanations for such pat- adventure of inquiry into social life. We'll begin by terns, the regularities we've observed may be mere looking at some fundamental frames of reference, flukes, chance occurrences. If you flip coins long called paradigms, that underlie social theories and enough, you'll get ten heads in a row. Scientists inquiry. Whereas theories seek to explain, para- might adapt a street e;>qJression to describe thls situ- digms provide ways of looking. In and of them- ation: \"Patterns happen.\" selves, paradigms don't explain anything; however, they provide logical frameworks within which Logical explanations are what theories seek to theories are created. As you'll see in this chapter, provide. Theories function in three ways in re- theories and paradigms intertwine in the search search. First, they prevent our being taken in by for meaning in social life. flukes. If we can't explain why Ma's Diner has so successfully predicted elections, we nm the risk of Some Social Science supporting a fluke. If we know why it has hap- Paradigms pened, we can anticipate whether or not it 'will work in the future. There is usually more than one way to make sense of things. In daily life, for example, liberals and Second, theories make sense of observed pat- conservatives often explain the same phenome- terns in a way that can suggest other possibilities. If non-teenagers using guns at school, for ex- we understand the reasons why broken homes ample-quite differently. So might the parents and produce more juvenile delinquency than intact teenagers themselves. But underlying these differ- homes do-lack of supervision, for example-we ent explanations, or theories, are paradigms-the can take effective action, such as after-school youth fundamental models or frames of reference we use programs. to organize our observations and reasoning. Finally, theories shape and direct research ef- forts, pointing toward likely discoveries through empirical observation. If you were looking for your lost keys on a dark street, you could whlp your

32 Chapter 2: Paradigms, Theory, and Social Research Paradigms are often difficult to recognize as A traditional Western view holds that the world such, because they are so implicit assumed, taken you experience has an objective reality separate for granted. They seem more like \"the way things from your experience of it. As we saw in Chapter 1. are\" than like one possible point of view among however. the postmodern paradigm suggests that many. Here's an illustration of what I mean. only the experience is real: The book in your hands right now is not real; only your experience of it is. Where do you stand on the issue of human Whether you think the book really exists or not rights? Do you feel that individual human beings reflects the paradigm you operate within. are sacred? Are they \"endowed by their creator with certain inalienable rights,\" as asserted by the When we recognize that we are operating within a paradigm, two benefits accrue. First, we u.s. Declaration of Independence? Are there some can better understand the seemingly bizarre views and actions of others who are operating from a dif- things that no government should do to its citizens? ferent paradigm. Second, at times we can profit Let's get more concrete. In wartime, civilians are from stepping outside our paradigm. Suddenly we can see new ways of seeing and explaining things. sometimes used as human shields to protect military We can't do that as long as we mistake our para- targets. Sometimes they are impressed into slave digm for reality. labor or even used as mobile blood banks for mili- tary hospitals. How about organized programs of Paradigms playa fundamental role in science, rape and murder in support of \"ethnic cleansing\"? just as they do in daily life. Thomas Kulm (1970) draws attention to the role of paradigms in the his- Those of us who are horrified and incensed by tory of the natural sciences. Major scientific para- such practices probably find it difficult to see our digms have included SUcl1 fundamental viev;.rpoints individualistic paradigm as only one possible point as Copernicus's conception of the earth moving of view among many. However, many cultures in around the sun (instead of the reverse). Darwin's today's world regard the Western (and particularly theory of evolution, Newtonian mechanics, and U.S.) commitment to the sanctity of the individual Einstein's relativity. Which scientific theories \"make as bizarre. Historically, it is decidedly a minority sense\" depends on which paradigm scientists are vie\"\"rpoinL maintaining. Although many Asian countries, for example, Although we sometimes think of science as now subscribe to some \"rights\" that belong to indi- developing gradually over time, marked by viduals, those are balanced against the \"rights\" of important discoveries and inventions, Kuhn says families, organizations, and the society at large. that scientific paradigms typically become en- Criticized for violating human rights, Asian leaders trenched, resisting substantial change. Thus, theo- often point to high crirne rates and social disorgani- ries and research alike tend to follow a given zation in Western societies as the cost of what they fundamental direction. Eventually, however, as the see as our radical \"cult of the individual.\" shortcomings of a particular paradigm became obvious, a new one emerges and supplants the I won't try to change your point of view on in- old. The seemingly natural view that the rest dividual human dignity, nor have I given up my of the universe revolves around the earth, for own. It's useful. however. to recognize that our example, compelled astronomers to devise ever views and feelings in this matter result from the more elaborate 'ways to account for the motions paradigm we have been socialized into. The sanc- of heavenly bodies that they actually observed. tity of the individual is not an objective fact of Eventually this paradigm was supplanted by the nature; it is a point of view, a paradigm. All of us view that the earth and other planets revolve operate within many such paradigms. around the sun. This was nothing less than a revo- lutionary change in perspective, which fundamen- paradigm A model or framework for observation tally altered the direction of theory and research. and understanding, which shapes both what we see Kuhn's classic book on this subject is entitled, and how we understand it. The conflict paradigm causes us to see social behavior one way. the inter- actionist paradigm causes us to see it differently.

Some Social Science Paradigms 33 appropriately enough, The Structure ofScientific cally focus on what goes on inside humans, social Revolutions. scientists study what goes on between them. Social scientists have developed several para- The distinction between macro- and micro- digms for understanding social behavior. The fate of theory cuts across the other paradigms we'll exam- supplanted paradigms in the social sciences, how- ine. Some of them, such as symbolic interactionism ever, has differed from what Kuhn observed in the and ethnomethodology, are often limited to the rni- natural sciences. Natural scientists generally believe croleveL Others, such as the conflict paradigm, can that the succession from one paradigm to another be pursued at either the micro- or the macroleveL represents progress from a false view to a true one. For example, no modern astronomer believes that Early Positivism the sun revolves around the earth. When the French philosopher Auguste Comte In the social sciences, on the other hand, theo- (1798-1857) coined the term sociologie in 1822, he retical paradigms may gain or lose popularity, but launched an intellectual adventure that continues they are seldom discarded altogether. The para- to unfold today. Most importantly, Comte identified digms of the social sciences offer a variety of views, society as a phenomenon that can be studied sci- each of which offers insights the others lack and ig- entifically. (Initially, he wanted to label his enter- nores aspects of social life that the others reveal. prise social physics, but that term was taken over by another scholaL) Ultimately, paradigms are neither true nor false; as ways of looking, they are only more or Prior to Cornte's time, society simply was. To less usefuL Each of the paradigms we are about to the extent that people recognized different kinds of examine offers a different way of looking at human societies or changes in society over time, religious social life. Each makes its own assumptions about paradigms generally predominated in explanations the nature of social reality. As we'll see, each can of such differences. People often saw the state of open up new understandings, suggest different social affairs as a reflection of God's will. Alterna- kinds of theories, and inspire different kinds of tively, people were challenged to create a \"City of research. God\" on earth to replace sin and godlessness. Macrotheory and Microtheory Comte separated his inquiry from religion. He felt that religious belief could be replaced with Let's begin \",,;jth a difference concerning focus, a scientific study and objectivity. His \"positive difference that stretches across many of the para- philosophy\" postulated three stages of history. A digms we'll discuss. Some social theorists focus theological stage predominated throughout the their attention on society at large, or at least on world until about 1300 CEo During the next five large portions of it. Topics of study for such macro- hundred years, a metaphysical stage replaced God theories include the struggle between economic vvith philosophical ideas such as \"nature\" and classes in a SOciety, international relations, or me \"natural law.\" interrelations among major institutions in society, such as government religion, and family. Macro- macrotheory A theory aimed at understanding theory deals Mth large, aggregate entities of society the \"big picture\" of institutions, whole societies. or even whole societies. and the interactions among societies. Karl Marx's examination of the class struggle is an example of Some scholars have taken a more intimate view macrotheory. of social life. Microtheory deals vvith issues of social microtheory A theory ainled at understanding 50- life at the level of individuals and small groups. Dat- ciallife at the intimate level of individuals and their ing behavior. jury deliberations, and student-faculty interactions. Examining how the play behavior of interactions are apt subjects for a microtheoretical girls differs from that of boys would be an example perspective. Such studies often come close to the of microtheory. realm of psychology, but whereas psychologists typi-

34 Chapter 2: Paradigms, Theory, and Social Research Comte felt he was launching the third stage of Among others, Herbert Spencer (1820-1903) history, in which science would replace religion concluded that society was getting better and and metaphysics by basing knowledge on observa- betteL Indeed, his native England had profited tions through the five senses rather than on belief greatly from the development of industrial or logic alone. Comte felt that society could be ob- capitalism, and Spencer favored a system of free served and then explained logically and rationally competition, which he felt would insure continued and that sociology could be as scientific as biology progress and improvement. Spencer may even or physics. have coined the phrase \"the survival of the fittesL\" He certainly believed that this principle was a pri- In a sense, all social research descends from mary force shaping the nature of society Social Comte. His view that society could be studied sci- Darwinism or social evolution was a popular view entifically formed the foundation for subsequent in Spencer's time, although it was not universally development of the social sciences. In his optimism accepted. for the future, he coined the term positivism to de- scribe this scientific approach, in contrast to what This excerpt from a social science methods text- he regarded as negative elements in the Enlighten- book published in 1950 illustrates the long-term menL As we'll see later in this discussion, only popularity of the notion that things are getting bet- in recent decades has positivism been seriously ter and better. challenged. The use of atomic energy as an explosive offers Social DalWinism most interesting prospects in the civil as in the military field. Atomic explosives may be used Comte's major work on his positivist philosophy for transforming the landscape. They may be was published between 1830 and 1842. One year used for blasting great holes and trenches in the after the publication of the first volume in that se- earth, which can be transformed into lakes and ries, a young British naturalist set sail on HNIS Bea- canals. In this way, it may become possible to gle, beginning a cruise that would profoundly affect produce lakes in the midst of deserts, and thus the way we think of ourselves and our place in the convert some of the worst places in the world worH into oases and fertile countries. It may also be possible to make the Arctic regions comfortable In 1858, when Charles Darwin published Oil by providing immense and constant sources of the Origin ofSpecies, he set forth the idea of evolution heaL The North Pole might be converted into a through natural selection. Simply put, the theory holiday resorL states that as a species coped with its environment those individuals most suited to success would be (Gee 1950: 339-40) the most likely to survive long enough to repro- duce. Those less well suited would perish. Over Quite aside from the widespread disenchant- tin1e the traits of the survivor would come to domi- ment with nuclear power, contemporary concerns nate the species. As later Darwinians put it species over global warming and the threat of rising sea evolved into different forms through the \"survival levels illustrate a grovving consciousness that of the fittesL\" \"progress\" is often a two-edged sword. Clearly, most of us operate today from a different paradigm. As scholars began to study society analytically, it was perhaps inevitable that they would apply Conflict Paradigm Darwin's ideas to changes in the structure of hu- man affairs. The journey from simple hunting-and- One of Spencer's contemporaries took a sharply dif- gathering tribes to large, industrial civilizations was ferent view of the evolution of capitalism. Karl Marx easily seen as the evolution of progressively \"fitter\" (1818-1883) suggested that social behavior could forms of society. best be seen as a process of conflict: the attempt to

Some Social Science Paradigms 35 dominate others and to avoid being dominated. to take precedence over those of the poor people. Marx focused primarily on the struggle among eco- Moreover, he found many policies were weakening nomic classes. Specifically, he examined the way national economies in the Third World, as well as capitalism produced the oppression of workers by undermining democratic governments, the owners of industry, Marx's interest in this topic did not end with analytical study; he was also ideo- Although the conflict paradigm often focuses logically committed to restructuring economic rela- on class, gender, and ethnic struggles, it would be tions to end the oppression he observed. appropriate to apply it whenever different groups have competing interests. For example, it could The contrast between the views set forth by be fruitfully applied to understanding relations Spencer and Marx indicates the influence of para- among different departments in an organization, digms on research. These fundamental viewpoints fraternity and sorority rush weeks, or student- shape the kinds of observations we are likely to faculty-administrative relations, to name just a few, make, the sorts of facts we seek to discover, and the conclusions we draw from those facts. Paradigms Symbolic Interactionism also help determine which concepts we see as rele- vant and importanL Whereas economic classes In his overall focus, Georg Simmel differed from were essential to Marx's analysis, for example, both Spencer and Marx. Whereas they were chiefly Spencer was more interested in the relationship be- concerned vvith macrotheoretical issues-large in- tween individuals and society-particularly the stitutions and whole societies in their evolution amount of freedom individuals had to surrender through the course of history-Simmel was more for society to function. interested in how individuals interacted \"vith one another. In other words, his thinking and research The conflict paradigm proved to be fruitful out- took a \"micro\" turn, thus calling attention to as- side the realm of purely economic analyses. Georg pects of social reality that are invisible in Marx's or Sin1rnel (1858-1918) was especially interested in Spencer's theory For example, he began by exam- small-scale conflict, in contrast to the class struggle ining dyads (groups of two people) and triads that interested Marx. Sin1I11el noted, for example, (groups of three). Similarly, he wrote about \"the that conflicts among members of a tightly knit web of group affiliations.\" group tended to be more intense than those among people who did not share feelings of belonging and Simmel was one of the first European sociolo- intimacy. gists to influence the development of U.S. sociol- ogy. His focus on the nature of interactions In a more recent application of the conflict par- particularly influenced George Herbert Mead adigm, when Michel Chossudovsky's (1997) analy- (1863-1931), Charles Horton Cooley (1864-1929), sis of the International Monetary Fund and World and others who took up the cause and developed it Bank suggested that tl1ese two international orga- into a powerful paradigm for research. nizations were increasing global poverty rather than eradicating it, he directed his attention to the Cooley, for example, introduced the idea competing interests involved in the process. In the- of the \"primary group,\" those intimate associates ory, the chief interest being served should be the with whom we share a sense of belonging, such as poor people of the world or perhaps the impover- our family and friends. Cooley also wrote of the ished, Third World nations. The researcher's in- \"looking-glass self\" we form by looking into the quiry, however, identified many other interested reactions of people around us. If everyone treats us parties who benefited: the commercial lending in- as beautifuL for example, we conclude that we are. stitutions \"vho made loans in conjunction with the Notice how fundamentally the concepts and theo- IMF and World Bank and multinational corpora- retical focus inspired by this paradigm differ from tions seeking cheap labor and markets for their the society-level concerns of Spencer and Marx. goods, for example. Chossudovsky concluded that the interests of the banks and corporations tended Mead emphasized the importance of our human ability to \"take the role of the other,\"

36 Chapter 2: Paradigms, Theory, and Social Research imagining how others feel and how they might be- conversation vvill differ somewhat from any of have in certain circumstances\" As we gain an idea those that have occurred before, and how you each of how people in general see things, we develop a act will somewhat modify your expectations in the sense of what Mead called the \"generalized other.\" future. That is, discussing your term paper will im- pact the interactions each of you have with other Mead also showed a special interest in the role professors and students in the future\" of communications in human affairs. Most inter- actions, he felt, revolved around the process of indi- Given the tentativeness of reality in this view, viduals reaching common understanding through Garfinkel suggests that people are continuously try- the use of language and other such systems, hence ing to make sense of the life they experience. In a the term symbolic interactiolZislIl\" sense, he suggests that everyone is acting like a so- cial scientist, hence the term etllllollletlzodology, or This paradigm can lend insights into the nature \"methodology of the people.\" of interactions in ordinary social life, but it can also help us understand unusual forms of interaction, How would you go about learning about as in the following case\" Robert Emerson, Kerry people's expectations and how they make sense Ferris, and Carol Gardner (1998) set out to under- out of their world? One technique ethnomethod- stand the nature of \"stalking.\" Through interviews ologists use is to break the rules, to violate people's with numerous stalking victims, they came to iden- expectations\" Thus, if you try to talk to me about tify different motivations among stalkers, stages in your term paper but I keep talking about football, the development of a stalking scenario, how people this might reveal the expectations you had for can recognize if they are being stalked, and what my behavior. We might also see how you make they can do about it sense out of my behavior. (\"Maybe he's using football as an analogy for understanding social Here's one way you might apply this paradigm systems theory.\") to an examination of your own life. The next time you meet someone new, pay attention to how you In another example of ethnomethodology, get to know each other. To begin, what assumptions Johen Heritage and David Greatbatch (1992) ex- do you make about the other person based merely amined the role of applause in British political on appearances, how he or she talks, and the cir- speeches: How did the speakers evoke applause, cumstances under which you've met (\"What's and what function did it serve (for example, to someone like you doing in a place like this?\") Then complete a topic)? Research vvithin the ethno- watch how your knowledge of each other unfolds methodological paradigm has often focused on through the process of interaction. Notice also any communications. attempts you make to manage the image you are creating in the other person's mind. There is no end to the opportunities you have for trying out the ethnomethodological paradigm\" Ethnomethodology For instance, the next tinle you get on an elevator, spend your ride facing the rear of the elevator. Whereas some social scientific paradigms empha- Don't face front, watching the floor numbers whip size the impact of social structure on human by (that's the norm, or expected behavior). Just behavior-that is, the effect of norms, values, con- stand quietly facing the rear. See how others react trol agents, and so forth-other paradigms do not to this behavior. Just as important, notice how you Harold Garfinkel, a contemporary sociologist, feel about ie If you do this ex-periment a few times, claims that people are continually creating social you should begin to develop a feel for the ethno- structure through their actions and interactions- methodological paradigm.* that they are, in fact, creating their realities\" Thus, when you and your instructor meet to discuss *! am grateful to my colleague, Bernard McGrane, for this your term paper, even though there are myriad experiment. Barney also has his students eat dinner with expectations about how you both should act, your their hands, watch TV without turning it on, and engage in other strangely enlightening behavior (McGrane 1994)\"

