Thesis F

BRIDGED BY CULTURE: EXPLORING ACCULTURATION AND IDENTITY DEVELOPMENT AMONG ASIAN AMERICAN YOUNG ADULTS A THESIS Presented to the School of Social Work California State University, Long Beach In Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree Master of Social Work Committee Members: Brian T. Lam, Ph.D. (Chair) Ruth M. Chambers, Ph.D. Yolanda R. Green, Ph.D. College Designee: Nancy Meyer-Adams, Ph.D. By Andy Chan B.A., 2018, University of San Francisco May 2021

ABSTRACT The purpose of this qualitative study was to explore the role of acculturation in the identity development and psychological adjustment of young adult, self-identified Asian Americans. Semi-structured, open-ended interviews were conducted with a sample of 38 participants aged 20 to 32 who completed their K-12 schooling in the state of California. With a population of over 20 million, Asian Americans comprise the fastest-growing major racial/ethnic group in the United States but are less likely to access mental health resources due to cultural stigmas, barriers to care, and restricted access to culturally competent service providers, particularly as there are few Asian American-identified social workers in the workforce. Additionally, renewed concerns of race-based discrimination and disparities related to the COVID-19 pandemic created new stressors particularly detrimental to the Asian American community. Participants of the study largely found protective factors that facilitated their acculturation towards both heritage and mainstream cultures while emphasizing language maintenance for future generations, seeking opportunities for continued identity development, and fostering conversations about internalized oppression and racism with their families and communities to disrupt the intergenerational transmission of trauma and ostracism. ii

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS All this time I told myself we were born from war—but I was wrong, Ma. We were born from beauty. Let no one mistake us for the fruit of violence — but that violence, having passed through the fruit, failed to spoil it. ― Ocean Vuong, On Earth We’re Briefly Gorgeous, p. 303 Akin to the experiences shared by this study’s many interviewees, my journey to where I am today was not easy as I desperately sought an answer to the question, “Who am I?” To my parents and to their parents — your journey to this country has not always been easy, but your determination for our lives to be better than yours is showing. 媽媽, 爸爸, 妹妹: 多謝. I am eternally grateful for your faith in me. I’ll be home soon. My chosen family in all four corners of the country and everywhere in between, gracias por el apoyo. I’m glad we stayed connected and strong through scheduled FaceTime cries, Zoom happy hours, and all-nighter drives between the Bay and LA. You’ve taught me to find faith and be even more resilient than ever. I miss and love you all. I owe much of my identity exploration to those with whom I’ve crossed paths from the Bay Area and beyond. Thank you for helping me realize why we must continue to learn, relearn, and unlearn. Rereading notes from lectures, conferences, and books from as far back as 2014 are the roots to everything I could articulate about our ever-changing experience in today’s world. To the self-described Asian-Americanists — authors, artists, educators, clinicians, and researchers — I’ve crossed paths with, observing your work from afar inspired me to bring this study to life. Thank you for helping us create the language to name experiences and disrupt generational patterns. I’m proud to be in your company. To my many professors-turned-mentors at both the University of San Francisco and CSU Long Beach, I’m incredibly grateful for the foundation you’ve helped me build. You challenged iii

me to think harder, think outside of the box, and think about the power of my intersectionalities, a gift I’m truly fortunate to have. For the youth who’ve come through my life by way of Mission Graduates, Cameron House, and the Pin@y Educational Partnerships, I lack words to describe my admiration for your grasp of identity and pride, even at your young ages! You’ve continued to inspire me to keep learning. And to those who’ve taken me under their wing and given me a chance: Thank you so much for teaching me to embrace praxis and reclaim kapwa — my interconnectedness to you and the world around us — as tools for powerful change. Finally, but most importantly, for those who graciously gave their time to this study, although I cannot personally thank you here, I am grateful for your faith and willingness to participate. Your voice is instrumental in making change in this world at a time when we so desperately need it to heal as wounded people, a fractured country, and through thick and thin. iv

TABLE OF CONTENTS ABSTRACT ....................................................................................................................................ii ACKNOWLEDGMENTS ............................................................................................................. iii LIST OF TABLES..........................................................................................................................vi 1. INTRODUCTION ...............................................................................................................1 2. LITERATURE REVIEW ....................................................................................................5 3. METHODOLOGY ............................................................................................................23 4. RESULTS..........................................................................................................................25 5. SUMMARY AND IMPLICATIONS................................................................................54 APPENDICES ...............................................................................................................................57 A. INTERVIEW GUIDE........................................................................................................58 B. LIST OF PARTICIPANTS ...............................................................................................61 REFERENCES ..............................................................................................................................63 v

LIST OF TABLES 1. Demographics of Participants (N = 38) .............................................................................26 2. Heritage Cultural Practices (N = 38) .................................................................................31 3. American Cultural Practices (N = 38) ...............................................................................36 4. Acculturation for Asian Americans (N = 38) ....................................................................41 5. Regional Ethnic Awareness (N = 38) ................................................................................45 6. Trauma in the Family (N = 38)..........................................................................................48 7. Racism and Politics (N = 38).............................................................................................53 8. List of Participants.............................................................................................................62 vi

CHAPTER 1 INTRODUCTION Problem Statement Today, there are over 20 million Asian Americans who make up about 6% of the United States population and are part of the fastest-growing major racial or ethnic group, with an estimated 72% increase in population since 2000 (Budiman et al., 2019; Lopez et al., 2017, U.S. Census Bureau, 2020b). The passage of the Immigration Act of 1965 dramatically reshaped immigration to the United States, leading the way for a new wave of Asian and Latin American immigrants, in the process prioritizing highly skilled immigrants — many of whom received visas to pursue advanced studies and work in new, rising industries such as the high-tech sector (Lee, 2016; Takaki, 1998). The recomposed diversity of Asian America since 1965 has widened interethnic differences in socioeconomic status and educational attainment (Budiman et al., 2019; Glenn, 2015). Stark differences exist between educated, wealthier Asian American families living in suburban neighborhoods with access to greater opportunities and rich “ethnic capital.” In addition, a wave of refugees and opportunists from Southeast Asia and the Philippines reintroduced anti-Asian discrimination and issues of equity, poverty, and violence in their newfound communities (Lee, 2016; Maffini & Pham, 2016; Zhou et al., 2016; Zia, 2000). Those who are socioeconomically disadvantaged often reside in communities with restricted access to ethnic-specific resources (Choi et al., 2018; Glenn, 2015; Zhou & Lee, 2017). A meta-analysis by Yoon et al. (2013) cites the limited scope of existing research about acculturation strategies and the unique experiences of discrimination, exclusion, and integration of heritage and mainstream cultural values. Moreover, implications of the Trump presidency 1