Some Social Science Paradigms\" 37 We'll return to ethnomethodology in Chapter campus security staff, maintenance personnel). 10, when we discuss field research. For now, let's Then you might figure out what each of them does turn to a very different paradigm. and relate their roles and activities to the chief functions of your college or university, such as Structural Functionalism teaching or research. This way of looking at an in- stitution of higher learning would clearly suggest a Structural functionalism, sometimes also known as different line of inquiry than, say, a conflict para- social systems theory, has grown out of a notion in- digm, which might emphasize the clash of interests troduced by Comte and Spencer: A social entity, between people who have power in the institution such as an organization or a whole society, can be and those who don't. viewed as an organism\" Like other organisms, a so- cial system is made up of parts, each of which con- People often discuss \"functions\" in everyday tributes to the functioning of the whole. conversation. Typically, however, the alleged func- tions are seldom tested empirically. Some people By analogy, consider the human body. Each argue, for example, that welfare, intended to help component-such as the heart, lungs, kidneys, the poor, actually harms them in a variety of ways. skin, and brain-has a particular job to do. The It is sometimes alleged that welfare creates a de- body as a whole cannot survive unless each of viant, violent subculture in society, at odds with the these parts does its job, and none of the parts can mainstream. From this viewpoint, welfare pro- survive except as a part of the whole body. Or con- grams actually result in increased crime rates. sider an automobile\" It is composed of the tires, the steering wheel, the gas tank. the spark plugs, and Lance Hannon and James Defronzo (1998) de- so forth\" Each of the parts serves a function for the cided to test this last assertion\" Working with data whole; taken together, that system can get us dravvn from 406 urban counties in the United across town. None of the individual parts would be States, they examined the relationship between very useful to us by itself, however. welfare payments and crime rates. Contrary to the beliefs of some, their data indicated that higher The view of society as a social system, then, welfare payments were associated with lower looks for the \"functions\" served by its various com- crime rates\" In other words, welfare programs have ponents. Social scientists using the structural func- the function of decreasing rather than increasing tional paradigm might note that the function of the lawlessness. police, for example, is to exercise social control- encouraging people to abide by the norms of soci- In applying the functionalist paradigm to ety and bringing to justice those who do nolo No- everyday life, people sometimes make the mistake tice, though, that the researchers could just as of thinking that \"functionality,\" stability, and inte- reasonably ask what functions criminals serve in gration are necessarily good, or that the functional- society. Within the functionalist paradigm, we ist paradigm makes that assumption. However, might say that criminals serve as job security for the when social researchers look for the functions police. In a related observation, Emile Durkheim served by poverty, racial discrimination, or the op- (1858-1917) suggested that crimes and their pun- pression of women, they are not justifying them\" ishment provide an opportunity to reaffirm soci- Just the opposite: They seek to understand the ety's values. By catching and punishing thieves, we functions such things play in the larger society, as a reaffirm our collective respect for private property\" way of understanding why they persist and how they could be eliminated. To get a sense of the structural functional para- digm, suppose you were interested in explaining Feminist Paradigms how your college or university works. You might thumb through the institution'S catalog and begin When Ralph Linton concluded his anthropological assembling a list of the administrators and support classic, The Study ofMan (1937: 490), speaking of staff (such as the president, deans, registrar, \"a store of knowledge that promises to give man a

38 Chapter 2: Paradigms, Theory, and Social Research better life than any he has known,\" no one com- values, and norms of a society are written by plained that he had left out women. Linton was us- people representing only portions of society. In the ing the linguistic conventions of his time; he inl- United States, for example, SUdl analyses have typ- plicitly included women in all his references to ically been written by middle-class white men- not surprisingly, they have written about the be- men. Or did he? liefs, values, and norms they themselves share. When feminists first began questioning the use Though George Herbert Mead spoke of the \"gener- alized other\" that each of us becomes aware of and of masculine pronouns and nouns whenever gen- can \"take the role at\" feminist paradigms question der was ambiguous, their concerns were often whether such a generalized other even exists. viewed as petty, even silly. At most, many felt the issue was one of women having their feelings hurt Further. whereas Mead used the example of their egos bruised. But be honest: When you read learning to play baseball to illustrate how we learn Linton's words, what did you picture? An amor- about the generalized other, Janet Lever's research phous, genderless human being, a hermaphrodite suggests that understanding the experience of boys at once male and female, or a male persona? may tell us little about girls. In a similar way, researchers looking at the so- cial world from a feminist paradigm have called at- Girls' play and games are very different They tention to aspects of social life that other paradigms do not reveal. In part feminist theory and researdl are mostly spontaneous, imaginative, and free have focused on gender differences and how they relate to the rest of social organization. These lines of structure or rules. Turn-taking activities of inquiry have drawn attention to the oppression of women in many societies, which in turn has like jumprope may be played \\'\\rithout setting shed light on oppression generally. e}q)licit goals. Girls have far less experience Feminist paradigms not only reveal the treat- ment of women or the experience of oppression \\\\rith interpersonal competition. The style but often point to limitations in how other aspects of social life are examined and understood. Thus, of their competition is indirect rather than feminist perspectives are often related to a concern for the environment for example. As Greta Gard face to face, individual rather than team affili- suggests, ated. Leadership roles are either missing or The way in which women and nature have randomly filled. been conceptualized historically in Western in- tellectual tradition has resulted in devaluing (LereT 1986 86) whatever is associated with women, emotion, animals, nature, and the body, while simulta- Social researchers' grm\\ring recognition of the neously elevating in value those things associ- general intellectual differences between men and ated with men, reason, humans, culture, and women led the psychologist Mary Field Belenky the mind. One task of ecofeminism has been to and her colleagues to speak of vVi)//zens Ways of expose these dualisms and the ways in which Knowing (1986). In-depth interviews \\\\rith 45 feminizing nature and naturalizing or animaliz- women led the researchers to distinguish five per- ing women has served as justification for the spectives on knO\\\\ring that should challenge the domination of women, animals and the earth. view of inquiry as obvious and straightforward: (1993. 5; quoted ill RYllbTalldr alld Deega1l2002: 60) Silence: Some women, especially early in life, feel themselves isolated from the world of Feminist paradigms have also challenged the knowledge, their lives largely determined by prevailing notions concerning consensus in society. external authorities. Most descriptions of the predominant beliefs, Received knowledge From this perspective, women feel themselves capable of taking in and holding knowledge originating \\\\rith exter- nal authorities. Subjective knowledge.: This perspective opens up the possibility of personal. subjective knowl- edge, induding intuition.

Some Social Science Paradigms 39 Procedural knowledge: Some women feel they This was not the first time sociologists paid at- have fully learned the ways of gaining knovvl- tention to the status of nonwhites in American edge through objective procedures. society. Perhaps the best known African American sociologist in the history of the discipline was Constructed knowledge: The authors describe this W. E. B. DuBois, who published The Souls ofBlack perspective as \"a position in which women Folk in 1903. Among other things, DuBois pointed \\riew all knowledge as contextual. eX\"perience out that African Americans lived their lives themselves as creators of knowledge, and value through a \"dual consciousness\": as Americans and both subjective and objective strategies for as black people. By contrast white Anlericans sel- knowing\" (Belenky et al. 1986: 15). dom reflect on being white. If you are American, white is sinlply assumed. If you are not white, you \"Constructed knowledge\" is particularly inter- are seen and feel like the exception. So imagine the esting in the context of paradigms. The positi\\ristic difference between an African American sociologist paradigm of Comte would have a place neither for and a white sociologist creating a theory of social \"subjective knowledge\" nor for the idea that truth identity. Their theories of identity would likely dif- rnight vary according to its context The ethno- fer in some fundamental ways, even if they were methodological paradigm, on the other hand, not limiting their analyses to their own race. would accommodate these ideas. Much of the contemporary scholarship in criti- 10 tryout feminist paradigms, you might want cal race theory has to do \\\\rith the role of race in to explore whether discrinlination against women politics and government often undertaken by legal exists at your college or university. Are the top ad- scholars as \\vell as social scientists. Thus, for ex- ministrative positions held equally by men and ample, Derrick Bell (1980) critiqued the Supreme women? How about secretarial and clerical posi- Court's landmark Brown vs. Board ofEducation deci- tions? Are men's and women's sports supported sion, which struck down the \"separate but equal\" equally? Read through the official history of your system of school segregation. He suggested that the school; is it a history that indudes men and women Court was motivated by the economic and political equally? (If you attend an all-male or all-female interests of the white majority, not by educational schooL of course, some of these questions won't equality for African American students. In his apply.) analysis, he introduced the concept of interest convergence, suggesting that laws \\\\rill only be As we just saw, feminist paradigms reflect both changed to benefit African Americans if and when a concern for the unequal treatment of women but those changes are seen to further the interests of also an epistemological recognition that men and whites. Richard Delgado (2002) provides an excel- women overall perceive and understand society lent ovenriew of how Bell's reasoning has been differently. Social theories created solely by men, pursued by subsequent critical race theory scholars. which has been the norm, run the risk of an unrec- ognized bias. A similar case can be made for theo- As a general rule, whenever you find the word ries created almost exclusively by white people. critical in the name of a paradigm or theory, it \\\\rill likely refer to a nontraditional view, one that may Critical Race Theory be at odds mth the prevailing paradigms of an aca- demic discipline and also at odds with the main- The roots of critical race theory are generally asso- stream structure of society. ciated mth the civil rights movement of the mid- 1950s and race-related legislation of the 1960s. By interest convergence The thesis that majority the mid-1970s, \\\\rith fears that the strides toward group members will only support the interests of equality were beginning to bog down, civil rights minorities when those actions also support the in- activists and social scientists began the codification terests of the majority group. of a paradigm based on race awareness and a com- mitment to racial justice.

40 Chapter 2: Paradigms, Theory, and Social Research Rational Objectivity Reconsidered II We began this discussion of paradigms with Comte's x AB c assertion that society can be studied rationally and objectively. Since his time, the growth of science FIGURE 2-1 and technology, together with the relative decline of superstition, have put rationality more and more The Asch Experiment. Subjects in the Asch experiment have a at the center of social life. As fundamental as ra- seemingly easy task: to determine whether A, B, or Cis the tionality is to most of us, however, some contempo- rary scholars have raised questions about iL same length as x\" But there's more here than meets the eye. For example, positivistic social scientists have working with the experimenter. The purpose of the sometimes erred in assuming that humans always experiment is to see whether you will be swayed by act rationally\" I'm sure your own experience offers public pressure to go along vvith the incorrect an- ample evidence to the contrary\" Yet many modern swer. In his initial experiments, all of which in- economic models fundamentally assume that volved young men, Asch found that a little over people will make rational choices in the economic one-third of his subjects did just that. sector: They will choose the highest-paying job, pay the lowest price, and so forth\" This assumption ig- Choosing an obviously wrong answer in a nores the power of tradition, loyalty, image, and simple experiment is an example of nonrational be- other factors that compete with reason and calcula- havior. But as Asch went on to show, experimen- tion in determining human behavior. ters can examine the circumstances that lead more or fewer subjects to go along with the incorrect A more sophisticated positivism would assert answer. For example, in subsequent studies, Asch that we can rationally understand and predict even varied the size of one group and the number of nonrational behavior. An example is the famous \"dissenters\" who chose the \"wrong\" (that is, the Asch experiment (Asch 1958)\" In this experiment, correct) answer. Thus, it is possible to study non- a group of subjects is presented with a set of lines rational behavior rationally and scientifically. on a screen and asked to identify the two lines that are equal in length. More radically, we can question whether social life abides by rational principles at aiL In the physi- Imagine yourself a subject in such an experi- cal sciences, developments such as chaos theory, menL You are sitting in the front row of a class- fuzzy logic, and complexity have suggested that we room in a group of six subjects\" A set of lines is pro- may need to rethink fundamentally the orderliness jected on the wall in front of you (see Figure 2-1). of events in the physical world. Certainly the social The eX1lerimenter asks each of you, one at a tinle, world might be no tidier than the world of physics. to identify the line to the right (A, B, or C) that matches the length of line X. The correct answer The contemporary challenge to positivism, (B) is pretty obvious to you\" To your surprise, how- however, goes beyond the question of whether ever, you find that all the other subjects agree on a people behave rationally. In part, the criticism of different answer! positivism challenges the idea that scientists can be as objective as the positivistic ideal assumes. Most The experimenter announces that all but one of scientists would agree that personal feelings can the group has gotten the correct answer. Because and do influence the problems scientists choose to you are the only one who chose B, this amounts to saying that you've gotten it wrong\" Then a new set of lines is presented, and you have the same eX1leri- ence\" What seems to be the obviously correct an- swer is said by everyone else to be wrong\" As it turns out, of course, you are the only real subject in this eX1leriment-all the others are

Some Social Science Paradigms 41 study, what they choose to observe, and the con- moving-a difficult task with nothing else visible clusions they draw from their observations\" as a gauge of length or distance. There is an even more radical critique of the Anlazingly, each of the groups was able to ideal of objectivity\" As we glimpsed in the discus- agree as to the distance the point of light moved sions of feminism and ethnomethodology, some abouL Oddly, however, the different groups of sub- contemporary researchers suggest that subjectivity jects arrived at very different conclusions. Strangest might actually be preferable in some situations\" of all-as you may have guessed-the point of Let's take a moment to return to the dialectic of light had remained stationary. If you stare at a fixed subjectivity and objectivity. point of light long enough it will seem to move about (Sherif's \"auto-kinetic effect\"). Notice, how- To begin, all our experiences are inescapably ever, that each of the groups agreed on a specific subjective. There is no way out. We can see only delusion. The movement of the light was real to through our own eyes, and anything peculiar to them, but it was a reality created out of nothing: a our eyes will shape what we see. We can hear SOcially constructed reality. things only the way our particular ears and brain transmit and interpret sound waves. You and 1, to Whereas our subjectivity is individual, then, some extent, hear and see different realities. And our search for objectivity is sociaL This is true in all both of us experience quite different physical \"real- aspects of life, not just in science. While you and I ities\" than, say, do bats\" In what to us is total dark- prefer different foods, we must agree to some ex- ness, a bat \"sees\" things such as flying insects by tent on what is fit to eat and what is not, or else emitting a sound we humans can't heaL The reflec- there could be no restaurants or grocery stores. The tion of the bat's sound creates a \"sound picture\" same argument could be made regarding every precise enough for the bat to home in on the mov- other form of consumption. Without agreement ing insect and snatch it up in its teeth. In a sin1ilar reality, there could be no movies or television, no vein, scientists on the planet Xandu might develop sports. theories of the physical world based on a sensory apparatus that we humans can't even imagine. Social scientists as well have found benefits in Maybe they see X-rays or hear colors. the concept of a socially agreed-on objective reality. As people seek to impose order on their experience Despite the inescapable subjectivity of our ex- of life, they find it useful to pursue this goal as a perience, we humans seem to be wired to seek an collective venture. What are the causes and cures agreement on what is really real, what is objec- of prejudice? Working together, social researchers tively so. Objectivity is a conceptual attempt to get have uncovered some answers that hold up to beyond our individual views\" It is ultimately a mat- intersubjective scrutiny. Whatever your subjective ter of communication, as you and I attempt to find experience of things, for example, you can discover a common ground in our subjective experiences. for yourself that as education increases, prejudice Whenever we succeed in our search, we say we are generally tends to decrease\" Because each of us can dealing with objective reality. This is the agreement discover this independently, we say that it is objec- reality discussed in Chapter 1. tively true\" To this point, perhaps the most significant stud- From the seventeenth century through the ies in the history of social science were conducted middle of the twentieth, however, the belief in an in the 1930s by a Turkish American social psychol- objective reality that was independent of individual ogist, Muzafer Sherif (1935), who slyly said he perceptions predominated in science. For the most wanted to study \"auto-kinetic effects.\" To do this, part, it was not simply held as a useful paradigm he put small groups in totally darkened rooms, but as The Truth. The term positivism has generally save for a single point of light in the center of the represented the belief in a logically ordered, objec- wall in front of the participants. Sherif explained tive reality that we can come to know better and that the light would soon begin to move about, better through science. This is the view challenged and the subjects were to determine how far it was today by postmodernists and others\"

42 Chapter 2: Paradigms, Theory, and Social Research Some say that the ideal of objectivity conceals agreements as to what's \"reaL\" This appears in re- as much as it reveals. As I've saw earlier, in years gard to rocks and trees, as well as ghosts and gods, past much of what was regarded as objectivity in and even more elusive ideas such as loyalty and Western social science was actually an agreement treason. Whether something like \"prejudice\" really primarily among white, middle-class European exists, research into its nature can take place, be- men. Equally real experiences common to women, cause enough people agree that prejudice does ex- to ethnic minorities, to non-Western cultures, or ist, and researchers can use agreed-on techniques to the poor were not necessarily represented in of inquiry. This book will not require you to choose that reality. between positivism and postmodernism. In fact, I invite you to look for value in both as you seek to Thus, early anthropologists are now criticized understand the world that mayor may not exist for often making modern, Westernized \"sense\" out around you. of the beliefs and practices of nonliterate tribes around the world, sometimes by portraying their Similarly, as social researchers we are not subjects as superstitious savages. We often call forced to align ourselves entirely vvith either of orally transmitted beliefs about the distant past these approaches. Instead, we can treat them as \"creation myth,\" whereas we speak of our own be- two distinct arrows in our quiver. Each approach liefs as \"history.\" Increasingly today, there is a de- compensates for the weaknesses of the other by mand to find the native logic by which various suggesting complementary perspectives that can peoples make sense out of life and to understand it produce useful lines of inquiry. on its own terms. For example, the renowned British physicist Ultimately, we'll never be able to distinguish Stephen Hawking has elegantly described the ap- completely between an objective reality and our pealing simplicity of the positivistic model but tem- subjective experience. We can't know whether pers his remarks \\vith a recognition of the way sci- our concepts correspond to an objective reality or ence is practiced. are simply useful in allowing us to predict and control our environment. So desperate is our need According to this way of thinking, a scientific to know what is really real, however, that both theory is a mathematical model that describes positivists and postmodernists are sometimes and codifies the observations we make. A good drawn into the belief that their own view is real theory will describe a large range of phenom- and true. There is a dual irony in this. On the one ena on the basis of a few simple postulates and hand, the positivist's belief that science precisely vvill make definite predictions that can be mirrors the objective world must ultimately be tested. If the predictions agree with the obser- based on faith; it cannot be proved by \"objective\" vations, the theory survives that test, though science, because that's precisely what's at issue. it can never be proved to be correct. On the And the postmodernists, who say nothing is other hand, if the observations disagree with objectively so and everything is ultimately subjec- the predictions, one has to discard or modify tive, do at least feel that that is really the way the theory. (At least, that is what is supposed things are. to happen. In practice, people often question the accuracy of the observations and the relia- Postmodernism is often portrayed as a denial of bility and moral character of those making the the possibility of social science. Because this book observations. ) has already expressed sympathy for some post- modern views and concerns, a word of eX1Jlanation (200131) may be in order. This textbook makes no assump- tion about the existence or absence of an objective In summary, a rich variety of theoretical para- reality. At the same time, human beings demon- digms can be brought to bear on the study of social strate an extensive and robust ability to establish life. With each of these fundamental frames of ref- erence, useful theories can be constructed. We turn

Elements of Social Theory 43 now to some of the issues involved in theory con- being \"discovered,\" granting, of course, that our struction, which are of interest and use to all social paradigms affect what we choose to look for and researcilers, from positivists to postmodernists- what we see. Laws in and of themselves do not and all those in between. explain anything. They just summarize the way things are. Explanation is a function of theory, as Elements of Social Theory we'll see shortly. As we have seen, paradigms are general frame- There are no social scientific laws that claim the works or viewpoints: literally \"points from which to universal certainty of those of the natural sciences. view.\" They provide ways of looking at life and are Social scientists debate among themselves whether grounded in sets of assumptions about the nature such laws will ever be discovered. Perhaps social life of reality. essentially does not abide by invariant laws. This does not mean that social life is so chaotic as to defy Theories, by contrast, are systematic sets of in- prediction and explanation. As we saw in Chapter 1, terrelated statements intended to explain some as- social behavior falls into patterns, and those pat- pect of social life. Thus, theories flesh out and spec- terns quite often make perfect sense, although we ify paradigms. Whereas a paradigm offers a way of may have to look below the surface to find the logic looking, a theory aims at explaining what we see. As I just indicated, laws should not be confused Let's look a little more deliberately now at with theories. Whereas a law is an observed regu- some of the elements of a theory. As I mentioned larity, a theory is a systematic explanation for obser- in Chapter 1, science is based on observation. In so- vations that relate to a particular aspect of life. For cial research, observation typically refers to seeing, example, someone might offer a theory of juvenile hearing, and-less commonly-touching. A corre- delinquency, prejudice, or political revolution. sponding idea is fact. Although for philosophers \"fact\" is as complex a notion as \"reality.\" social Theories eX1Jlain observations by means of con- scientists generally use it to refer to some phenom- cepts. Jonathan Turner (1989: 5) calls concepts the enon that has been observed. It is a fact. for ex- \"basic building blocks of theory.\" Concepts are ab- ample, that Bill Clinton defeated Robert Dole in the stract elements representing classes of phenomena 1996 presidential election. within the field of study. The concepts relevant to a theory of juvenile delinquency, for example, in- Scientists aspire to organize many facts under clude \"juvenile\" and \"delinquency,\" for starters. \"rules\" called laws. Abraham Kaplan (1964: 91) A \"peer group\"-the people you hang around with defines laws as universal generalizations about and identify with-is another relevant concept classes of facts. The law of gravity is a classic ex- \"Social class\" and \"ethnicity\" are undoubtedly rele- ample: Bodies are attracted to each other in pro- vant concepts in a theory of juvenile delinquency. portion to their masses and in inverse proportion to \"School performance\" might also be relevant. the distance separating them. A variable is a special kind of concept. Some of Laws must be truly universal, however, not the concepts just mentioned refer to things, and merely accidental patterns found among a specific others refer to sets of things. As we saw in Chapter set of facts. It is a fact, Kaplan points out (1964: 1, each variable comprises a set of attributes; thus, 92), that in each of the U.S. presidential elections delinquency, in the simplest case, is made up of from 1920 to 1960, the major candidate with the delinquent and not delinquent. A theory of delin- longest name won. That is not a law, however, as quency would aim at explaining why some juve- shown by the next three elections. The earlier pat- niles are delinquent and others are not tern was a coincidence. Axioms or postulates are fundamental assertions, Sometimes called principles, laws are important taken to be true, on which a theory is grounded. In statements about what is so. We speak of them as a theory of juvenile delinquency, we might begin with axioms such as \"Everyone desires material

44 Chapter 2: Paradigms, lheory, and SGciaJ Research comforts\" and \"The ability to obtain material com- Two logical Systems Revisited forts legally is greater for the wealthy than for the poor.\" From these we might proceed to propositions: In Chapter I, I introduced deductive and inductive specific conclusions, derived from the axiomatic reasoning, with a promise that we would return groundwork, about the relationships among con- to them later. It's later. cepts. From our beginning axioms about juvenile delinquency, for example, we might reasonably The Traditional Model ofScience formulate the proposition that poor youths are more likely to break the law to gain material com- Most of us have a somewhat idealized picture of forts than are rich youths. \"the scientific method,\" a view gained from science instruction ever since elementary school, especially This proposition, incidentally, accords with in the physical sciences. Although this traditional Robert Merton's classic attempt to account for de- model of science tells only a part of the story, it's viance in society. Merton (1957: 139-57) spoke of helpful to understand its logic. the agreed-on means and ends of a society. In Mer- ton's model, nondeviants are those who share the There are three main elements in the tradi- societal agreement as to desired ends (such as a new tional model of science: theory, operationalization, car) and the means prescribed for achieving them and observation. At this point we're already well (such as to buy it). One type of deviant-Merton acquainted with the idea of theory. called this type the \"innovator\"-agrees on the de- sired end but does not have access to the prescribed Theory means for achieving it. Innovators find another method, such as crime, of getting the desired end. According to the traditional model of science, scien- tists begin with a thing, from which they derive From propositions, in turn, we can derive testable hypotheses. So, for example, as social sci- hypotizeses. A hypothesis is a specified testable ex- entists we might have a theory about the causes of pectation about empirical reality that follows from juvenile delinquency. Let'S assume that we have ar- a more general proposition. Thus, a researcher rived at the hypothesis that delinquency is in- might formulate the hypothesis, \"Poor youths have versely related to social class. That is, as social class higher delinquency rates than do rich youths.\" goes up, delinquency goes down. Research is designed to test hypotheses. In other words, research will support (or fail to support) Operationalization a theory only indirectly-by testing specific hypotheses that are derived from theories and To test any hypotheSiS, we must specify the mean- propositions. ings of all the variables involved in it in observa- tional turns. In the present case, the variables are Let's look more clearly at how theory and re- social class and delinquency. To give these terms search come together. specific meaning, we might define delinquency as \"being arrested for a crime,\" \"being convicted of a hypothesis A specified testable expectation about crime,\" or some other plausible phrase, whereas so- empirical reality that follows from a more general cial class might be specified in terms of family in- proposition; more generally, an expectation about come, for the purposes of this particular study. the nature of things derived from a theory. It is a statement of something that ought to be observed in Once we have defined our variables, we need the real world if the theory is correct. to specify how we'll measure them. (Recall from operationalization One step beyond conceptual- Chapter I that science, in the classical ideal, de- ization. Operationalization is the process of develop- pends on measurable observations.) Operational- ing operational definitions, or specifying the exact ization literally means specifying the exact opera- operations involved in measuring a variable. tions involved in measuring a variable. There are

Two Logical Systems Revisited 45 many ways we can attempt to test our hypothesis, ables, we need to know how those variables were each of which allows for different ways of measur- ing our variables. operationalized. The way we have operationalized the variables For simplicity, let's assume we're planning to conduct a survey of high school students. We might in our imaginary study could be open to other operationalize delinquency in the form of the ques- problems, however.. Perhaps some respondents will tion \"Have you ever stolen anything?\" Those who lie about having stolen anything, in which cases answer \"yes\" will be classified as delinquents in our we'll misclassify them as nondelinquent. Some re- study; those who say \"no\" will be classified as non- spondents will not know their family incomes and delinquents. Similarly, we might operationalize so- will give mistaken answers; others may be embar- cial class by asking respondents, \"What was your rassed and lie. We'll consider issues like these in de- family's income last year?\" and providing them with a set of family income categories: under tail in Part 2. $10,000; $10,000-$24,999; $25,000-$49,999; and Our operationalized hypothesis now is that the $50,000 and above. highest incidence of delinquents will be found At this point someone might object that delin- among respondents who select the lowest family income category (under $10,000); a lower percent- quency can mean something more than or differ- age of delinquents vvill be found in the $10,000- ent from having stolen something at one time or $24,999 category; still fewer delinquents will be another, or that social class isn't necessarily the found in the $25,000-$49,999 category; and the same as family income. Some parents might lowest percentage of delinquents will be found in think body piercing is a sign of delinquency even the $50,000-and-above category. Now we're ready if their children don't steal, and to some social for the final step in the traditional model of sci- class might include an element of prestige or ence-observation. Having developed theoretical community standing as well as how much money clarity and specific expectations, and having cre- a family has. For the researcher testing a hypothe- ated a strategy for looking, all that remains is to sis, however, the meaning of variables is exactly look at the way things actually are. and only what the operational definition specifies. Observation In this respect, scientists are very much like The final step in the traditional model of science in- Humpty Dumpty in Lewis Carroll's Through the volves actual observation, looking at the world and Looking Glass. \"When [use a word,\" Humpty making measurements of what is seen. Dumpty tells Alice, \"it means just what I choose it to mean-neither more nor less.\" Let's suppose our survey produced the follow- \"The question is,\" Alice replies, \"whether you ing data: can make words mean so many different things.\" To which Humpty Dumpty responds, \"The question is, Perrent delinquent which is to be master-that'S all.\" Under $10,000 20 Scientists have to be \"masters\" of their opera- $10,000-$24,999 15 tional definitions for the sake of precision in $25,000-$49,999 10 observation, measurement, and communication. $50,000 and above 5 Otherwise, we would never know whether a study that contradicted ours did so only because it used a operational definition The concrete and specific different set of procedures to measure one of the definition of something in terms of the operations by variables and thus changed the meaning of the hy- which observations are to be categorized. The opera- pothesis being tested. Of course, this also means tional definition of \"earning an A in this course\" that to evaluate a study's conclusions about juve- might be \"correctly answering at least 90 percent of nile delinquency and social class, or any other vari- the final exam questions.\"

46 Chapter 2: Paradigms, Theory, and Social Research Observations producing such data would confirm Idea/interest our hypothesis. But suppose our findings were as \"What causes X?\" follows: THEORETICAL UNDERSTANDING Under $10,000 Penent delinquent $10,000-$24,999 $25,000-$49,999 15 $50,000 and above 15 15 15 These findings would disconfirm our hypothesis re- Ycauses X garding family income and delinquency. Discon- firmability-the possibility that observations may HYPOTHESIS not support our expectations-is an essential qual- ity in any hypothesis. In other words, if there is no il ilX = f(Y) Theoretical expectation chance that our hypothesis vvill be disconfirmed, it Operationalization hasn't said anything meaningful. x = f(y) Testable hypothesis For example, the hypothesis that \"juvenile delinquents\" commit more crimes than do \"non- Lx;;' f(y) Observation delinquents\" cannot possibly be disconfirmed, be- (hypothesis testing) cause criminal behavior is intrinsic to the idea of delinquency. Even if we recognize that some young FIGURE 2-2 people commit crimes lvithout being caught and labeled as delinquents, they couldn't threaten our The Traditional Image of Science. The deductive model of sci- hypothesis, because our actual observations would entific inquiry begins with asometimes vague or general lead us to conclude they were law-abiding non- question, which is subjected to aprocess of specification, delinquents. resulting in hypotheses that can be tested through empirical observations. Figure 2-2 provides a schematic diagram of the traditional model of scientific inquiry. In it we see self-reported theft is a function of family income, the researcher beginning with an interest in a phe- Observations aimed at finding out whether this nomenon (such as juvenile delinquency)\" Next statement accurately describes reality are part of comes the development of a theoretical under- vvhat is typically called hyporhesis resring. (See \"Hints standing, in this case that a single concept (such as for Stating Hypotheses\" for more on the process of social class) might explain others. The theoretical formulating hypotheses.) considerations result in an expectation about what should be observed if the theory is correct. The no- Deductive and Inductive Reasoning: tation X = f(Y) is a conventional way of saying that A Case lfIustratiol7 X (for example, delinquency) is a function of (de- pends on) Y (for example, social class). At that As you probably recognized, the traditional model of level, however, X and Y still have rather general science just described is a nice example of deductive meanings that could give rise to quite different ob- reasoning: From a general theoretical understand- servations and measurements. Operationalization ing, the researcher derives (deduces) an ell:pectation specifies the procedures that will be used to mea- and finally a testable hypothesis. This picture is tidy, sure the variables. The lowercase x in Figure 2-2, but in reality science uses inductive reasoning as for example, is a precisely measurable indicator of welL Let's consider a real research example as a capital X. This operationalization process results in vehicle for comparing the deductive and inductive the formation of a testable hypothesis: for example,