between 2016 and 2020 have been uniquely consequential to Asian Americans with an incitement of Islamophobia and the “Muslim ban,” disproportionate rates of deaths among Filipino American healthcare workers during the ongoing COVID-19 pandemic, and the return of hate crimes directed towards the Asian American community (Maira, 2016; Marko, 2019; Wong, 2020; Zhang et al., 2021). The relevance of this new research is timely, if not overdue. Purpose Statement The purpose of this study was to explore the acculturative experiences of Asian American young adults born and/or raised in the United States. Participants were asked to describe contextual factors of their acculturation, including peer and family influence, exposure to heritage and mainstream (American) culture, and experiences of discrimination. The study addressed the following research questions: 1. How do Asian American young adults perceive their acculturative experiences? 2. How does acculturation impact the psychological adjustment of Asian Americans? Relevance to Multicultural Practice Maeshima and Parent (2020) note Asian Americans are far less likely to access mental health resources related to persistent cultural stigmas around seeking help, logistical and financial barriers to accessing care, and restricted access to culturally competent service providers. Additionally, intergenerational transmissions of trauma among Asian American subgroups with significant exposure to pre- and post-migration trauma is rooted in the minimizing of experiencing psychological distress and increased family-child conflict (Maffini & Pham, 2016; Sangalang et al., 2019). A culturally competent approach to multicultural practice with Asian Americans includes the recognition of stressors that are unique to new Asian immigrants (e.g., acculturative stress) and U.S.-born Asian Americans, such as acculturation- 2

based family conflict (Cheung & Jahn, 2017). Goals of the present study include identifying protective factors that support Asian Americans’ acculturation towards maintenance of heritage cultures and mainstream cultural acquisition for assessment and intervention planning. Relevance to Social Work With the rapid growth of the Asian American population, it is imperative for social workers to become more knowledgeable about cultural differences and barriers to accessing services when working with Asian American-identified clients. Suarez et al. (2008) propose the framing of an intersectional lens to recognize the interactions between an individual’s multiple identities to assess areas of power, privilege, and oppression. The present study provides an intersectional analysis of participants and their families as they navigate family conflict, acculturative stress, and experiencing discrimination. In a report of the social work workforce for the Council of Social Work Education (CSWE), Salsberg et al. (2017) estimate that just 3.6% of social workers in the United States identify as Asian. Practitioners should be aware of new anxieties and challenges Asian-identified clients are facing as a result of the COVID-19 pandemic, including the increased prevalence of race-based discrimination and prolonged grief and loss issues (Maeshima & Parent, 2020). Definition of Terms Acculturation: The process by which an individual interacts and orients with heritage cultures and with a mainstream culture (Choi et al., 2018). Acculturative strategy: Strategies and measurements for negotiating positive or negative relationships with heritage and dominant cultures: assimilation, a rejection of heritage culture while becoming attuned with the mainstream culture; separation, when only one’s heritage culture is maintained; marginalization, where relationships with both cultures are negative; and 3

integration, achieving proficiency in the dominant culture while learning or maintaining heritage cultural traditions (Balls Organista, 2006; Berry, 1997; Kim, 2009). Asian: Defined by the U.S. Census Bureau (2020a) as “a person having origins in any of the original peoples of the Far East, Southeast Asia, or the Indian subcontinent including, for example, Cambodia, China, India, Japan, Korea, Malaysia, Pakistan, the Philippine Islands, Thailand, and Vietnam.” Psychological adjustment: Includes measures of psychological and emotional wellbeing, such as life satisfaction, self-esteem, anxiety, and depression (Nguyen & Benet-Martinez, 2013). 4

CHAPTER 2 LITERATURE REVIEW Introduction The history of Asian Americans spans more than 150 years, defined by immigration, exclusion, and discrimination. Today, there are over 20 million Asian Americans who trace their origins to 19 groups across Asia and who comprise the largest number of new immigrants to the nation (Budiman et al., 2019). Following World War II, new legislation was passed that would once again permit Asian immigration after being legally barred in the early 20th century (Zhou et al., 2016). Today’s Asian Americans are found in all industries, pursue education at some of the nation’s largest universities as competitive applicants, domestic and international, and seek to disrupt generational patterns of trauma reproduction and stigmatization of seeking mental health care. Moreover, they live in a uniquely “heterogeneous entity,” a diaspora that is simultaneously a homeland to those born in the United States, an asylum for those whose first homes were destroyed in war, and forbidden to those excluded by law (Lowe, 2016). Historical Context Early Asian Immigration to the United States With the discovery of gold, Chinese sojourners — many of whom were young bachelors hopeful of striking a foreign fortune — came searching for Gum Saan (“Gold Mountain”) and Tan Heung Shan (“the Sandalwood Hills”), nicknames for California and the territory of the Hawaiian Islands (Lee, 2016; Takaki, 1998). Their laborious contributions to mining goldfields and the construction of the Transcontinental Railroad would prove to be indispensable, yet unrecognized with the swift rise of anti-Chinese sentiments and exclusionary legislation that followed. The first generation of Japanese immigrants arriving in the United States took place 5

soon after the passage of the 1882 Chinese Exclusion Act, which consisted of farming families unable to make ends meet under Japan’s modernization programs (Lee, 2016). However, the Chinese would forge new pathways of immigration: the 1906 Great Earthquake and subsequent fires in San Francisco destroyed public records. So-called “paper sons” claimed to be the separated relatives of Chinese men already living in the United States. Some were held at the Angel Island Immigration Center and subject to months of intense interrogations — those who were fortunate would enter the West Coast and move beyond (Lee, 2016). Emerging American colonial rule in the Philippines following the conclusion of the Spanish-American War of 1898 would open pathways for Filipino immigration, albeit without the right to lawful citizenship. Filipino immigrants, most men joining their friends and family, found themselves working in Central California’s farms or canneries in the Pacific Northwest and Alaska (Lee, 2016). Koreans, annexed under Japanese colonial rule, sought refuge from plague and poverty in their migration to the United States at the start of the 20th century. Korean laborers hoped their desires to assimilate towards American customs would spare them from the harsh anti-Chinese and Japanese racism prevalent across the country (Zia, 2000). Similarly, the consequential reduction of South Asia’s primarily agricultural economy due to British colonial rule led to the limited emigration of Punjabs, from present-day India and Pakistan, to the United States and other parts of the world (Lee, 2016). Despite the long-lasting contributions of Asian immigrants with pioneering innovations and contributions towards the economic development of the United States, they remained treated as foreigners with work discrimination and had little to no access to housing and business- owning opportunities (Zia, 2000). Anti-Asian legislation soon passed with the Immigration Act of 1924, greatly limiting Asian immigration with strict country-based quotas and declaring 6