Two Logical Systems Revisited 47 Riley E. Dunlap In this hypothesis, note that both of the variables (oge, the inde- pendent variable or likely\"cause,\" and SWL, the dependent variable or Department ofSociology, likely\"effect\") range from 101,,/ to high This feature of the two variables is Washington State University what allows you to use'negatively\" (or\"positively\") to describe the relationship is the baSic statement that is tested in research ahypothesis stales arelationship between two variables NotiCe what happens if you hypotheSize arelationship between CAlthough it is possible to use more than two variables, you should stick gender and SWL. Because gender is anominal variable (as you'll learn in to two for now) Because ahypothesis makes aprediction about the re- Chapter 5) it does not range from low to high-people are either mole lationship between the two variables, it must be testable so you can de- or femole (the two attributes of the variable gender). Consequently, you termine if the prediction is right or wrong when you examine the results must be careful in stating the hypothesis unambiguously obtained in your study AhypotheSiS must be stated in an unambiguous manner to be clearly testable What follows are suggestions for develop- \"Gender is positively (or negatively) related to SWL'is not an ade- ing testable hypotheses quate hypothesis, becaUSe it doesn't specify how you expect gender Assume you have an interest in trying to predict some phenomenon to be related to SWL-that is, whether you think men or women such as\"attitudeS toward women's liberation,\"and that you can measure will be more supportive of women's liberation such attitudes on acontinuum ranging from \"opposed to women's libera- It's tempting to say something like\"v\\'omen are positively related to tion\"to\"neuual\"to\"supportive of women's liberation.\"Also assume that, SWL,\" but this really doesn't work, because female is only an attri- lacking atheory, you'll rely on\"hunches\"to come up with variables that bute, not afull variable (gender is the variable) might be related to attitudes toward women's liberation \"Gender is related to SvVL, with women being more supportive In asense, you can think of hypothesis construction as acase of than men\"would be my recommendation. Or, you could say,\"with filling in the blank \"_ _ is related to attitudes toward women's lib- men being less supportiVe than women,\"which makes the iden- eration.\" Your job is to think of avariable that might plausibly be related tical prediction (Of course, you could also make the opposite pre- to such attitudes, and then to word ahypothesis that states arelationship diction, that men are more supportive than women are, if you between the two variables (the one that fills in the \"blank\" and \"attitudes wished) toward women's liberation\") .You need to do so in aprecise manner so 4. Equally legitimate would be \"Women are more likely to support that you can determine clearly whether the hypothesis is supported or women's liberation than are menu (Note the need for the second not when you examine the results (in this case, most likely the results of \"are,\" or you could be construed as hypothesizing that women sup- asurvey) pon women's liberation more than they support men-not quite The key is to word the hypothesis carefully so that the prediction it the same idea) makes is quite clear to you as well as others If you use age, note that say- ing \"Age is related to attitudes toward vlOmen's liberation\" does not say The above examples hypothesized relationships betWeen a\"charac- precisely hoVi you think the two are related (in fact, the only way this hy- pothesis could be falsified is ifyou fail to find astatistically significant re- teristic\" (age or gender) and an \"orientation\" (attitudes toward women's lationship of any type between age and attitudes toward women's liber- ation) In this case acouple of steps are necessary.You have two options liberation) Because the causal order is pretty clear (obviously age and \"Age is related to attitudes toward women's liberation, with gender come before attitudeS, and are less alterable), we could state the younger adults being more supportive than older adults\" (Or, you could state the opposite, if you believed older people are likely to be hypotheses as I've done, and everyone would assume that we were stat- more supportive.) \"Age is negatively related to support for women's liberation uNote ing causal hypotheses . here that Ispecify\"support\"for women's liberation (SWL) and then predict anegative relationship-that is, as age goes up, Ipredict Finally, you may run across references to the null hypothesis, es- that SWL will go down pecially in statistics Such ahypothesis predicts no relationship (techni- cally, no statistically significant relationship) between the two variables, and it is always implicit in testing hypotheses. Basically, ifyou have hy- pothesized apositive (or negative) relationship, you are hoping that the results will aiiovi you to reject the null hypothesis and verify your hypothesized relationship

48 Chapter 2: Paradigl1)s, TIleory, and Social Research linkages between theory and research, Years ago, church organizations), and intellectual (such as Charles Glock, Benjamin Ringer, and I (1967) set reading church publications)-women were more out to discover what caused differing levels of religious than men. On our overall measure, women scored 50 percent higher than men. church involvement among u.s. Episcopalians. Sev- In another test of the Comfort Hypothesis, we eral theoretical or quasi-theoretical positions sug- reasoned that in a youth-oriented society, old gested possible answers. I'll focus on only one here: people would be more deprived of secular what we came to call the \"Comfort Hypothesis.\" gratification than the young would. Once again, the data confirmed our expectation. The oldest parish- In part, we took our lead from the Christian in- ioners were more religious than the middle-aged, junction to care for \"the halt, the lame, and the who were more religious than young adults. blind\" and those who are \"weary and heavy laden.\" At the same time, ironically, we noted the Social class-measured by education and Marxist assertion that religion is an \"opiate for income-afforded another test of the Comfort the masses.\" Given both, it made sense to expect Hypothesis. Once again, the test succeeded. Those the following, which was our hypothesis: \"Parish- with low social status were more involved in the ioners whose life situations most deprive them of church than those with high social status were. satisfaction and fulfillment in the secular society turn to the church for comfort and substitute re- The hypothesis was even confirmed in a test wards\" (Glock, Ringer, and Babbie 1967: 107-8). that went against everyone's commonsense expectations. Despite church posters showing wor- Having framed this general hypothesis, we set shipful young families and bearing the slogan \"The about testing it. Were those deprived of satisfaction Family That Prays Together Stays Together,\" the in the secular society in fact more religious than Comfort Hypothesis suggested that parishioners those who received more satisfaction from the sec- who were married and had children-the clear ular society? To answer this, we needed to distin- American ideal at that time-would enjoy secular guish who was deprived. The questionnaire, which gratification in that regard. As a consequence, they was constructed for the purpose of testing the should be less religious than those who lacked one Comfort Hypothesis, included items that seemed to or both family components. Thus, we hypothesized offer indicators of whether parishioners were rela- that parishioners who were both single and child- tively deprived or gratified in secular society. less should be the most religious; those with either spouse or child should be somewhat less religious; To start, we reasoned that men enjoy more and those married with children-representing the status than women do in our generally male- ideal pictured on all those posters-should be the dominated society. Though hardly novel, this con- least religious of all. That's exactly what we found. clusion laid the groundwork for testing the Comfort Hypothesis. If we were correct in our hypothesis, Finally, the Comfort Hypothesis suggested that women should appear more religious than men. the various kinds of secular deprivation should be Once the survey data had been collected and ana- cumulative: Those with all the characteristics asso- lyzed, our expectation about gender and religion ciated with deprivation should be the most reli- was clearly confirmed, On three separate measures gious; those with none should be the least. When of religious involvement-ritual (such as church we combined the four individual measures of dep- attendance), organizational (such as belonging to rivation into a composite measure, the theoretical expectation was exactly confirmed. Comparing the null hypothesis In connection with hypothesis two extremes, we found that single, childless, elderly, lower-class female parishioners scored testing and tests of statistical significance, that hy- more than three times as high on the measure of pothesis that suggests there is no relationship among church involvement than did young, married, the variables under study. You may conclude that upper-class fathers. Thus was the Comfort Hypo- the variables are related after having statistically re· thesis confirmed. jected the null hypothesis.

Two logical Systems Revisited 49 I like this research example because it so clearly from concrete observations to a general theoretical illustrates the logic of the deductive model. Begin- explanation. ning with general, theoretical expectations about the impact of social deprivation on church involve- A Graphic Contrast ment, one could derive concrete hypotheses link- ing specific measurable variables, such as age and As the preceding case illustration shows, theory church attendance. The actual empirical data could and research can usefully be done both inductively then be analyzed to determine whether empirical and deductively. Figure 2-3 shows a graphic com- reality supported the deductive expectations. parison of the two approaches as applied to an in- quiry into study habits and performance on exams. I say this example shows how it was possible to In both cases, we are interested in the relationship do it that way, but, alas, I've been fibbing. To tell between the number of hours spent studying for an the truth, although we began with an interest in exam and the grade earned on that exam. Using discovering what caused variations in church in- the deductive method, we would begin by examin- volvement among Episcopalians, we didn't actually ing the matter logically. Doing well on an exam begin v'lith a Comfort Hypothesis, or any other hy- reflects a student's ability to recall and manipulate pothesis for that matter. (In the interest of further information. Both of these abilities should be in- honesty, Glock and Ringer initiated the study, and I creased by exposure to the irtformation before the joined it years after the data had been collected.) A exam. In this fashion, we would arrive at a hypoth- questionnaire was designed to collect information esis suggesting a positive relationship betv'leen the that might shed some light on why some parish- number of hours spent studying and the grade ioners participated in the church more than others, earned on the exam. We say \"positive\" because we but the construction of the questionnaire was not expect grades to increase as the hours of studying guided by any precise, deductive theory. Once the increase. If increased hours produced decreased data were collected, the task of explaining differ- grades, that would be called a negative, or inverse, ences in religiosity began with an analysis of vari- relationship. The hypothesis is represented by the ables that have a wide impact on people's lives, in- line in part 1(a) of Figure 2-3. cluding gender, age, social class, and family status. Each of these four variables was found to relate strongly Our next step would be to make observations to church involvement, in the ways already de- relevant to testing our hypothesis. The shaded area scribed. Indeed, they had a cumulative effect, also in part 1(b) of the figure represents perhaps hun- already described. Rather than being good news, dreds of observations of different students, however, this presented a dilemma. specifically, how many hours they studied and what grades they received. Finally, in part I (c), we Glock recalls discussing his findings with col- compare the hypothesis and the observations. Be- leagues over lunch at the Columbia faculty club. cause observations in the real world seldom if ever Once he had displayed the tables illustrating the match our expectations perfectly, we must decide impact of each individual variable as well as their whether the match is close enough to consider the powerful composite effect, a colleague asked, hypothesis confirmed. Put differently, can we con- \"What does it all mean, Charlie?\" Glock was at a clude that the hypothesis describes the general pat- loss. Why were those variables so strongly related to tern that exists, granting some variations in real church involvement? life? Sometimes, answering this question necessi- tates methods of statistical analysis, which will be That question launched a process of reasoning discussed in Part 4. about what the several variables had in common, aside from their in1pact on religiosity. Eventually Now suppose we used the inductive method to we saw that each of the four variables also reflected address the same research question. In this case, we differential status ill the secular society. He then had the would begin with a set of observations, as in part thought that perhaps the issue of comfort was in- 2(a) of Figure 2-3. Curious about the relationship volved. Thus, the inductive process had moved

50 Chapter 2: Paradigms, Theory, and Social Research a. Hypothesis a. Observations 100.-------------------- 100 501-··--·-·------~~~---- (jJ Q) '0 50 ~ <.9 10 20 30 40 0 10 20 30 40 0 Hours studying Hours studying b. Observations b. Finding a pattern 100 ,---------------- 100,-------------------~ (jJ (jJ Q) Q) '0 5 0 1 - - - - - - - - - - _..- - - - - - - - - - '0 50 ----.------~,;:..- ~ ~ <.9 <.9 0 ' - - _ - - L_ _....I.-_--lL..-_.....l _ _O~ __L_ _ _~_ _ _L__~ o 10 20 30 40 o 10 20 30 40 Hours studying Hours studying c. Accept or reject hypothesis? c. Tentative conclusion 100 --~-----..- . - - - - - - - 100r-------------------~ (jJ Q) (jJ '0 Q) ~ '0 501------ <.9 ~ <.9 10 20 30 40 Hours studying Hours studying FIGURE 2-3 Deductive and Inductive Methods. Both deduction and induction are legitimate and valuable approaches to understanding. Deduc- tion begins with an expected pattern that is tested against observations, whereas induction begins with observations and seeks to find apattern within them. between hours spent studying and grades earned, The pattern found among the points in this we might simply arrange to collect relevant data. case suggests that with 1 to 15 hours of studying, Then we'd look for a pattern that best represented each additional hour generally produces a higher or summarized our observations. In part 2(b) of the grade on the exam. With 15 to about 25 hours, figure, the pattern is shown as a curved line run- however, more study seems to lower the grade ning through the center of our observations. slightly. Studying more than 25 hours, on the other

Deduttive Theory Construction 51 hand, results in a return to the initial pattern: More stance. Most however, concede the legitimacy of hours produce higher grades. Using the inductive both approaches. method, then, we end up with a tentative conclu- sion about the pattern of the relationship between With this understanding of the deductive and the two variables. The conclusion is tentative be- inductive links between theory and research in cause the observations we have made cannot be hand, let's now delve a little more deeply into how taken as a test of the pattern- those observations theories are constructed using either of these two are the source of the pattern we've created. different approaches. As I discussed in Chapter 1, in actual practice, Deductive Theory Construction theory and research interact through a never- ending alternation of deduction and induction. To see what's involved in deductive theory con- A good example is the classic work of Emile Durk- struction and hypothesis testing, imagine that heim on suicide ([1897]1951). When Durkheim you're going to construct a deductive theory. How pored over table after table of official statistics on would you go about it? suicide rates in different areas, he was struck by the fact that Protestant countries consistently had Getting Started higher suicide rates than Catholic ones did. Why should that be the case? His initial observations led The first step in deductive theory construction is to him to create inductively a theory of religion, social pick a topic that interests you. The topic can be integration, anomie, and suicide. His theoretical very broad, such as \"What is the structure of soci- explanations in turn led deductively to further ety?\" or it can be narrower, as in \"Why do people hypotheses and further observations. support or oppose the idea of a woman's right to an abortion?\" Whatever the topic, it should be In summary, the scientific norm of logical rea- something you're interested in understanding and soning provides a two-way bridge between theory explaining. and research. Scientific inquiry in practice typically involves alternating between deduction and induc- Once you've picked your topic, the next step is tion. Both methods involve an interplay of logic to undertake an inventory of what's already known and observation. And both are routes to the con- or thought about it. In part, this means writing struction of social theories. down your Oivn observations and ideas. Beyond that it means learning what other scholars have Although both inductive and deductive meth- said about it You can talk to other people, and ods are valid in scientific inquiry, individuals may you'll want to read the scholarly literature on the feel more comfortable with one approach than the topic. Appendix A provides guidelines for using the other. Consider this exchange in Sir Arthur Conan library-you'll likely spend a lot of time there. Doyle's story \"A Scandal in Bohemia,\" as Sherlock Holmes ans'wers Dr. Watson's inquiry (Doyle Your preliminary research vvill probably un- [1891]1892: 13): cover consistent patterns discovered by prior schol-. ars. For example, religious and political variables \"What do you imagine that it means?\" will stand out as important determinants of atti- \"I have no data yet. It is a capital mistake tudes about abortion. Findings such as these vvill be very useful to you in creating your own theory to theorise before one has data. Insensibly one begins to twist facts to suit theories, instead of In this process, don't overlook the value of theories to suit facts.\" introspection. Whenever we can look at our own personal processes-including reactions, fears, and Some social scientists would more or less agree prejudices-we may gain important insights into with this inductive position (see especially the human behavior in generaL I don't mean to say discussion of grounded theory in Chapter 10), whereas others would take a more deductive

52 Chapter 2: Paradigms, Theory, and Social Research that everyone thinks like you or me, but introspec- as beauty, intelligence, or wealth), compare tion can provide a useful source of insights that can themselves to others, experiencing a funda- inform our inquiries. mental instantaneous magnitude of the justice evaluation (J), which captures their sense of Constructing Your Theory being fairly or unfairly treated in the distribu- tions of natural and social goods, Now that you've reviewed previous work on the topic, you're ready to begin constructing your the- (Jasso 198& 11) ory. Although theory construction is not a lockstep affair, the process generally involves something like Notice that Jasso has assigned a symbolic the following steps. representation for her key variable: J will stand for distributive justice, She does this to support her in- 1. Specify the topic. tention of stating her theory in mathematical for- 2. Specify the range of phenomena your theory mulas, Though theories are often expressed mathe- matically, we'll not delve too deeply into that addresses. Will your theory apply to all of practice here. human social life, will it apply only to U.S. citi- zens, only to young people, or what? Jasso indicates that there are three kinds of pos- 3. Identify and specify your major concepts and tulates in her theory. \"The first makes explicit the variables. fundamental axiom which represents the substan- 4. Find out what is known (propositions) about tive point of departure for the theory.\" She elabo- the relationships among those variables. rates as follows: \"The theory begins with the re- 5, Reason logically from those propositions to the ceived Axiom ojComparison, which formalizes the specific topic you're examining. long-held view that a wide class of phenomena, in- cluding happiness, self-esteem, and the sense of We've already discussed items (1) through (3), distributive justice, may be understood as the prod- so let's focus now on (4) and (5). As you identify uct of a comparison process\" (Jasso 1988: 11). the relevant concepts and discover what's already been learned about them, you can begin to create a Thus, your sense of whether you're receiving a propositional structure that explains the topic un- \"fair\" share of the good things of life comes from der study. comparing yourself with others. If this seems obvi- ous to you, that's not a shortcoming of the axiom. Let's look now at an example of how these Remember, axioms are the taken-for-granted be- building blocks fit together in deductive theory ginnings of theory. construction and empirical research. Jasso continues to do the groundwork for her An Example ofDeductive Theory: theory. First, she indicates that our sense of distrib- Distributive Justice utive justice is a function of \"Actual Holdings (A)\" and \"Comparison Holdings (C)\" of some good. Let's A topic of interest to scholars is the concept of dis- consider money, for example. My sense of justice in tributive justice, people's perceptions of whether this regard is a function of how much I actually they are being treated fairly by life, whether they have, compared with how much others have. By are getting \"their share. \" Guillermina Jasso de- specifying the two components of the comparison, scribes the theory of distributive justice more for- Jasso can use them as variables in her theory, mally, as follows: Next, Jasso offers a \"measurement rule\" that The theory provides a mathematical description further specifies how the two variables, A and C, of the process whereby individuals, reflecting will be conceptualized. This step is needed because on their holdings of the goods they value (such some of the goods to be examined are concrete and commonly measured (such as money), whereas others are less tangible (such as respect). The former kind, she says, will be measured