Asians as “aliens ineligible to citizenship” (Lee, 2016, p. 125; Takaki, 1998). Later, the 1934 Tydings-McDuffie Act would declare independence for the Philippines while changing the status of Filipinos to U.S. \"aliens\" (Zia, 2000). However, the “Yellow peril” present in the United States dramatically evolved following the Japanese bombing of Pearl Harbor during World War II. Following the executive-ordered internment of Japanese nationals and Japanese Americans, other Asian Americans found opportunities to demonstrate their allegiance to the United States, from enlisting in the Armed Forces to owning homes and businesses for the first time (Lee, 2016; Zia, 2000). Hostility and competition between Asian ethnic groups grew in an effort to protect their businesses and families from ongoing discrimination (Zia, 2000). Later, ongoing tensions against the Soviet Union and Republic of China during the 1950s Korean War left Koreans reliant on American support. Lee (2016) notes the rise of transnational adoption and “military brides,” Korean women who married American soldiers in search of a new life abroad. Post-1965: New Waves of Immigration The rise of the United States’ Civil Rights Movement in the 1960s included campaigning for the end of increased American involvement in the Vietnam War against communist regimes. Vietnamese, Cambodian, and Laotian refugees from the war region arrived in the United States in multiple waves, many by boat via Malaysia, Hong Kong, and the Philippines (Lee, 2016). However, their arrival as paradoxical refugees was not well-received by all Americans: “On the one hand, U.S. interventions in Southeast Asia helped produce the very conditions that forced people to flee. On the other hand, U.S. humanitarianism made it possible for so many to find refuge in the United States” (Lee, 2016, p. 517). Some were met with continued discrimination and resentment as they were resettled outside military bases and into communities with marginal Asian American populations (Lee, 2016; Zhou et al., 2016; Zia, 2000). New refugees often 7

reside in urban neighborhoods with high rates of poverty and related problems, and community violence combined with extended stays in refugee camps limits their capacity to gather resources and develop skills needed for a successful resettlement (I. Kim, 2016). However, Southeast Asian refugees would come to develop strong community networks — such as the Vietnamese in San Jose and Orange County, Cambodians in areas like Long Beach, CA, and the Hmong in the Sacramento area and the Twin Cities metro in Minnesota — with families seeking unification and support to establish public assistance programs (Lee, 2016). The emerging characterization of Asian Americans as “model minorities” despite overcoming obstacles rooted in racism and xenophobia, was primarily shaped following the passage of the Immigration Act of 1965, which eliminated country-based quotas and opened broad opportunities for Asian migration (Lee, 2016; Zia, 2000). Since then, Chinese, Filipino, and South Asian immigrants have comprised the majority of new immigrants seeking work as engineers and medical professionals (Lee, 2016; Ocampo, 2016; Zhou et al., 2016). Newer immigrants of Chinese and South Asian descent are likely to achieve greater economic capital than other Asian Americans and U.S. adults overall, migrating into suburban communities such as those in the San Francisco Bay Area and San Gabriel Valley in Southern California (Cheng, 2013; Lee, 2016; Lung-Amam, 2017; Ocampo, 2016). The establishment of ethnic enclaves, sometimes referred to as “ethnoburbs” in suburban communities, brings together vital social service and health providers that support new immigrants of all ethnicities, integrates cultural traditions into communities in which they reside, and encourages being represented as local politicians and businessowners (Lee, 2016; Ocampo, 2016). The origins of the United States suburban flight in the mid-20th century were related to sociological trends where fertility rates increased, gender roles evolved to discourage married 8

women from working, and suburban life being associated with the achievement of wealth and affluent influence in their communities (Wright, 1981). Following World War II, the residential resegregation of some locales, such as those described in this discussion in the Bay Area and Greater Los Angeles area, led to the formation of “multiracial neighborhoods” that disrupted racial and income barriers (Cheng, 2013). Middle-class White American households began relocating back to urban centers, amid increases of working women, elderly people, single- person households, the rise of queer visibility, and public housing violence (Wright, 1981). Simultaneously, new Asian and Latinx residents in cities like Alhambra, Fremont, Monterey Park, and Santa Clara with access to existing ethnic communities through new transportation projects led to their transformation from agricultural regions to suburbs with new demographic characteristics (Cheng, 2013; Lung-Amam, 2017). For the first time, minorities — comprising majorities in each neighborhood — could own homes without encountering racial restrictions and being redlined (Cheng, 2013). Contemporary immigration patterns have adapted to the rapid globalization and exploration of American opportunity, embracing the idea of a transcontinental family. In some cases, parents stay back in Asia to run businesses while their children attend school in the United States. Others become “transnational mothers” and seek opportunities in domestic service, teaching, or healthcare (Lee, 2016; Ocampo, 2016). Conversely, a younger generation of immigrants are international students at some of the nation’s most prestigious universities in hopes of seeking better jobs in Asia or the United States (Lee, 2016). Although today’s immigrants are more likely to speak English — integrated into their grade school curriculum, learned as a prerequisite to pursuing their education abroad, or being a national language in their country of origin — others remain connected to their heritage through ethnic-oriented media 9

providing news, resource promotion, and entertainment in languages they are accustomed with (Lee, 2016). Race and Xenophobia in Asian America The Civil Rights era-coalitions formed between Asian and Black Americans have evolved with the relationship between groups remaining tense at times. The 1992 Los Angeles riots brought to the spotlight the “operation of white supremacy,” described by J. Y. Kim (2016) as constructing Korean Americans involved in the violence as superior to Black Americans, valorized for their entrepreneurship as immigrants, and simultaneously as perpetual foreigners — less \"American\" than White. The more recent case of Akai Gurley, an African American male shot to death by Peter Liang, a Chinese American police officer with the New York Police Department, reignited this conversation (Leroy, 2017). Liang was initially charged with second- degree manslaughter. Advocates in the Asian American community argued he was scapegoated in the criminal justice system, citing the many other White officers acquitted in police-involved shootings (Leroy, 2017). However, this evolved into realizations that without action, anti-Black racism frequently rooted in Asian American households will remain a divisive issue among Communities of Color. Finally, Islamophobia in the United States was most prominently realized following the attacks on September 11, 2001. Maira (2016) described quick efforts to secure the United States airspace and launch a “War on Terror” in the Middle East would once again strip Muslim- appearing individuals of their rights through mandatory placement in detention centers and potentially face deportation. Although discrimination towards Muslim Americans was not new, additional groups were targeted and perceived as “enemies” of the United States through media discourse and public harassment (Maira, 2016). Consequentially, Trump’s 2016 campaign for 10

and election to the White House was built on a platform of inciting Islamophobia through the “Muslim ban” established through executive orders (Marko, 2019). Through an analysis of Trump’s public discourse and statistics on anti-Muslim hate crimes, Marko (2019) found that even greater hate crimes took place in the year 2016 than after the 9/11 attacks, with some taking place at universities across the nation. Theory of Acculturation Acculturation is a dynamic process of managing and being oriented to heritage and mainstream (“American”) cultures (Balls Organista, 2006; Choi et al., 2018; Kim, 2009). Berry (1997) described psychological acculturation as a management of stressors related to new environmental and intercultural contacts (e.g., acculturative stress), intertwined with sociological factors in the domains of family, work, and school, as well as economic outcomes related to obtaining work. Balls Organista (2006) cites several risk factors related to increased acculturative stress among Latinx and Asian American immigrants, from low English proficiency to pre- and post- migration exposure to trauma. Limitations in accessing mental health providers and experiences of discrimination, including stereotyping and threats related to race-related generalizations, can further increase acculturative stress among Asian Americans (John et al., 2012; Kiang et al., 2016). Beyond impaired psychological well-being, acculturative stress can heighten feelings of marginality and alienation, psychosomatic symptom levels, and identity confusion (Kim, 2009). Acculturation Strategies and Psychological Adjustment Choi et al. (2018) conducted a study with 1,580 Filipino and Korean American youth and participating parents to identify acculturation strategies among adolescents living in the Midwest United States. Filipino American and Korean American subgroups were selected for the study in 11

an attempt to compare their differences in acculturation strategies. Among both subgroups, Choi et al. (2018) identified groups with integrated acculturative strategies with strong heritage cultural orientation. The study also identified a group with high assimilation strategies with low heritage cultural orientation among Filipino American adolescents. Choi et al. (2018) also identified a group with separated strategies with high heritage cultural orientation/low American cultural orientation among Korean Americans adolescents. Participants in Choi et al.’s (2018) study with integrated bicultural strategies reported higher rates of depressive symptoms and highest grades. Filipino Americans with an integrated acculturative strategy reported higher rates of depressive symptomatology but had higher school grades than those with assimilation strategies. Among Korean Americans, the study did not identify significant differences in reports of depressive symptomatology and academic performance but did note reports of higher substance use among those with separated strategies. Choi et al. (2018) suggest this is attributed to the longer exposure to adolescent alcohol and tobacco use among Korean-born Americans with separated strategies. Needham et al. (2018) conducted a study with 856 South Asians living in the United States to examine associations between acculturation strategies and depressive symptoms. Participants were aged 40-80 and lived in the San Francisco Bay Area. The study’s findings revealed participants with integrated and assimilated acculturative strategies reported similar levels of depressive symptoms despite adjusting for the higher income and greater educational attainment among assimilated participants. Participants with separated acculturative strategies reported greater depressive symptoms but reported greater social support. Needham et al. (2018) suggest the ability to access social support across cultural communities serves as a protective factor supporting their acculturation towards both South Asian heritage and American cultures. 12

Acculturative Stress and Adjustment Rhee (2019) conducted a study with 108 first-generation Korean immigrant older adults to evaluate their acculturative strategies in association with psychosocial adaptation and acculturative stressors. Participants lived in parts of Ohio, Kentucky, and Indiana in areas without a well-established Korean ethnic enclave generally akin to the Korean American community. The study’s factors of acculturative stress include language difficulty (i.e., low English language proficiency) and social isolation. Rhee (2019) identified participants with fully bicultural (integrated) acculturative strategies reported lower acculturative stress and depressive symptoms. Participants with separated acculturative strategies reported heightened acculturative stress that increases their vulnerability to structural marginalization, such as reduced access to healthcare providers and social services available in ethnic enclaves. Le et al. (2020) conducted a study with 413 Vietnamese American Catholics to examine relationships between spirituality, religiosity, and resilience to psychological distress and life satisfaction. Participants were aged 40 to 60, born in Vietnam, and recruited via networks of religious community leaders across the United States. The study’s findings revealed religious involvement and spirituality mediated participants’ acculturation and psychological adjustment outcomes, noting the use of both nonreligious and religious coping resources. Le et al. (2020) note many participants immigrated to the United States 21 or more years before the study and suggest they likely experienced acculturative stress. The study’s findings also indicated resilience in midlife, related to their religious involvement and absence of religious crises, further reduced depressive symptoms and increased life satisfaction among participants. Serafica et al. (2019) conducted a study with 123 older Filipino immigrants to assess associations between acculturation, acculturative stress, and psychological resilience and its 13

impact on physical and mental health outcomes. Participants lived in southern Nevada; eligibility requirements included being 55 years of age or older and speaking and reading English. Resilience demonstrated by participants was defined in the study as successful adaptations to difficult and challenging life experiences, such as acculturation. The study found that higher levels of acculturation were positively associated with higher resilience and lower acculturative stress. Although levels of acculturation were not related to greater physical and mental health outcomes, Serafica et al. (2019) suggest a general reduction of acculturative stress is related to greater reports of resiliency. Refugee Migration from Asia Li (2016) conducted a study with 2,554 Latinx and 2,095 Asian non-institutionalized immigrants to explore associations between pre-migration trauma exposure and prevalence of post-migration acculturative stressors. The study used data collected from the National Latino and Asian American Study (NLAAS), analyzing the experiences of four Asian American target subpopulations (Chinese, Filipino, Vietnamese, and All Other Asian American) and four Latinx target subpopulations (Cuban, Puerto Rican, Mexican, and All Other Hispanic). Findings indicate pre-migration trauma exposure is positively associated with increased post-migration acculturative stress for both Asian and Latinx immigrants, including feeling guilt from leaving friends and family behind in countries of origin, communication and employment difficulties, experiencing social isolation, and experiences of race- and language-based discrimination (Li, 2016). Pre-migration trauma exposure further predicted higher risks of feeling guilt, employment difficulty, and language-based discrimination among Asian immigrant participants. Li (2016) suggests structural disadvantages upon their immigration can proliferate acculturative stress for some immigrants with pre-migration trauma exposure and potentially reduce health outcomes. 14