Deductive Theory Construction 53 conventionally, whereas the latter will be measured stealing from those you compare yourself vvith or \"by the individual's relative rank ... within a spe- from outsiders. In each case, stealing will increase cially selected comparison group,\" The theory will your Actual Holdings, but what about your Com- provide a formula for making that measurement parison Holdings? (Jasso 1988: 13). A moment's thought should suggest that steal- Jasso continues in this fashion to introduce ad- ing from people in your comparison group ,vill ditional elements, weaving them into mathematical lower their holdings, further increasing your rela- formulas to be used in deriving predictions about tive wealth. To simplify, imagine there are only two the workings of distributive justice in a variety of people in your comparison group: you and I. Sup- social settings. Here is just a sampling of where her pose we each have S100. If you steal S50 from theorizing takes her (1988: 14-15). someone outside our group, you will have in- creased your relative wealth by 50 percent com- Ii> Other things [being] the same, a person will pared with me: S150 versus SI 00. But if you steal prefer to steal from a fellow group member S50 from me, you will have increased your relative rather than from an outsider. wealth 200 percent: S150 to my S50. Your goal is best served by stealing from within the comparison Ii> The preference to steal from a fellow group group. member is more pronounced in poor groups than in rich groups. e In the case of theft, informants arise only in cross-group theft, in which case they are mem- e In the case of theft, informants arise only in bers of the thief's group. cross-group theft, in which case they are mem- bers of the thief's group. Can you see why it would make sense for in- formants (1) to arise only in the case of cross-group e Persons who arrive a week late at summer theft and (2) to corne from the thief's comparison camp or for freshman year of college are more group? This proposition again depends on the fun- likely to become friends of persons who play damental assumption that everyone wants to in- games of chance than of persons who play crease his or her relative standing. Suppose you games of skilL and I are in the same comparison group, but this time the group contains additional people. If you e A society becomes more vulnerable to deficit steal from someone else within our comparison spending as its wealth increases. group, my relative standing in the group does not change. Although your wealth has increased, the e Societies in which population growth is wel- average wealth in the group remains the same (be- comed must be societies in which the set of val- cause someone else's wealth has decreased by the ued goods includes at least one quantity-good, same amount). So my relative standing remains the such as wealth. same. I have no incentive to inform on you. Jasso's theory leads to many other propositions, If you steal from someone outside our compari- but this sampling should provide a good sense of son group, however, your nefarious income in- where deductive theorizing can take you. To get a creases the total wealth in our group, Now my own feeling for how she reasons her way to these wealth relative to that total is diminished. Because propositions, let's look briefly at the logic involved my relative wealth has suffered, I'm more likely to in two of the propositions that relate to theft within inform on you in order to bring an end to your and outside one's group. stealing. Hence, informants arise only in cross- group theft. e Other things [being] the same, a person vvill prefer to steal from a fellow group member This last deduction also begins to explain why rather than from an outsider. these informants come from the thief's own com- parison group. We've just seen how your theft Beginning >vith the assumption that thieves want to maximize their relative wealth, ask your- self whether that goal would be best served by

54 Chapter 2: Paradigms, TIleory, and Social Research decreased my relative standing. How about mem- In a variety of research efforts, Goffman uncov- bers of the other group (other than the individual ered the rules of such diverse behaviors as living in you stole from)? Each of them actually profits from a mental institution (1961) and managing the the theft, because you have reduced the total with \"spoiled identity\" of being disfigured (1963). In which they compare themselves. Hence, they have each case, Goffman observed the phenomenon in no reason to inform on you. Thus, the theory of depth and teased out the rules governing behavior. distributive justice predicts that informants arise Goffman's research provides an excellent example from the thief's own comparison group. of qualitative field research as a source of grounded theory. This brief peek into Jasso's derivations should give you some sense of the enterprise of deductive Our earlier discussion of the Comfort Hypothe- theory. Of course, the theory guarantees none of sis and church involvement shows that qualitative the given predictions. The role of research is to field research is not the only method of observation test each of them to determine whether what appropriate to the development of inductive the- makes sense (logic) actually occurs in practice ory. Here's another detailed example to illustrate (observation) . further the construction of inductive theory using quantitative methods. Inductive Theory Construction An Example of Inductive Theory: Why Do People Smoke Marijuana? As we have seen, quite often social scientists be- gin constructing a theory through the inductive During the 1960s and 1970s, marijuana use on method by first observing aspects of social life and U.S. college campuses was a subject of considerable then seeking to discover patterns that may point to discussion in the popular press. Some people were relatively universal principles. Barney Glaser and troubled by marijuana's popularity; others wel- Anselm Strauss (1967) coined the term grounded comed it. What interests us here is why some stu- theory in reference to this method. dents smoked marijuana and others didn't. A sur- vey of students at the University of Hawaii by David Field research- the direct observation of events Takeuchi (1974) provided the data to answer that in progress-is frequently used to develop theories question. through observation. In a long and rich tradition, anthropologists have used this method to good At the time of the study, a huge number of ex- advantage. planations were being offered for drug use. People who opposed drug use, for example, often sug- Among modern social scientists, no one has gested that marijuana smokers were academic fail- been more adept at seeing the patterns of human ures trying to avoid the rigors of college life. Those behavior through observation than Erving Goffman: in favor of marijuana, on the other hand, often spoke of the search for new values: Marijuana A game such as chess generates a habitable uni- smokers, they said, were people who had seen verse for those who can follow it. a plane of be- through the hypocrisy of middle-class values. ing, a cast of characters with a seemingly un- limited number of different situations and acts Takeuchi's analysis of the data gathered from through which to realize their natures and des- University of Hawaii students, however, did not tinies. Yet much of this is reducible to a small support any of the explanations being offered. set of interdependent rules and practices. If the Those who reported smoking marijuana had essen- meaningfulness of everyday activity is similarly tially the same academic records as those who dependent on a closed, finite set of rules, then didn't smoke it. and both groups were equally in- explication of them would give one a powerful volved in traditional \"school spirit\" activities. Both means of analyzing social life. groups seemed to feel equally well integrated into campus life. (19745)

The Links between TIleory and Research 55 There were other differences between the seen as being more dependent on their parents- groups, however: hence more vulnerable to additional punishment for breaking the law. 1. Women were less likely than men to smoke marijuana. Finally, the Asian subculture in Hawaii has tra- ditionally placed a higher premium on obedience to 2. Asian students (a large proportion of the stu- the law than other subcultures have, so Asian stu- dent body) were less likely to smoke marijuana dents would have more to lose if they were caught than non-Asians were. violating the law by smoking marijuana. 3. Students living at home were less likely to OveralL then, a \"social constraints\" theory was smoke marijuana than those living in apart- offered as the explanation for observed differences ments were. in the likelihood of smoking marijuana. The more constraints a student had, the less likely he or she As in the case of religiosity, the three variables would be to smoke marijuana. It bears repeating independently affected the like1il100d of a student's that the researchers had no thoughts about such a smoking marijuana. About 10 percent of the Asian theory when their research began. The theory women living at home had smoked marijuana, in came from an examination of the data. contrast to about 80 percent of the non-Asian men living in apartments. And, as in the religiosity The links between study, the researchers discovered a powerful pat- Theory and Research tern of drug use before they had an explanation for that pattern. Throughout this chapter, we have seen various as- pects of the links between theory and research in In this instance, the explanation took a peculiar social scientific inquiry. In the deductive model. re- turn. Instead of explaining why some students search is used to test theories. In the inductive smoked marijuana, the researchers explained why modeL theories are developed from the analysis of some didn't. Assuming that all students had some research data. This final section looks more closely motivation for trying drugs, the researchers sug- into the ways theory and research are related in gested that students differed in the degree of \"social actual social scientific inquiry. constraints\" preventing them from follovving through on that motivation. Whereas we have discussed two idealized logi- cal models for linking theory and research, social U.S. society is, on the whole, more permissive scientific inquiries have developed a great many with men than with women when it comes to de- variations on these themes. Sometimes theoretical viant behavior. Consider, for example, a group of issues are introduced merely as a background for men getting drunk and boisterous. We tend to dis- empirical analyses. Other studies cite selected em- miss such behavior with references to \"cama- pirical data to bolster theoretical arguments. In nei- raderie\" and \"having a good time,\" whereas a ther case is there really an interaction between the- group of women behaving similarly would proba- ory and research for the purpose of developing bly be regarded with great disapprovaL We have an new explanations. Some studies make no use of idiom, \"Boys vvill be boys,\" but no comparable id- theory at all, aiming specifically. for example, at an iom for girls. The researchers reasoned, therefore, ethnographic descTiption of a particular social situ- that women would have more to lose by smoking ation, such as an anthropological account of food marijuana than men would. In other words, being and dress in a particular society. female provided a constraint against smoking marijuana. As you read social research reports, however, you'll often find that the authors are conscious of Students living at home had obvious con- the implications of their research for social theories straints against smoking marijuana, compared with students living on their own. Quite aside from dif- ferences in opportunity, those living at home were

56 C:hapter 2: Paradigms, Theory, and Social Research and vice versa_ Here are a few examples to illus- concepts from contemporary social psychology. trate this point. In particular, they sought models to use in deal- ing with problems of meaning and collective When W. Lawrence Neuman (1998) set out to thought. examine the problem of monopolies (the \"trust Frederika Schmitt and Patricia Martin (1999) problem\") in u.s. history, he saw the relevance of were particularly interested in discovering what made for successful rape crisis centers and how theories about how social movements transform they dealt \\vith the organizational and political en- society (\"state transformation\"). He became con- vironments within which they operated. The re- vinced, however, that existing theories were inade- searchers found theoretical constructs appropriate quate for the task before him: to their inquiry: State transformation theory links social move- This case study of unobtrusive mobilizing by ments to state policy formation processes by fo- Southern California Rape Crisis Center uses ar- cussing on the role of cultural meaning in orga- chivaL observational, and interview data to ex- nized political struggles. Despite a resemblance plore how a feminist organization worked to among concepts and concerns, constructionist change police, schools, prosecutor, and some ideas found in the social problems, social move- state and national organizations from 1974 to ments, and symbolic politics literatures have 1994. Mansbridge's concept of street theory not been incorporated into the theory. In this and Katzenstein's concepts of unobtrusive mo- paper, I draw on these three literatures to en- bilization and discursive politics guide the hance state transformation theory. analysis . (Neuman 1998: 315) (1999 364) Having thus modified state transformation the- In summary, there is no simple recipe for con- ory, Neuman had a theoretical tool that could guide ducting social science research. It is far more open- his inquiry and analysis into the political maneu- ended than the traditional view of science suggests_ verings related to monopolies beginning in the Ultimately, science depends on two categories of ac- 1880s and continuing until World War I. Thus, the- tivity: logic and observation. As you'll see through- ory served as a resource for research and at the out this book, they can be fit together in many same time was modified by it. patterns. In a somewhat similar study, A1emseghed MAIN POINTS Kebede and 1.. David Knottnerus (1998) set out to investigate the rise of Rastafarianism in the Carib- Introduction bean. However, they felt that recent theories on so- e Theories function in three ways in research: cial movements had become too positivistic in fo- cusing on the mobilization of resources. Resource (1) helping to avoid flukes, (2) making sense of mobilization theory, they felt, downplays observed patterns, and (3) shaping and direct- ing research efforts. the motivation, perceptions, and behavior of movement participants ... and concentrates in- Some Social Science Paradigms stead on the whys and hows of mobilization. e Social scientists use a variety of paradigms to Typically theoretical and research problems in- clude: How do emerging movement organiza- organize how they understand and inquire into tions seek to mobilize and routinize the flow of social life. resources and how does the existing political e A distinction between types of theories that apparatus affect the organization of resources? cuts across various paradigms is macrotheory (1998. 500) To study Rastafarianism more appropriately, the researchers felt the need to include several

Key Tenns 57 (theories about large-scale features of society) Two Logical Systems Revisited versus microtheory (theories about smaller e In the traditional image of science, scientists units or features of society). proceed from theory to operationalization e The positivistic paradigm assumes that we can to observation_ But this image is not an accu- scientifically discover the rules governing so- rate picture of how scientific research is actu- cial life. ally done_ e Social scientific theory and research are e The Social Darwinist paradigm sees a progres- linked through the two logical methods of de- sive evolution in social life. duction (the derivation of expectations and hypotheses from theories) and induction (the e The conflict paradigm focuses on the attempt of development of generalizations from specific individuals and groups to dominate others and observations) . to avoid being dominated. e In practice, science is a process involving an al- ternation of deduction and induction. e The symbolic interactionist paradigm examines how shared meanings and social patterns de- Deductive Theory Construction velop in the course of social interactions. e Guillermina Jasso's theory of distributive justice e Ethnomethodology focuses on the ways people illustrates how formal reasoning can lead to a make sense out of social life in the process of variety of theoretical expectations that can be living it, as though each were a researcher en- tested by observation_ gaged in an inquiry. Inductive Theory Construction e The structural functionalist (or social systems) e David Takeuchi's study of factors influencing paradigm seeks to discover what functions the many elements of society perform for the marijuana smoking among University of whole system. Hawaii students illustrates how collecting ob- servations can lead to generalizations and an e Feminist paradigms, in addition to drawing at- explanatory theory. tention to the oppression of women in most so- cieties, highlight how previous images of social The Links between Theory and Research reality have often come from and reinforced e In practice, there are many possible links be- the eX'Periences of men. tween theory and research and many ways of e Like feminist paradigms, critical race theory going about social inquiry_ both examines the disadvantaged position of a social group (African Americans) and offers a KEY TERMS different vantage point from which to view and understand society. The following terms are defined in context in the chapter and at the bottom of the page where the term e Some contemporary theorists and researchers is introduced, as well as in the comprehensive glossary have challenged the long-standing belief in an at the back of the book. objective reality that abides by rational rules. They point out that it is possible to agree on an hypothesis null hypothesis \"intersubjective\" reality. interest convergence operational definition macrotheory operationalization Elements of Social Theory microtheory paradigm e The elements of social theory include observa- tions, facts, and laws (which relate to the real- ity being observed), as well as concepts, vari- ables, axioms or postulates, propositions, and hypotheses (which are logical building blocks of the theory itself).