Lee et al. (2015) conducted a study with 15 permanently resettled refugees to explore how they define success. Participants described success as their ability to “‘give back’ to their communities and to maintain a connectedness to their culture of origin” through the process of acculturation (Lee et al., 2015, p. 58). The study also characterized resilience among refugees as essential to better acclimating to their new communities by accessing resources and networks that contribute to their long-term achievement of success. However, employment as a determinant of refugee success may limit opportunities to learn English and their potential social mobility as United States newcomers (Lee et al., 2015). Sangalang et al. (2019) conducted a study with 1,637 Asian and 1,620 Latino refugees and immigrants to assess pre- and post-migration exposure to trauma in association with heightened acculturative stress. The study used data collected from the NLASS. Among the Asian American subpopulation, a greater proportion identified as older and of Vietnamese heritage. Asian refugees reported significantly higher levels of pre-migration trauma and lower levels of perceived everyday discrimination compared to immigrants in the sample. Outcomes of the study included acculturative stress heightening psychological distress for Asian refugees and Latino immigrants and family conflict acting as a consistent predictor of negative mental health. Sangalang et al. (2019) suggest fewer reports of mental health outcomes are attributed to the resiliency of Asian refugees’ exposure to pre-migration trauma and violence, subsequently leading to their minimizing of everyday discrimination in the United States. Family Acculturation Parenting Styles Farver et al. (2007) conducted a study with 180 Asian Indian and 180 European American adolescents and their participating parents to assess how different acculturation 15

strategies affect the development of child-rearing beliefs and family functioning, as well as their psychological wellbeing related to parents’ child-rearing beliefs. All participants were born in the United States, except Asian Indian parents (born in India). European American participants were included as a comparison group. Authoritative practices of child-rearing involve parents’ consistent enforcement of reasonable demands, with sensitivity to and acceptance of the child, while training is a parenting style that involves high levels of parental control and involvement and concern for educational success. Asian Indian parents with integrated and assimilated acculturative strategies are more likely to practice authoritative parenting, but also practiced some form of training when compared to European American parents. Farver et al. (2007) also identified a positive relationship between assimilated and integrated acculturation strategies and adolescent outcomes, including fewer reports of family conflict. Authoritative parenting practices were positively associated with European American adolescents’ self-esteem and overall GPAs, but not for Asian Indian adolescents. Training was positively associated with Asian Indian adolescents’ GPAs but not for European American adolescents. Their study suggests the process of acculturation among Asian Indian families supports the development of child-rearing beliefs that increase functioning in American culture while encouraging the maintenance of a heritage cultural orientation. Nguyen (2008) conducted a study with 290 Vietnamese American adolescents aged 13- 18 to assess their fathers’ acculturation levels and parenting styles in relationship with their self- esteem levels and depression scores. Participants were recruited from Vietnamese language classes held at Catholic churches and Buddhist temples in a major metropolitan area. 98% of participants believed their fathers had not acculturated to American culture. Fathers with occupations in manual, unskilled professions were most frequently perceived as more 16

authoritarian than those with managerial/administrative occupations. Authoritarian parenting styles are defined as being high expectations of the child and low responsiveness to the child’s individuality. The study found that adolescents who reported authoritarian parenting styles tended to report lower self-esteem and higher depression scores. Nguyen (2008) suggests adolescents born in Vietnam were more likely to have parents with traditionally authoritarian parenting styles and faced greater difficulty in adjustment to American culture. Vu et al. (2019) conducted a study with 210 first-generation Chinese immigrant mothers of young children to examine mediating factors of acculturation, parenting styles, and psychological well-being. Participants were recruited from Chinese community centers in Maryland and Virginia. The study found that Chinese mothers with higher levels of acculturation were associated with more positive psychological adjustment, mediated by greater engagement in authoritative parenting. Greater levels of resolving ethnic identity problems moderated the association between acculturation and participants’ psychological well-being. Vu et al. (2019) suggest Chinese immigrant mothers’ increased association with their Chinese heritage background supported them in their confidence to interact with American culture in association with their engagement of authoritative parenting and ratings of psychological well-being. Intergenerational Family Conflict Pham et al. (2020) conducted a study with 141 Asian American college students to assess levels of intergenerational cultural conflict, assertiveness, and outcomes of psychological adjustment. Participants were recruited from a large, public university in the Midwest United States and completed quantitative surveys. Psychological adjustment outcomes included depressive symptoms, negative affect, and subjective well-being. The study found that trait assertiveness was positively associated with subjective well-being and negatively with negative 17

affect and depressive symptoms, while higher levels of intergenerational cultural conflict was positively associated with higher levels of depressive symptoms. Pham et al. (2020) suggest assertiveness affirms a sense of agency and control over one’s actions in life that function as a protective factor promoting better psychological adjustment outcomes, while noting it may not universally mitigate intergenerational cultural conflicts. Tummala-Narra et al. (2021) conducted a study with 173 Chinese American college students to assess experiences of acculturation-based intergenerational family conflict in relation with psychological adjustment outcomes and attitudes towards seeking psychological help. Psychological adjustment outcomes included depressive and anxious symptoms. The study found that acculturation-based intergenerational family conflict was positively associated with both depressive and anxious symptoms, and that stronger levels of ethnic group identification were associated with increased depressive and anxious symptoms. However, acculturation-based intergenerational conflict was not associated with help-seeking attitudes. Finally, ethnic group membership exploration was associated with less favorable attitudes towards seeking psychological help. Tummala-Narra et al. (2021) suggest additional mediating factors in managing family conflict, including cultural stigmas in disclosing stress outside the family, are related to attitudes towards seeking psychological help. Liu et al. (2019) conducted a study with 13 second-generation Chinese Americans and Taiwanese American college students to explore how they experience intergenerational cultural conflicts, how conflicts have changed over time, and meaning-making of conflicts. Participants were nationally recruited via online forums and grew up in geographically diverse locations across the nation. More than half the study’s participants described their parents as being authoritarian or distant. Liu et al. (2019) note the finding is consistent with existing literature on 18