58 Chapter 2: Paradigms, Theory, and Social Research REVIEW QUESTIONS AND EXERCISES ethnic issues, presenting key concepts and findings, 1. Consider the possible relationship between edu- cation and prejudice that was mentioned in Denzin, Norman Ie, and Yvonna S. Lincoln, 1994. Chapter 1. Describe how you might examine Handbook of Qualirarive Research, Newbury Park, that relationship through (a) deductive and CA: Sage, Various authors discuss the process of (b) inductive methods, qualitative research from the perspective of var- ious paradigms, showing how they influence 2, Review the relationships between theory and the nature of inquiry, The editors also critique research discussed in this chapter. Select a re- positivism from a postmodern perspective, search article from an academic journal and classify the relationship between theory and re- DeVault, Marjorie L 1999. Liberatillg Method Femi- search you find there, nism and Social Research, Philadelphia: Temple University Press, This book elaborates on some 3, Using one of the many search engines (such as of the methods associated with the feminist par- Google, Excite, HotBot, Ask Jeeves, LookSmart, adigm and is committed to both rigorous in- Lycos, Netscape, WebCrawler, or Yahoo). find quiry and the use of social research to combat information on the web concerning at least oppression, three of the following paradigms, Give the web locations and report on the theorists discussed Harvey, David. 1990, The COlldition of Postmodernity: in connection with the discussions you found, An Enquiry into the Origins of Cultllral Change. Cambridge, MA: BlackwelL Here's a wide- conflict theory functionalism ranging analysis of the history and meaning of critical race theory interactionism postmodernism, linking political and historical exchange theory positivism factors to experiences of time and space. ethnomethodology postmodernism feminism Kuhn, Thomas, 1970, The Stmcture of Scientific Revo- lutions. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. In 4, Using InfoTrac College Edition (Article this exciting and innovative recasting of the na- A67051613) or the library, locate Judith k ture of scientific development, Kuhn disputes Howard (2000), \"Social Psychology of Identi- the notion of gradual change and modification ties,\" Annual Review of Sociology 26: 367-93, in science, arguing instead that established para- What paradigm does she find most useful for digms tend to persist until the weight of contra- the study of social identities? Explain why she dictory evidence brings about their rejection feels that it is the appropriate paradigm, Do you and replacement by new paradigms. This shorr agree? Why or why not? book is at once stimulating and informative. ADDITIONAL READINGS Lofland, John, and Lyn R Lofland. 1995. Allalyzing Social Sertings A Guide ra Qualitative Observation Chafetz, Janet. 1978, A Primer on [he Constrllction and and Analysis, 3rd ed, Belmont, CA: Wadsworth. Testing of Theories in Sociology, Itasca, IL: Peacock An excellent text on how to conduct qualitative In one of the few books on theory construction inquiry with an eye toward discovering the written expressly for undergraduates, Chafetz rules of social life. Includes a critique of post- provides a rudimentary understanding of the modernism, philosophy of science through simple language and everyday examples, She describes the na- McGrane, Bernard, 1994, The Ull-TV and 10 mph Car.: ture of explanation, the role of assumptions Experime/lts in Personal Freedom and Evelyday Life. and concepts, and the building and testing of Fort Bragg, CA: Small Press, Some excellent and theories. imaginative examples of an ethnomethodologi- cal approach to society and to the craft of soci- Delgado, Richard, and Jean Stefancic 2001, Critical ology. The book is useful for both students and Race Theory. An Introduction, New York: New York faculty, University Press, This is a good introduction to this alternative paradigm for viewing racial and Reinharz, Shulamit 1992. Femillist Methods in Social Research. New York: Oxford University Press. This book explores several social research tech- niques (such as intervie'wing, experiments, and content analysis) from a feminist perspective.

Online Study Resources 59 Ritzer, George. 1988, Sociological The01Y, New York: should concentrate, You'll find information on Knopf. This is an excellent overview of the ma- this online tooL as well as instructions on how jor theoretical traditions in sociology, to access all of its great resources, in the front of the book. Rosenau, Pauline Marie. 1992, Post-Modernism and 2. As you review, take advantage of the Sociology [he Social Sciences: IllSights, Inroads, and Intrusions., Now Research Methods customized study plan, Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press. Re- based on your quiz results, Use this study plan garded as a modern classic, this book examines with its interactive exercises and other re- some of the main variations on postmodernism sources to master the material. and shows how they have impacted different realms of society. 3. When you're finished with your review, take the posttest to confirm that you're ready to Turner, Jonathan H., ed, 1989. Theory Building in move on to the next chapter. Sociology Assessing Theoretical Cumulation. New- bury Park, CA: Sage. This collection of essays on WEBSITE FOR THE PRACTICE sociological theory construction focuses specifi- OF SOCIAL RESEARCH 11 TH EDITION cally on the question posed by Turner'S intro- ductory chapter, \"Can Sociology Be a Cumula- Go to your book's website at http://sociology tive Science?\" .wadsworth.com/babbie_practicelle for tools to aid you in studying for your exams, You'll find Tuto- Turner, Stephen Park, and Jonathan R Turner. rial Quizzes with feedback, Intemet E'(ercises, Flashcards, 1990. The Impossible Science.: An Institutional and Chapter Turarials, as well as Extended Projects, Info- Analysis ofAmerican Sociology, Newbury Park, CA: Trac College Edition search terms, Social Research in Cyber- Sage, Two authors bring two very different space, GSS Data, Web Links, and primers for using vari- points of view to the history of U.S. sociologists' ous data-analysis software such as SPSS and NVivo. attempt to establish a science of society. WEB LINKS FOR THIS CHAPTER SPSS EXERCISES Please realize that the Internet is an evolv- See the booklet that accompanies your text for exer- ing entity, subject to change, Nevertheless, cises using SPSS (Statistical Package for the Social Sci- these few websites should be fairly stable. ences), There are exercises offered for each chapter, Also, check your book's website for even more Web and you'll also find a detailed primer on using SPSS. Links. Online Study Resources Dead Sociologists' Homepage http://staff.uwsuper.edu/hps/mball/dead_soc.htm Sociology~Now;\": Research Methods WWW Virtual Library: Sociology, Sociological 1. Before you do your final review of the chapter, Theory and Theorists take the SociologyNow: Research Methods diagnos- http://VVlvw.mcmaster.ca/socscidocs/w3virtsoclib/ tic quiz to help identify the areas on which you theories.htm SociologyOnline Gallery http://www.sociologyonline.co. u k /

The Ethics and Politics of Social Research Introduction Two Ethical Controversies Trouble in the Tearoom Ethical Issues in Social Observing Human Research Obedience Voluntary Participation The Politics of Social No Harm to the Research Participants Anonymity and Objectivity and Ideology Confidentiality Politics with a Little \"p\" Deception Politics in Perspective Analysis and Reporting Institutional Review Boards Professional Codes of Ethics Sociology~Now'M: Research Methods Use this online tool to help you make the grade on your next exam. Aiter reading tlLis chapter, go to the \"Online Study Resources\" at the end of the chapter for instructions on how to benefit from SodologyNow: Research Merlzods.

Introduction 61 Introduction questionnaires in conjunction with the exam, for example, and the problem of nonresponse could be My purpose in this book is to present a realistic and eliminated altogether. useful introduction to doing social research. For this introduction to be fully realistic, it must in- I left the meetirlg excited about the prospects dude four main constraints on research projects: for the study. When I told a colleague about it, I scientific, administrative, ethicaL and political. glowed about the absolute handling of the non- response problem. Her immediate comment turned Most of the book focuses on scientific and ad- everything around completely. \"That's unethicaL ministrative constraints. We'll see that the logic of There's no law requiring the questionnaire, and science suggests certain research procedures, but participation in research has to be voluntary.\" The we'll also see that some scientifically \"perfect\" study wasn't done. study designs are not administratively feasible, be- cause they would be too expensive or take too long In retelling this story, I can easily see that re- to execute. Throughout the book, therefore, we'll quiring participation would have been inappropri- deal with workable compromises. ate. You may have seen this even before I told you about my colleague's comment. I still feel a little Before we get to the scientific and administra· embarrassed over the matter, but I have a specific tive constraints on research, it's useful to explore purpose in telling this story about myself. the two other important considerations in doing re- search in the real world-ethics and politics-that All of us consider ourselves ethical-not per- this chapter covers. Just as certain procedures are fect perhaps, but as ethical as anyone else and per- too impractical to use, others are either ethically haps more so than most. The problem in social prohibitive or politically difficult or impossible. research, as probably in life, is that ethical consider- Here's a story to illustrate what I mean. ations are not always apparent to us. As a result, we often plunge into things without seeing ethical Several years ago, I was invited to sit in on a issues that may be apparent to others and may planning session to design a study of legal educa- even be obvious to us when pointed out. When I tion in California. The joint project was to be con- reported back to the others in the planning group, ducted by a university research center and the state for example, no one disagreed with the inappropri- bar association. The purpose of the project was to ateness of requiring participation. Everyone was a improve legal education by learning which aspects bit embarrassed about not having seen it. of the law school experience were related to suc- cess on the bar exam. Essentially, the plan was to Any of us can immediately see that a study re- prepare a questionnaire that would get detailed in- quiring small children to be tortured is unethical. I formation about the law school experiences of indi- know you'd speak out immediately if I suggested viduals. People would be required to answer the that we interview people about their sex lives and questionnaire when they took the bar exam. By then publish what they said in the local newspaper. analyzing how people with different kinds of law But, as ethical as you are, you'll totally miss the school experiences did on the bar exam, we could ethical issues in some other situations-we all do. find out what sorts of things worked and what didn't. The findings of the research could be made The first half of this chapter deals with the available to law schools, and ultimately legal educa- ethics of social research. In part, it presents some of tion could be improved. the broadly agreed-on norms describing what's eth- ical in research and what's not. More important The exciting thing about collaborating with the than simply knowing the guidelines, however, is bar association was that all the normally irritating becoming sensitized to the ethical component in lOgistical hassles would be handled. There would research so that you'll look for it whenever you be no problem getting permission to administer plan a study. Even when the ethical aspects of a sit- uation are debatable, you should know that there's

62 Chapter 3: The Ethics and Politics of Social Research something to argue about. It's worth noting in this surprisingly. different groups have agreed on differ- context that many professions operate under ethi- ent codes of conduct. Part of living successfully in a cal constraints and that these constraints differ particular society is knowing what that society con- from one profession to another. Thus, priests, phy- siders ethical and unethicaL The same holds true sicians, lawyers, reporters, and television producers for the social research community. operate under different ethical constraints. In this chapter, we'll look only at the ethical principles Anyone involved in social scientific research, then, needs to be aware of the general agreements that govern social research. shared by researchers about what is proper and im- Political considerations in research are also proper in the conduct of scientific inquiry. This sec- tion summarizes some of the most important ethi- subtle, ambiguous, and arguable. Notice that the cal agreements that prevail in social research. law school example involves politics as well as ethics. Although social researchers have an ethical norm that participation in research should be vol- Voluntary Participation untary. this norm clearly grows out of US. political norms protecting civil liberties, In some nations, Often, though not always, social research repre- the proposed study would have been considered sents an intrusion into people's lives. The inter- viewer's knock on the door or the arrival of a ques- quite ethical. tiorUlaire in the mail signals the beginning of an In the second half of this chapter. we'll look at activity that the respondent has not requested and that may require significant time and energy. Par- social research projects that were crushed or nearly ticipation in a social experin1ent disrupts the sub- crushed by political considerations. As vvith ethical concerns, there is often no \"correct\" take on a ject's regular activities. given situation. People of goodwill disagree. I won't Social research, moreover. often requires try to give you a party line about what is and is not politically acceptable. As with ethics, the point is to that people reveal personal information about become sensitive to the political dimension of social themselves-information that may be unknown to their friends and associates. And social research of- research. ten requires that such information be revealed to strangers. Other professionals, such as physicians and lavvyers, also ask for such information. Their Ethical Issues requests may be justified, however. by their aims: in Social Research They need the information in order to serve the personal interests of the respondent. Social re- In most dictionaries and in common usage, ethics is searchers can seldom make this claim. Like medical typically associated with morality, and both words scientists, they can only argue that the research concern matters of right and wrong. But what is effort may ultimately help all humanity, right and what wrong? What is the source of the distinction? For individuals the sources vary. They A major tenet of medical research ethics is that may be religions, political ideologies, or the prag- experimental participation must be voluntary. The matic observation of what seems to work and what same norm applies to social research. No one should be forced to participate. This norm is far doesn't. easier to accept in theory than to apply in practice, Webster's New World Dictiol1a7Y is typical among however. dictionaries in defining ethical as \"conforming to Again, medical research provides a useful paral- the standards of conduct of a given profession or group.\" Although this definition may frustrate lel. Many experimental drugs used to be tested on those in search of moral absolutes, what we regard prisoners. In the most rigorously ethical cases, the as morality and ethics in day-to-day life is a matter prisoners were told the nature and the possible of agreement among members of a group. And, not dangers of the experin1ent, they were told that par- ticipation was completely voluntary, and they were

Ethical Issues in Social Research 63 further instructed that they could expect no special No Harm to the Participants rewards-such as early parole- for participation. Even under these conditions, it was often clear that Social research should never injure the people be- volunteers were motivated by the belief that they ing studied, regardless of whether they volunteer would personally benefit from their cooperation. for the study. Perhaps the clearest instance of this norm in practice concerns the revealing of infor- When the instructor in an introductory sociol- mation that would embarrass subjects or endanger ogy class asks students to fill out a questionl1aire their home lives, friendships, jobs, and so forth. that he or she hopes to analyze and publish, stu- We'll discuss this aspect of the norm more fully in a dents should always be told that their participation moment. in the survey is completely voluntary. Even so, most students will fear that nonparticipation will some- Because subjects can be harmed psychologi- how affect their grade. The instructor should there- cally in the course of a social research study, the re- fore be especially sensitive to such implications and searcher must look for the subtlest dangers and make special provisions to eliminate them. For ex- guard against them. Quite often, research subjects ample, the instructor could insure anonymity by are asked to reveal deviant behavior. attitudes they leaving the room while the questionnaires are being feel are unpopUlar, or personal characteristics that completed. Or, students could be asked to return may seem demeaning, such as low income, the re- the questionnaires by mail or to drop them in a box ceipt of welfare payments, and the like. Revealing near the door just before the next course meeting. such information usually makes subjects feel at least uncomfortable. This norm of voluntary participation, though, goes directly against several scientific concerns. In Social research projects may also force partici- the most general terms, the scientific goal of gener- pants to face aspects of themselves that they don't alizability is threatened if e;perimental subjects or normally consider. This can happen even when survey respondents are all the kind of people who the information is not revealed directly to the re- willingly participate in such things. Because this ori- searcher. In retrospect, a certain past behavior may entation probably reflects more general personality appear unjust or immoraL The project, then, can traits, the results of the research mi0o>ht not be 0o>en-' cause continuing personal agony for the subject. If eralizable to all people. Most clearly, in the case of a the study concerns codes of ethical conduct, for ex- descriptive survey, a researcher cannot generalize ample, the subject may begin questioning his or the sample survey findings to an entire population her own morality, and that personal concern may unless a substantial majority of the scientifically se- last long after the research has been completed and lected sample actually participates-the willing re- reported. For instance, probing questions can in- spondents and the somewhat unwilling. jure a fragile self-esteem. As you'll see in Chapter 10, field research has It should be apparent from these observations its own ethical dilemmas in this regard. Very often that just about any research you might conduct the researcher cannot even reveal that a study is runs the risk of injuring other people in some way. being done, for fear that that revelation might It isn't possible to insure against all these possible significantly affect the social processes being stud- injuries, but some study designs make such injuries ied. Clearly, the subjects of study in such cases are more likely than others do. If a particular research not given the opportunity to volunteer or refuse to procedure seems likely to produce unpleasant ef- participate. fects for subjects-asking survey respondents to re- port deviant behavior, for example-the researcher Though the norm of voluntary participation is should have the firmest of scientific grounds for important, it is often impossible to follow. In cases doing it If your research design is essential and where you feel ultimately justified in violating it, also likely to be unpleasant for subjects, you'll find your observing the other ethical norms of scientific yourself in an ethical netherworld and may go research, such as bringing no harm to the people through some personal agonizing. Although under study, becomes all the more important.

64 Chapter 3: The Ethics and Politics of Social Research agonizing has little value in itself, it may be a In one survey of churchwomen (Babbie 1967), healthy sign that you've become sensitive to the ministers in a sample of churches were asked to problem. distribute questionnaires to a specified sample of members, collect them, and return them to the Increasingly, the ethical norms of voluntary research office. One of these ministers read participation and no harm to participants have be- through the questionnaires from his sample before come formalized in the concept of informed con- returning them, and then he delivered a hellfire sent. This norm means that subjects must base and brimstone sermon to his congregation, saying their voluntary participation in research projects on that many of them were atheists and were going to a full understanding of the possible risks involved. helL Even though he could not identify the people In a medical experiment, for example, prospective who gave particular responses, many respondents subjects are presented \\vith a discussion of the ex- certainly endured personal harm from his tirade. periment and all the possible risks to themselves. They are required to sign a statement indicating Like voluntary participation, avoiding harm to that they are aware of the risks and that they people is easy in theory but often difficult in prac- choose to participate anyway. Although the value tice. Sensitivity to the issue and experience \\vith of such a procedure is obvious when subjects \\viII its applications, however, should improve the be injected \\vith drugs designed to produce physical researcher'S tact in delicate areas of research. effects, for example, it's hardly appropriate when a participant observer rushes to the scene of urban In recent years, social researchers have been rioting to study deviant behavioL Whereas the re- gaining support for abiding by this norm. Federal searcher in this latter case must still bring no harm and other funding agencies typically require an in- to those observed, gaining informed consent is not dependent evaluation of the treatment of human the means to achieving that end. subjects for research proposals, and most universi- ties now have human-subject committees to serve Altl10ugh the fact often goes unrecognized, an- this evaluative function. Although sometin1es other possible source of harm to subjects lies in the troublesome and inappropriately applied, such re- analysis and reporting of data. Every now and quirements not only guard against unethical re- then, research subjects read the books published search but also can reveal ethical issues overlooked about the studies they participated in. Reasonably by even the most scrupulous researchers. sophisticated subjects can locate themselves in the various indexes and tables. Having done so, they Anonymity and Confidentiality may find themselves characterized-though not identified by name-as bigoted, unpatriotic, irreli- The clearest concern in the protection of the sub- gious, and so forth. At the very least. such charac- jects' interests and well-being is the protection of terizations are likely to trouble them and threaten their identity, especially in survey research. If re- their self-images. Yet the whole purpose of the re- vealing their survey responses would injure them search project may be to explain why some people in any way, adherence to this norm becomes all the are prejudiced and others are not more important Two techniques-anonymity and confidentiality-assist researchers in this regard, informed consent A norm in which subjects base although people often confuse the two. their voluntary participation in research projects on a full understanding of the possible risks involved. Anonymity anonymity Anonymity is guaranteed in a research A research project guarantees anonymity when project when neither the researchers nor the readers the researcher-not just the people who read about of the findings can identify a given response with a the research-cannot identify a given response given respondent, \\vith a given respondent. This implies that a typical interview survey respondent can never be consid-

Ethical Issues in Social Research 65 ered anonymous, because an interviewer collects lion gallons of oil into the bay. The economic and the information from an identifiable respondent. environmental damage was \\videly reported. An example of anonymity is a mail survey in which no identification numbers are put on the question- The media paid less attention to the psycl10logi- naires before their return to the research office. cal and sociological damage suffered by residents of the area. There were anecdotal reports of increased As we'll see in Chapter 9 (on survey research), alcoholism, family violence, and other secondary assuring anonymity makes keeping track of who consequences of the disruptions caused by the oil has or hasn't returned the questionnaires difficult. spilL Eventually, 22 communities in Prince William Despite this problem, paying the necessary price is Sound and the Gulf of Alaska sued Exxon for me advisable in certain situations. For example, in one economic, social, and psychological damages suf- study of drug use among university students, I de- fered by their residents. cided that I specifically did not want to know the identity of respondents. I felt that honestly assuring To determine the amount of damage done, the anonymity would increase the likelihood and accu- communities conunissioned a San Diego research racy of responses. Also, I did not want to be in the firm to undertake a household survey asking resi- position of being asked by authorities for the names dents very personal questions about increased prob- of drug offenders. In the few instances in which lems in their families. The sample of residents were respondents volunteered their names, such infor- asked to reveal painful and embarrassing informa- mation was immediately obliterated on the tion, under the guarantee of absolute confidential- questionnaires. ity Ultimately, the results of the survey confirmed that a variety of personal and family problems had Confidentiality increased substantially following the oil spill. A research project guarantees confidentiality When Exxon learned that survey data would when the researcher can identify a given person's be presented to document the suffering, they took responses but essentially promises not to do so an unusual step: They asked the court to subpoena pUblicly. In an interview survey, for example, the the survey questionnaires. The court granted the researcher could make public the income reported request and ordered the researchers to turn over by a given respondent, but the respondent is as- the questionnaires-\\vith all identifying informa- sured that this \\vill not be done. tion. It appeared that Exxon's intention was to call survey respondents to the stand and cross-examine Whenever a research project is confidential them regarding answers they had given to inter- rather than anonymous, it is the researcl1er's re- viewers under the guarantee of confidentiality. sponsibility to make that fact clear to the respon- Moreover, many of the respondents were Native dent. Moreover, researchers should never use the Americans, whose cultural norms made such pub- term anonymous to mean confidential. lic revelations all the more painful. With few exceptions (such as surveys of public Happily, the Exxon Valdez case was settled be- figures who agree to have their responses pub- fore the court decided whether it would force sur- lished), the information respondents give must vey respondents to testify in open court. Unhap- at least be kept confidentiaL This is not always an pily, the potential for disaster remains. For more easy norm to follow, because for example the information on this ecological disaster, see Picou, courts have not recognized social research data as Gill, and Cohen (1999). the kind of \"privileged communication\" priests and attorneys have. confidentiality A research project guarantees confidentiality when the researcher can identify a This unprotected guarantee of confidentiality given person's responses but promises not to do so produced a near disaster in 1991. Two years earlier, pUblicly. the Exxon Valdez supertanker had run aground near the port of Valdez in Alaska, spilling ten mil-

66 Chapter 3: The Ethics and Politics of Social Research The seriousness of tlus issue is not limited to es- removed from questionnaires and replaced by tablished research firms\" Rik Scarce was a graduate identification numbers\" An identification file should student at Waslungton State University when he be created that links numbers to names to pernlit undertook participant observation among animal- the later correction of nlissing or contradictory in- rights activists\" In 1990 he published a book based formation, but this file should not be available ex- on Ius research: Ecowarriors: Understanding the Radi- cept for legitimate purposes\" cal Environmental MOVemel1L In 1993, Scarce was called before a grand jury and asked to identify the Sinlilarly, in an interview survey you may need activists he had studied. In keeping with the norm to identify respondents initially so that you can re- of confidentiality, the young researcher refused contact them to verify that the interview was con- to answer the grand jury's questions and spent ducted and perhaps to get information that was 159 days in the Spokane County jail\" He reports, missing in the original interview. As soon as you've verified an interview and assured yourself that you Although I answered many of the prosecutor's don't need any further information from the re- questions, on 32 occasions I refused to answer, spondent, however, you can safely remove all iden- saying, \"Your question calls for information that tifying information from the interview booklet. Of- I have only by virtue of a confidential disclosure ten, interview booklets are printed so that the first given to me in the course of my research activi- page contains all the identifiers-it can be torn off ties\" I cannot answer the question without ac- once the respondent's identification is no longer tually breaching a confidential communication\" needed\" J. Steven Picou (1996a, 1996b) points out Consequently, I decline to answer the question that even removing identifiers from data files does under my etlucal obligations as a member of not always sufficiently protect respondent confi- the American Sociological Association and dentiality, a lesson he learned during nearly a year pursuant to any privilege that may extend to in federal court A careful examination of all the journalists, researchers, and writers under the responses of a particular respondent sometimes First Amendment.\" allows others to deduce that person's identity. Imagine, for example, that someone said he or she (Scarce 1999: 982) was a former employee of a particular company. Knovving the person's gender, age, ethnicity, and At the time of his grand jury appearance and other characteristics could make it possible for the his incarceration, Scarce felt that the American So- company to identify that person\" ciological Association (ASA) code of ethics strongly supported his etlucal stand, and the ASA filed a Even if you intend to remove all identifying in- friend of the court brief on his behalf\" In 1997, the formation, suppose you have not yet done so. What ASA revised its code and, while still upholding the do you do when the police or a judge orders you norm of confidentiality, warned researchers to to provide the responses given by your research inform themselves regarding laws and rules that subjects? may linlit their ability to promise confidentiality to research subjects. In this, as all other aspects of research ethics, professional researchers avoid settling for mere rote You can use several techniques to guard against compliance with established ethical rules\" Rather, such dangers and ensure better performance on tlley continually ask what actions would be most the guarantee of confidentiality To begin, inter- appropriate in protecting the interests of those be- viewers and others with access to respondent ing studied\" Here's the way Penny Becker (1998: identifications should be trained in their ethical 452) addressed the issue of confidentiality in con- responsibilities\" Beyond training, the most funda- nection with a qualitative research project studying mental technique is to remove identifying informa- religious life in a community: tion as soon as it's no longer necessary. In a survey, for example, all names and addresses should be Following the lead of several recent studies, I identify the real name of the community, Oak

Ethical Issues in Social Research 67 Park, rather than reducing the complexity of the welfare agency\" Although doing that improves the community'S history to a few underlying the scientific quality of the study, it raises serious dimensions or creating an \"insider/outsider\" ethical questions\" dynamic where some small group of fellow re- searchers knows the community's real name Lying about research purposes is common in and the rest of the world is kept in the dark. \". laboratory experiments\" Although it's difficult to In all cases individual identities are disguised, conceal that you're conducting research, it's usually except for Jack Firmey, the Lutheran pastor, simple-and sometimes appropriate-to conceal who gave pernlission to be identified. \"City your purpose. Many experiments in social psychol- Baptist\" is a pseudonym used at the request of ogy, for example, test the extent to which subjects the church's leadership\" The leaders of Good will abandon the evidence of their own observa- Shepherd Lutheran Church (GSLC) gave per- tions in favor of the views eXlJressed by others. Re- mission to use the church's real name\" call Figure 2-1 (p\" 40), which shows tlle stimulus from the classic Asch experiment-frequently Deception replicated by psychology classes-in which subjects are shown three lines of differing lengths (A, B, We've seen that the handling of subjects' identities and C) and asked to compare them with a fourth is an important ethical consideration\" Handling line (X)\" Subjects are tllen asked, \"Whidl of the your ovvn identity as a researcher can also be tricky\" first three lines is the same length as the fourth?\" Sometimes it's useful and even necessary to iden- tify yourself as a researcher to those you want to You'd probably find it a fairly simple task to study\" You'd have to be an experienced con artist to identify \"B\" as the correct answer. Your job would get people to participate in a laboratory experiment be complicated, however, by the fact that several or complete a lengthy questionnaire without letting other \"subjects\" sitting beside you all agree that A is on that you were conducting research. the same length as Xl In reality, of course, the oth- ers in the experiment are all confederates of the re- Even when you must conceal your research searcher, told to agree on the wrong answer. As we identity; you need to consider the follOwing\" Be- saw in Chapter 2, the purpose of the experiment is cause deceiving people is unethical, deception to see whether you'd give up your ovvnjudgment 'within social research needs to be justified by com- in favor of the group agreement I think you can pelling scientific or adnlinistrative concerns\" Even see that conformity is a useful phenomenon to then, the justification will be arguable\" study and understand, and it couldn't be studied eXlJerimentally without deceiving the subjects\" Sometimes researchers adnlit that they're doing We'll examine a similar situation in the discussion research but fudge about why they're doing it or of a famous experiment by Stanley Milgram later for whom\" Suppose you've been asked by a public in this chapter. The question is, how do we get welfare agency to conduct a study of living stan- around the ethical issue that deception is necessary dards among aid recipients\" Even if the agency is for an eXlJeriment to work? looking for ways of improving conditions, the recipient-subjects are likely to fear a witcll hunt for One appropriate solution researchers have \"cheaters\"\" They nlight be tempted, therefore, to found is to debrief subjects follovving an experi- give answers that make them seem more destitute ment Debriefing entails interviews to discover than they really are. Unless they provide truthful any problems generated by the research experience answers, however, the study will not produce accu- so that those problems can be corrected\" Even rate data that will contribute to an improvement of living conditions. What do you do? debriefing Interviewing subjects to learn about their eXllerience of participation in the projecL Espe- One solution would be to tell subjects that cially important if there's a possibility that they have you're conducting the study as part of a university been damaged by that participation. research program-concealing your affiliation with

68 Chapter 3; The Ethics and Politics of Social Research Department ofSociology being ostracized by peers if certain facets oftheir sexual lives are re- !/Iinois State University vealedThis is especially true for individuals involved in sexual behavior categorized as deviant (such as transvestism) Violations of right to pri- hen studying any form of human behavior, ethical concerns are vacy occur when researchers identify members ofcertain groups they paramountThis statement may be even truer for studies of hu- have studied, release or share an individual's data or responses, or man sexuality because of the topic's highly personal,salient,and perhaps covertly observe sexual behavioLln most cases, right to privacy is easily threatening nature. Concern has been expressed by the public and by maintained by the researchers. In survey research, self-administered legislators about human sexuality research Three commonly discussed questionnaires can be anonymous and interviews can be kept conn- ethical criteria have been related specifically to research in the area of hu- dentiaLin case and observational studies, the identity ofthe person or man sexuality group studied can be disguised in any publications. In most research Informed Consent This criterion emphasizes the importance of methods, analysis and reporting of data should be at the group or both accurately informing your subject or respondent as to the nature of aggregate level. the research and obtaining his or her verbal orwrinen consentto partici- pate Coercion is notto be used to force participation,and subjects mayter- Protection from Harm Harm may include emotional or psy- minate their involvement in the research at any time.There are many pos- chological distress, as well as physical harm. Potential for harm varies by sible violations ofthis standard Misrepresentation or deception may be research method; it is more likely in experimental studies where the re- used when describing an embarrassing or personal topic ofstudy,because searcher manipulates or does something to the subject than in observa- the researchers fear high rates of refusal or false dataCovert research,such tional or survey research. Emotional distress, however, is apossibility in all as some observational studies,also violate the informed consent standard studies of human sexuality. Respondents may be asked questions that since subjects are unaware that they are being studied. Informed consent elicit anxiety, dredge up unpleasant memories, or cause them to evaluate may create special problems with certain populationsJor example,studies themselves critically. Researchers can reduce the potential for such dis- ofthe sexuality ofchildren are limited by the concern that children may be tress during astudy by using anonymous,self-administered question- cognitively and emotionally unable to give informed consent. Although naires or well-trained interviewers and by wording sensitive questions there can be problems such as those discussed,rnost research is clearly carefully. voluntary,with informed consent from those participating. Right to Privacy Given the highly personal nature of sexuality All three ofthese ethical criteria are quite subjective.Violations are and society's tremendous concern with social control ofsexuality, the sometimes justified by arguing that risks to subjects are outweighed by right to privacy is avery important ethical concern for research in this benefits to societyThe Issue here, ofcourse, is who makes that critical de- area Individuals may risk lOSing their jobs, having family difficulties, or cision. Usually,such decisions are made by the researcher and often a screening comminee that deals with ethical concerns. Most creative re- searchers have been able to follow all three ethical guidelines and still do important research. though subjects can't be told the true purpose of As a social researcher, then, you have many the study prior to their participation in it, there's ethical obligations to the subjects in your studies. usually no reason they can't know aftervvard. \"Ethical Issues in Research on Human Sexuality\" il- Telling them the truth afterward may make up for lustrates some of the ethical questions involved in a having to lie to them at the outset. This must be specific research area. done vvith care. however, making sure the subjects aren't left with bad feelings or doubts about them- AnalysiS and Reporting selves based on their performance in the experi- ment. If this seems complicated, it's simply the In addition to their ethical obligations to subjects, re- price we pay for using other people's lives as the searchers have ethical obligations to their colleagues subject matter for our research. in the scientific community. These obligations

Ethical Issues in Social Research 69 concern the analysis of data and the way the results cally to federally funded research, many universi- are reported. ties apply the same standards and procedures to all research, including that funded by nonfederal In any rigorous study, the researcher should be sources and even research done at no cost, such as more familiar than anyone else with the study's student projects. technical limitations and failures. Researchers have an obligation to make such shortcomings known to The chief responsibility of an IRE is to ensure their readers-even if admitting qualifications and that the risks faced by human participants in re- mistakes makes them feel foolish. search are minimal. In some cases, the IRE may ask the researcher to revise the study design; in others, Negative findings, for example, should be re- the IRE may refuse to approve a study. Where some ported if they are at all related to the analysis. There minimal risks are deemed unavoidable, researchers is an unfortunate myth in scientific reporting that are required to prepare an \"informed consent\" only positive discoveries are worth reporting (jour- form that describes those risks clearly. Subjects may nal editors are sometimes guilty of believing this participate in the study only after they have read as well). In science, however, it's often as important the statement and signed it as an indication that to know that two variables are not related as to they know the risks and voluntarily accept them. know that they are. Much of the impetus for establishing IREs had Similarly, researchers must avoid the tempta- to do vvith medical experimentation on humans, tion to save face by describing their findings as the and many social research study designs are gener- product of a carefully preplanned analytical strat- ally regarded as exempt from IRE review. An ex- egy when that is not the case. Many findings arrive ample is an anonymous survey sent to a large sam- uneAlJectedly-even though they may seem obvi- ple of respondents. The guideline to be followed by ous in retrospect. So an interesting relationship was IREs, as contained in the Federal Exemption uncovered by accident-so what? Embroidering Categories (45 CFR 46.101 [bl) exempts a variety such situations with descriptions of fictitious hy- of research situations: potheses is dishonest. It also does a disservice to less experienced researchers by leading them into (1) Research conducted in established or com- thinking that all Scientific inquiry is rigorously monly accepted educational settings, involving preplanned and organized. normal educational practices, such as (i) re- search on regular and special education instruc- In general, science progresses through honesty tional strategies, or (ii) research on the effective- and openness; ego defenses and deception retard it. ness of or the comparison among instructional Researchers can best serve their peers-and scien- techniques, curricula, or classroom manage- tific discovery as a whole-by telling the truth ment methods. about all the pitfalls and problems they've experi- enced in a particular line of inquiry. Perhaps they'll (2) Research involving the use of educational save others from the same problems. tests (cognitive, diagnostic, aptitUde, achieve- ment), survey procedures, interview proce- Institutional Review Boards dures or observation of public behavior, unless: The issue of research ethics in studies involving hu- (i) information obtained is recorded in mans is now also governed by federal law. Any such a manner that human subjects can be agency (such as a university or a hospital) wishing identified, directly or through identifiers to receive federal research support must establish linked to the subjects; and (ii) any disclo- an Institutional Review Eoard (IRE), a panel of fac- sure of the human subjects' responses out- ulty (and possibly others) who review all research side the research could reasonably place the proposals involving human subjects so that they subjects at risk of criminal or civil liability can guarantee that the subjects' rights and interests or be damaging to the subjects' financial will be protected. Although the law applies specifi- standing, employability, or reputation.