intergenerational cultural conflicts among Asian American and suggests an association with the endorsement of Asian cultural values that emphasize collectiveness. However, participants discussed shifts in their parent-child relationships over time as they made meaning of their parents’ perspectives and became more aware of their relationship to their cultural identities. Community Involvement and Acculturation Peer Associations and the School Context Dinh et al. (2020) conducted a study with 222 Cambodian American adolescents residing in the Northeast United States to assess the relationship of acculturation and intergenerational cultural conflict to mental and physical health, mediated by parental, peer, and school attachments. Participants were recruited from Khmer language classes at a participating high school. Orientation towards Cambodian and American cultures were positively associated with peer attachment and school attachment, and school attachment was negatively associated with physical health (greater outcomes). Dinh et al. (2020) suggest this finding confirms the importance of school as a supportive environment for adolescent development. Specifically, school attachments mediated the effects of acculturation and intergenerational cultural conflict with positive outcomes of well-being variables. The study also found that mother-child relationships were negatively associated with mental health; strong attachments to both mothers and fathers corresponded to better mental health outcomes. Lim et al. (2011) conducted a study with 102 Vietnamese and Cambodian immigrant youth in the greater Los Angeles area to examine the effects of identification with heritage culture, peer relationships, and coping behavior with adolescent substance use. 20% of adolescents in the sample reported using tobacco, alcohol, or marijuana. The study identified a relationship between deviant peer association and increased substance use. However, 19

identification with participants’ heritage cultures served as a protective factor against the harmful effects of substance use and deviant peers. Lim et al. (2011) suggest the significance of collective cultural tendencies, such as the family’s honor and reputation within their communities and increased caregiving and monitoring by their extended family members, are related to heritage cultural orientation as a protective factor. Community Involvement Wei et al. (2020) conducted a longitudinal study with 131 Chinese American adolescents in New York City to explore how neighborhood and family involvement impacted their achievement and depressive symptoms. Participants were surveyed annually while in the sixth, seventh, and eighth grades. Variables for assessing neighborhoods included neighborhood disadvantage based on rates of high school completion, unemployment, female-headed households, and household incomes; Chinese American concentration; and social cohesion based on feelings of mutual trust and social ties. The study’s findings indicate many participants resided in New York City’s ethnic enclaves—the higher concentration of working-class immigrant parents may limit involvement in their children’s education but was not associated with adolescent achievement and depressive symptoms. However, parent-adolescent conflict was negatively related to achievement and positively related to depressive symptoms. Wei et al. (2020) suggest additional variables including acculturative stress and perceptions of discrimination are associated with Chinese American adolescents’ acculturation. Tam and Freisthler (2015) conducted a study with 153 at-risk Southeast Asian youth and young adults to examine the relationship between linguistic acculturation and risk behaviors, as well as neighborhood effects on risk behaviors. Participants were recruited from agencies located in Cambodian and Laotian communities in the San Francisco Bay Area. Risk behaviors of the 20

study included justice system involvement (e.g., probation and incarceration), gang association, and perpetrating violence (Tam & Freisthler, 2015). Additionally, linguistic acculturation was measured via primary languages used for thinking, spoken at home, and spoken at home. The study did not find an association between linguistic acculturation and risk behaviors, nor an association between neighborhood disengagement increasing risk behaviors. Tam and Freisthler (2015) suggest additional protective factors embedded within participants’ communities, including neighborhood cohesion in the community’s low socioeconomic status and non- engagement in delinquent behaviors, may impact youth and young adults’ acculturation. Perceptions of Discrimination Abu-Ras et al. (2018) conducted a study with 1,130 Muslim Americans recruited from a national sample to examine the perceived impact of religious discrimination and Islamophobia during the 2016 United States presidential election campaign. Participants who self-identified as Muslim Americans, spoke English, lived in the United States, and were over 18 years of age were recruited through a snowball sample of Muslim organizations and individuals found through email and social media networks. Many participants in the study experienced increased for extreme stress related to Islamophobia with older participants experiencing significantly lower levels of perceived discrimination. This finding may be related to resilience serving as a protective factor. The study also identified a relationship between those who felt unsafe and greater reports of increased stress, lower quality of life, preexposure to religious-based discrimination, and perceived discrimination and Islamophobia. Abu-Ras et al. (2018) suggest that with the linkage of time living in the United States and religiosity with higher levels of stress, younger Muslims may have more public interactions with discriminative experiences. 21

Juang and Cookston (2009) conducted a longitudinal study with 309 Chinese American adolescents attending a high school in San Francisco and who identified at least one parent to be of Chinese descent to evaluate perceptions of discrimination, acculturation, and depressive symptoms. Participants were surveyed at the beginning of the study, one year later, and two years later. The study’s findings suggest that greater initial perceptions of discrimination predict a slower orientation to American culture and that perceptions become more acute over time. The study also identified greater heritage cultural orientation are associated with reduced depressive symptomatology while increases in perceptions of discrimination are associated with an increase in depressive symptomatology. Juang and Cookston (2009) suggest greater heritage cultural orientation can moderate the association of perceived depression and depressive symptoms. Wang et al. (2019) conducted a study with 148 U.S.-raised and 178 non-U.S.-raised Asian college students to explore the association of race-related construct, including perceived discrimination, foreigner objectification, and racial color-blindness and its impact on outcomes of well-being, stress, and self-efficacy. Participants were nationally recruited from university email lists of Asian American student associations, Asian and Asian American studies departments, and social media. The study’s findings revealed U.S.-raised students were more likely to report greater acculturation and more frequently perceive being discriminated against. Wang et al. (2019) suggest this is related to the extent U.S.-raised Asian individuals are aware of their status as Asians and are familiar with discriminative experiences. Acculturation towards Asian heritage cultures for U.S.-raised students was associated with greater reports of psychological well-being. For non-U.S.-raised participants, Wang et al. (2019) suggest acculturation to both Asian heritage and American cultures may promote improved psychological outcomes supporting being adaptive between settings and managing stress. 22

CHAPTER 3 METHODOLOGY Research Design An exploratory design with use of interviews was used to examine the acculturative experiences of self-identified Asian American young adults related to their psychological adjustment and identity development. Data was collected using a semi-structured, open-ended qualitative interview guide. There were a total of 38 participants. The study design and instrument were approved by the Institutional Research Board (IRB) at California State University, Long Beach (Appendix A). Sampling Plan The study used a non-probability snowball sampling approach. To participate in the study, participants needed to meet the following criteria: (1) self-identify as an Asian American between the ages of 18-35; (2) be born in or have immigrated to the United States before the age of 10; and (3) completed high school in the state of California. The target sample size for the study was 20-30 participants. There were no additional requirements to be considered for participation in the study. Data Collection Participants were identified with the assistance of those known to the researcher and through social media postings by the researcher. The researcher distributed online flyers with details about the study and contact information for those interested in participating. Participants were scheduled for a 30- to 45-minute interview using Zoom, an online video conferencing tool, due to COVID-19 related safety concerns. The researcher conducted interviews in a private space to reduce the loss of confidentiality. Before beginning the interview, 23

participants reviewed with the researcher and signed a notice of informed consent electronically, distributed and returned via email. Participants were asked to select a pseudonym to protect their confidentiality. Participants were informed that the interview would be recorded with their consent and that they could end the interview at any time. If the participant declined to be recorded, the researcher took hand notes during the interview. Recordings were deleted upon the successful transcription of the interview. Following the interview, a list of community mental health resources was emailed to the participant. Instrument A semi-structured interview guide (Appendix A) was developed by the researcher for conducting this study. Interview questions allowed the participant to describe their levels of acculturation, identification with their heritage and American cultures, and experiences of discrimination related to their psychological adjustment. Data Analysis Plan As each interview was completed, the researcher transcribed the recorded interview verbatim. Once each interview was transcribed, the researcher identified patterns and themes that emerged during the interview, then coded responses by categories. This was completed by counting the number of times each pattern or theme is present in an interview. As each theme was analyzed, tentative conclusions were developed. Verbatim quotes supplanted the identification of patterns and themes, identified by participant pseudonyms. 24

CHAPTER 4 RESULTS Demographics A total of 38 respondents participated in this study to discuss their acculturation processes related to their psychological adjustment as Asian American-identified young adults. The youngest participant was 20-years-old and the oldest was 31-years-old, with a mean age of 26-years-old. Table 1 lists participants’ demographic information, including their gender, sexual orientation, ethnicity, place of birth, languages spoken in their household, and highest level of education completed. A complete list of participants is presented in Table 8 (Appendix B). Twenty participants (52.6%) identified as female, 14 (36.8%) identified as male, and 4 (10.5%) identified as non-binary or agender. Twenty-seven participants (71.1%) identified as heterosexual and 11 participants (28.9%) identified as queer (gay, pansexual, and asexual). Thirty-one participants (81.6%) were born in the United States and 7 participants (18.4%) were born outside of the United States. Notable demographics about ethnicity and languages spoken in participants’ households included 8 participants (21.1%) who identified as biracial, 14 (36.8%) who identified as Chinese, 18 (47.4%) who identified as Filipino, and 6 (15.8%) who identified as Vietnamese. Although all participants speak English, 25 (65.8%) also speak another language at home. When asked about highest levels of education completed, 1 participant (2.6%) completed their high school diploma, 15 (39.5%) are in college or completed a bachelor’s degree, and 22 (57.9%) are in graduate school or completed a master’s degree. 25

TABLE 1. Demographics of Participants (N = 38) f % Characteristics 20 52.6 Gender 14 36.8 Female 4 10.5 Male Non-binary/agender 27 71.1 11 28.9 Sexual Orientation Heterosexual 1 2.6 Queer (gay, pansexual, asexual) 14 36.8 18 47.4 Ethnicity* 1 2.6 Bangladeshi 1 2.6 Chinese 1 2.6 Filipino 1 2.6 Indian 6 15.8 Indonesian 8 21.1 Korean Sri Lankan 1 2.6 Vietnamese 4 10.5 Biracial 2 5.3 31 81.6 Place of Birth Bangladesh 13 34.2 Philippines 1 2.6 Vietnam 8 21.1 United States 7 18.4 1 2.6 Languages Spoken in Household* 1 2.6 English Only 7 18.4 Bangla Chinese (Mandarin, Cantonese, and/or Toisanese languages) 1 2.6 Filipino (Tagalog, Ilokano, and/or Pangasinan languages) 3 7.9 Korean 12 31.6 Urdu 15 39.5 Vietnamese 7 18.4 Highest Level of Education Completed High school diploma In college Bachelor’s degree In graduate school Master’s degree Note: * More than one response was applicable. 26

Defining Heritage The interview opened with questions related to participants’ exposure to and participation in what they considered \"American\" and heritage cultural traditions. Many participants described the extent of their participation in and maintenance of heritage culture through food, rituals, and language, centered around collectivistic values and their families. In some instances, participants described observing practices to the extent of their families’ knowledge or without explanation, such as Bob’s experience with his family: I got exposure to my culture because my parents would bring me to the temple, they would have me engage with other traditions like the Lunar New Year . . . . I would just kind of go through the motions and not really understand what why I’m doing things, but just like, doing it because my parents told me to. Marigold discussed having other family members to pass on cultural traditions: I think just being part of a Filipino family, like a big Filipino family . . . . just being with them all the time at family parties was where I had my most cultural exposure because that’s where we practice greetings with elders, food, prayer, different events. Rachel spoke about her mother’s limited ability to share traditions to her and her sister: In terms of family, it did not feel American because my mom did not speak English so we still spoke Chinese at home, we still ate Chinese food . . . . we’d do like Lunar New Year, Mid-Autumn Festival. We’re not super traditional because my mom doesn’t know all the traditions, but we still celebrate and acknowledge. Some participants expressed interest in wanting to preserve their heritage for their future families, finding opportunities to learn and engage from their parents, such as Ivy: Everyday I’m trying to learn how to cook my native dishes, mainly because one day I want to be able to pass at least the cuisine down to my kids and also, while my parents are still alive. I’ve learned from them because obviously, they know how to do it. Similarly, Mandy continued to find opportunities to apply her mother’s lessons: Now since I live alone, and you know, we’re grown-ups now, I’m always cooking by myself but I found that I would actually try to cook Vietnamese food . . . . it’s just comforting if I can recreate what my mom could recreate. 27