70 Chapter 3: The Ethics and Politics of Social Research (3) Research involving the use of educational sions inappropriately. As chair of a university IRE, tests (cognitive, diagnostic, aptitude, achieve- for example, I was once asked to review the letter ment), survey procedures, interview proce- of informed consent that was to be sent to medical dures, or observation of public behavior that insurance companies, requesting their agreement is not exempt under paragraph (b) (2) of this to participate in a survey that would ask which section, if: medical treatments were covered under their pro- grams. Clearly the humans involved were not at (i) the human subjects are elected or ap- risk in the sense anticipated by the lawo In a case pointed public officials or candidates for like that, the appropriate technique for gaining in- public office; or (ti) Federal statute(s) re- formed consent is to mail the questionnaire. If a quire(s) \\vithout exception that the confi- company returns it, they've consented. If they dentiality of the personally identifiable don't, they haven't. information \\vill be maintained throughout the research and thereafteL Other IREs have suggested that researchers need to obtain permission before observing partici- (4) Research involving the collection or study pants in public gatherings and events, before con- of existing data, documents, records, pathologi- ducting surveys on the most mundane matters, cal specinlens, or diagnostic specinlens, if these and so fortho Christopher Shea (2000) has chroni- sources are publicly available or if the informa- cled several SUcll questionable applications of the tion is recorded by the investigator in such a law while supporting the ethical logic that origi- manner that subjects cannot be identified, nally prompted the law. directly or through identifiers linked to the subjects. Don't think that these critiques of IREs mini- (5) Research and demonstration projects which mize the importance of protecting human subjects. are conducted by or subject to the approval of Indeed, some universities exceed the federal re- Department or Agency heads, and which are de- quirements in reasonable and responsible ways: re- signed to study, evaluate, or otherwise examine: quiring IRE review of nonfederally funded projects, for example, (i) Public benefit or service programs; (ti) procedures for obtaining benefits or services Research ethics is an ever-evolving subject, be- under those programs; (iii) possible changes cause new research techniques often require revis- in or alternatives to those programs or pro- iting old concerns, Thus, for example, the increased cedures; or (iv) possible changes in methods use of public databases for secondary research has or levels of payment for benefits or services caused some IRBs to worry whether they need to under those programs. reexamine such projects as the General Social Sur- vey every tinle a researcher proposes to use those (6) Taste and food quality evaluation and con- data. (Most have decided this is unnecessary; see sumer acceptance studies, (i) if wholesome Skedsvold 2002 for a discussion of issues relating to foods \\vithout additives are consumed or (ti) if a public databaseSoj food is consumed that contains a food ingredi- ent at or below the level and for a use found to Sinlllarly, the prospects for research of and be safe, or agricultural chemical or environ- through the Internet has raised ethical concerns. In mental contaminant at or below the level found November 1999, the American Association for the to be safe, by the Food and Drug Administra- Advancement of Science sponsored a workshop on tion or approved by the Environmental Protec- tlus subject. The overall conclusion of the report tion Agency or the Food Safety and Inspection produced by the workshop summarizes some of the Service of the US. Department of Agricultureo primary concerns already examined in this chapter: Paragraph (2) of the excerpt exempts much of The current ethical and legal framework for the social research described in this book, Nonethe- protecting human subjects rests on the prin- less, universities sometimes apply the law's provi- ciples of autonomy, beneficence, and justice.

Two Etllical Controversies 71 The first principle, autonomy, requires that general principles, and those who agree in prin- subjects be treated with respect as autonomous cip
e often debate specifics, agents and affirms that those persons \\vith di- minished autonomy are entitled to special pro- This section briefly describes two research proj- tection. In practice, this principle is reflected in ects that have provoked ethical controversy and the process of informed consent, in which the discussion. The first project studied homosexual be- risks and benefits of the research are disclosed havior in public restrooms, and the second exam- to the subject. The second principle, benefi- ined obedience in a laboratory settingo cence, involves maximizing possible benefits and good for the subject, while minimizing the Trouble in the Tearoom amount of possible harm and risks resulting from the researcho Since the fruits of knowl- As a graduate student, Laud Humphreys became edge can corne at a cost to those participating interested in the study of homosexual behavior. He in research, the last principle, justice, seeks a developed a special interest in the casual and fleet- fair distribution of the burdens and benefits as- ing same-sex acts engaged in by some male non- sociated \\'lith research, so that certain individu- homosexuak In particular, his research interest als or groups do not bear disproportionate risks focused on homosexual acts between strangers while others reap the benefits. meeting in the public restrooms in parks, called \"tearooms\" among homosexualso The result was (Frankel and Siang 1999.2-3) the publication in 1970 of Tearoom Trade. Professional Codes ofEthics What particularly interested Humphreys about the tearoom activity was that the participants Ethical issues in social research are both important seemed otherwise to live conventional lives as \"fam- and ambiguous. For this reason, most of the profes- ily men\" and accepted members of the community. sional associations of social researchers have created They did nothing else that might qualify them as and published formal codes of conduct describing homosexuals. Thus, it was important to them that what is considered acceptable and unacceptable they remain anonymous in their tearoom visits. professional behavior. As one example, Figure 3-1 How would you study something like that? presents the code of conduct of the American Asso- ciation for Public Opinion Research (AAOPR), an Humphreys decided to take advantage of the interdisciplinary research association in the social social structure of the situation. Typically, the tea- sciences. Most professional associations have such room encounter involved three people: the two codes of ethicso See, for example, the American So- men actually engaging in the sexual act and a look- ciological Association, the American Psychological out, called the \"watchqueen.\" Humphreys began Association, the American Political Science Associa- showing up at public restrooms, offering to serve as tion, and so forth. You can find many of these on watchqueen whenever it seemed appropriate, Be- the associations' websites. In addition, the Associa- cause the watchqueen's payoff was the chance to tion of Internet Researchers (AoIR) has a code of watch the action, Humphreys was able to conduct ethics accessible online. field observations as he would in a study of political rallies or jaywalking behavior at intersections. Two Ethical Controversies To round out his understanding of the tearoom As you may already have guessed, the adoption trade, Humphreys needed to know something and publication of professional codes of conduct more about the people who participatedo Because have not totally resolved the issue of research the men probably would not have been thrilled ethicso Social researchers still disagree on some about being interviewed, Humphreys developed a different solutiono Whenever possible, he noted the license numbers of participants' cars and tracked down their names and addresses through the po- lice. Humphreys then visited the men at their

CODE OF PROFESSIONAL ETHICS AND PRACTICES We, the members of the American Association for Public Opinion Research, subscribe to the principles expressed in the following code. Our goal is to support sound practice in the profession of public opinion research. (By public opinion research we mean studies in which the principal source of information about individual beliefs, preferences, and behavior is a report given by the individual himself or herself.) We pledge ourselves to maintain high standards of scientific competence and integrity in our work, and in our relations both with our clients and with the general public. We further pledge ourselves to reject all tasks or assignments which would be inconsistent with the principles of this code. THE CODE I. Principles of Professional Practice in the Conduct of Our Work A. We shall exercise due care in gathering and processing data, taking all reasonable steps to assume the accuracy of results. B. We shall exercise due care in the development of research designs and in the analysis of data. 1. We shall employ only research tools and methods of analysis which, in our professional judgment, are well suited to the research problem at hand. 2. We shall not select research tools and methods of analysis because of their special capacity to yield a desired conclusion. 3. We shall not knowingly make interpretations of research results, nor shall we tacitly permit interpretations, which are inconsistent with the data available. 4. We shall not knowingly imply that interpretations should be accorded greater confidence than the data actually warrant. C. We shall describe our findings and methods accurately and in appropriate detail in all research reports. II. Principles of Professional Responsibility in Our Dealings with People A. The Public: 1. We shall cooperate with legally authorized representatives of the public by describing the methods used in our studies. 2. We shall maintain the right to approve the release of our findings whether or not ascribed to us. When misinterpretation appears, we shall publicly disclose what is required to correct it, notwithstanding our obligation for client confidentiality in all other respects. B. Clients or Sponsors: 1. We shall hold confidential all information obtained about the client's general business affairs and about the findings of research conducted for the client, except when the dissemination of such information is expressly authorized. 2. We shall be mindful of the limitations of our techniques and facilities and shall accept only those research assignments which can be accomplished within these limitations. C. The Profession: 1. We shall not cite our membership in the Association as evidence of professional competence, since the association does not so certify any persons or organizations. 2. We recognize our responsibility to contribute to .the science of public opinion research and to disseminate as freely as possible the ideas and findings which emerge from our research. D. The Respondent: 1. We shall not lie to survey respondents or use practices and methods which abuse, coerce, or humiliate them. 2. We shall protect the anonymity of every respondent, unless the respondent waives such anonymity for specified uses. In addition, we shall hold as privileged and confidental all information which tends to identify the respondent. FIGURE 3-1 Code of Conduct of the American Association for Public Opinion Research Source: American Association for Public Opinion Research, By-Laws (May 1977L Used by permission.The code of conduct is currently under revision; you can download a copy of the proposed changes at http://www.aapoLorg/?page= survey_methods/sta ndards_and_besCpractices/code_for_professional_ethics_and_practices.

Two Ethical Controversies 73 homes, disguising himself enough to avoid recogni- One of the more unsettling cliches to come tion, and announced that he was conducting a sur- out of World War II was the German soldier's vey. In that fashion, he collected the personal infor- common excuse for atrocities: \"I was only mation he couldn't get in the restrooms. following orders.\" From the point of view that gave rise to this comment, any behavior-no As you can imagine, Humphreys' research pro- matter how reprehensible-could be justified if voked considerable controversy both inside and someone else could be assigned responsibility outside the social scientific community. Some crit- for it. If a superior officer ordered a soldier to kill a ics charged Humphreys with a gross invasion of pri- baby, the fact of the order supposeclly exempted vacy in the name of science. What men did in pub- the soldier from personal responsibility for the lic restrooms was their own business. Others were action. mostly concerned about the deceit involved- Humphreys had lied to the participants by leading Although the military tribunals that tried the them to believe he was only a voyeur-participant. war crime cases did not accept this excuse, social Even people who felt that the tearoom participants researchers and others have recognized the extent were fair game for observation because they used a to which this point of view pervades social life. public facility protested the follow-up survey. They People often seem willing to do things they know felt it was unethical for Humphreys to trace the would be considered wrong, if they can claim that participants to their homes and to interview them some higher authority ordered them to do it. Such under false pretenses. was the pattern of justification in the My Lai tragedy of Vietnam, when US. soldiers killed more than Still others justified Humphreys' research. The 300 unarmed civilians-some of them young topic, they said, was worth study. It couldn't be children-simply because their village, My LaL was studied any other way, and they regarded the de- believed to be a Viet Cong stronghold. This sort of ceit as essentially harmless, noting that Humphreys justification appears less dramatically in day-to-day was careful not to harm his subjects by disclosing civilian life. Few would disagree that this reliance their tearoom activities. on authority exists, yet Stanley Milgram's study (1963, 1965) of the topic provoked considerable The tearoom trade controversy has never been controversy. resolved. It's still debated, and it probably always will be, because it stirs emotions and involves ethi- To observe people's vvillingness to harm others cal issues people disagree about. What do you when following orders, Milgram brought 40 adult think? Was Humphreys ethical in doing what he men from many different walks of life into a labo- did? Are there parts of the research that you be- ratory setting designed to create the phenomenon lieve were acceptable and other parts that were under study. If you had been a subject in the exper- not? (See the discussion by Joan Sieber online at iment, you would have had something like the fol- http://www.missourLedu/-philwb/Laud.html for lovving experience. more on the political and ethical context of the \"tearoom\" research.) You've been informed that you and another subject are about to participate in a learning exper- Observing Human Obedience iment. Through a draw of lots, you're assigned the job of \"teacher\" and your fellow subject the job of The second illustration differs from the first in \"pupil.\" The \"pupil\" is led into another room and many ways. Whereas Humphreys' study involved strapped into a chair; an electrode is attached to his participant observation, this study took place in the wrist. As the teacher. you're seated in front of an laboratory. Humphreys' study was sociological, this impressive electrical control panel covered with di- one psychologicaL And whereas Humphreys exam- als, gauges, and switches. You notice that each ined behavior considered by many to be deviant, switch has a label giving a different number of the researcher in this study examined obedience volts, ranging from 15 to 315. The switches have and conformity. other labels, too, some with the ominous phrases

74 Chapter 3: The Ethics and Politics of Social Research \"Extreme-Intensity Shock,\" \"Danger-Severe was designed to test your willingness to follow or- Shock\" and \"XXX\" ders to the point of presumably killing someone. The experiment runs like this. You read a list Milgram's experiments have been criticized of word pairs to the learner and then test his abil- both methodologically and ethically. On the ethical ity to match them up. Because you can't see him, side, critics have particularly cited the effects of the a light on your control panel indicates his answer. experiment on the subjects. Many seemed to have Whenever the learner makes a mistake, you're in- experienced personally about as much pain as they structed by the experimenter to throw one of the thought they were administering to someone else. switches-beginning yvith the mildest-and ad- They pleaded with the experimenter to let them minister a shock to your pupil. Through an open stop giving the shocks. They became extremely up- door between the two rooms, you hear your pupil's set and nervous. Some had uncontrollable seizures. response to the shock. Then you read another list of word pairs and test him again. How do you feel about this research? Do you think the topic was important enough to justify As the experiment progresses, you administer such measures? Would debriefing the subjects be ever more intense shocks, until your pupil screams sufficient to ameliorate any possible harm? Can for mercy and begs for the experiment to end. you think of other ways the researcher might have You're instructed to administer the next shock any- examined obedience? way. After a while, your pupil begins kicking the wall between the two rooms and continues to There is a wealth of discussion regarding the scream. The implacable experimenter tells you to Milgram experiments on the web. Search for \"Mil- give the next shock. Finally, you read a list and ask gram experiments,\" \"human obedience experi- for the pupil's answer-but there is no reply what- ments,\" or \"Stanley Milgram.\" ever. only silence from the other room. The experi- menter informs you that no answer is considered The Politics of Social Research an error and instructs you to administer the next higher shock. This continues up to the \"XXX\" As I indicated earlier, both ethics and politics hinge shock at the end of the series,. on ideological points of view. What is unacceptable from one point of view will be acceptable from an- What do you suppose you really would have other. Although political and ethical issues are of- done when the pupil first began screaming? When ten closely intertwined, I want to distinguish be- he began kicking on the wall? Or when he became tween them in two ways. totally silent and gave no indication of life? You'd refuse to continue giving shocks, right? And surely First, the ethics of social research deals mostly the same would be true of most people. with the methods employed; political issues tend to center on the substance and use of research. Thus, So we might think-but Milgram found other- for example, some critics raise ethical objections to wise. Of the first 40 adult men Milgram tested, no- the Milgram ex-periments, saying that the methods body refused to continue administering the shocks harm the subjects. A political objection would be until they heard the pupil begin kicking the wall that obedience is not a suitable topic for study, ei- between the two rooms. Of the 40, 5 did so then. ther because (I) we should not tinker with people's Two-thirds of the subjects, 26 of the 40, continued vvillingness to follow orders from higher authority doing as they were told through the entire series- or (2), from the opposite political point of view, be- up to and including the administration of the high- cause the results of the research could be used to est shock. make people more obedient. As you've probably guessed, the shocks were The second distinction between the ethical and phony, and the \"pupil\" was a confederate of the ex- political aspects of social research is that there perimenter. Only the \"teacher\" was a real subject in are no formal codes of accepted political conduct. the experiment. As a subject. you wouldn't actually Although some ethical norms have political as- have been hurting another person, but you would pects-for example, specific guidelines for not have been led to think you were. The ell:periment