Others mentioned the interrelatedness of religion and ethnicity in some cultures when asked to share heritage traditions they observed and/or continue to practice with their families. Eddy spoke about the significance of Catholicism in his family: “I think at least on, definitely my mom’s side, the Catholic Christianity really influenced what I think would be more American than it is Filipino, though a lot of Filipinos do these traditionally Catholic things.” Michael provided examples of his Filipino relatives celebrating Catholic traditions at Christmas: We were very Catholic and religious growing up. That’s a big part of Filipino culture, so a lot of the holidays and traditions we have would be centered around that . . . . the festival of Santo Niño, which is a patron of Cebu where my family’s from in the Philippines, those big festivals every year that we would participate in. Collectivistic Values Mio (2006a) describes collectivism as a prioritization of group goals over individual goals when in conflict and as a culture that is generally associated with Asian, African, Latinx, and Pacific Island nations. In this study, some described their interpretation of collectivism as seeking ways to offer support to their loved ones, such as Daniel: I think my heritage culture has so much in its history that speaks to, the necessity of collectivism . . . . the idea of like, reciprocity, mutualism, mutual aid and connection, particularly through kinship . . . . if you’re able to take care of yourself, take care of yourself. Take care of your family, if you’re able to take care of more than your family, take care of your neighborhood, their community. Eddy described parallels between Filipino and Latinx values of collectivism: It’s like, the values of community and family and being together is everywhere. That’s when Filipinos and Latinos are like, “Oh, we relate so much because we share the same cultures” . . . . there’s some sort of like, unspoken and also integrated respect that you just have for elders, for discipline, falling into line. Hazel also provided an example about how collectivistic ideals bring her family together: 28

With my Filipino culture, it’s the collectivism aspect, because even if my family’s relationship isn’t that good, like if someone ever needed like financial help, or needs a home, or needs something . . . . it’s really interesting that that’s something our generation I think gets to experience as people who are Asians living in America. Jerry also shared an example about how languages of love are conveyed related to mutual aid: I really like having a close-knit family unit. It makes you feel less lonely. Like, even though you’re not maybe going to be best friends . . . . as long as you can agree that you’re going to be chill every time you meet, that you all care about each other, that you will look out for each other. Also, the whole “you need to eat,” or “I’m going to provide for you by bringing you food.” Other participants discussed the implications of collectivistic values, including the pressure to prioritize their family’s needs and adhere to their beliefs. Red shared about feeling public shame: The whole collectivist part in particular, it’s just so ingrained into who I am where I feel like I have a really hard differentiating my identity from like, who my friends need me to be or who my parents need me to be . . . . I’m someone that if I make a mistake, it’s not just, “Oh, [I] made a mistake” . . . . like everything is connected. Ren discussed challenges in thinking differently than their parents’ conservative beliefs about the LGBTQ+ community in a collectivistic setting: My parents act progressive on like, the surface level, but any time something like, say LGBTQ comes up, they get really weird and conservative about it, even though outwardly, it’s like yeah, everyone’s okay with that. When it’s in your own house, under your own roof, it’s like, “No, not my child . . . not in my house.” Language Maintenance All participants described the importance in encouraging their children to be multilingual regardless of their maintenance or knowledge of a native language with the potential of facilitating access and preservation of culture. As Carmen stated, “I think that language is the gateway to culture and history, and I think it’s important to know those things. Honestly, it’s a good brain exercise.” Bob discussed what he believed to be benefits of bilingualism: “I would encourage my kids to be bilingual just because 29

it’s like, it gives you an advantage in life to know more than one language.” Similarly, Hazel mentioned wanting to speak more languages to make up for her own experience: “I want [my kids] to learn as many languages as possible because I think I really missed out on that, because the hard thing was where I was from.” Participants responded positively to being asked about learning a language with their children if they did not already speak a heritage language, as Michael discussed: “Yeah, I don’t want them to be monolingual. I would want them to learn another language, whether that’s my heritage or something random . . . . as long as you can communicate with other people.” Similarly, Phoebe noted the importance of learning languages together with her children: It’s really important to keep it alive, the language and the culture . . . language is the biggest part of it. I would want my children to learn the language, but at the same time, I would [also] hope to communicate with them in that language. Six participants discussed their experiences with being sent by their parents to an extracurricular language school with hopes for helping them maintain their heritage language. Though many generally did not have successful experiences in learning a second language, Jungkook offered the example of his language school’s values not meshing with his own: I also went to Vietnamese school. Growing up, it wasn’t the best because they did not teach very well . . . . I thought I was going to be learning how to translate English to Vietnamese, but it was [a] religious Vietnamese class . . . . I was like, what the fuck is any of this? Kafei described a similar experience of not having a successful experience: “[Our parents] would send us to Sunday school to learn Arabic, but they didn’t teach Arabic very well. I still didn’t learn it.” Mandy shared about resenting being in a language class, later realized to be an opportunity to engage with her culture: 30

I think growing up, I was always exposed to [my heritage] culture because my parents made me go to Vietnamese school . . . . And like, I hated it. I hated learning about Vietnamese culture and I didn’t understand why I was doing this. Finally, Tina discussed her frustrating with attending more school on the weekend: “My mom also put me in Chinese school to try to learn the language . . . . [it] didn’t really stick because it was school on a Saturday and I wanted to watch cartoons instead.” Others had a contrasted experience where their families did not emphasize or were unable to teach them, having lost their own ability to speak a heritage language such as Brooklyn: My parents would watch a bunch of American TV shows. They’re not super Asian, they don’t speak Chinese or anything . . . . Even [my grandma’s] Chinese is like, very basic, like she only speaks basic words. Daniel spoke about the lost of heritage language in his multigenerational American household: My parents were both born in the U.S. . . . . I think they were raised in kind of like assimilation-oriented households, so they both grew up understanding some Chinese, not necessarily speaking it . . . . we always spoke to each other in English. Like Daniel, Mae’s parents were not encouraged to teach her Tagalog: I think because my own parents didn’t teach me Tagalog, maybe it wasn’t encouraged that way, like indirectly, so I wasn’t really taught and forced to maintain that. Marina had a similar experience despite growing up in multilingual with her caregivers: My [maternal] grandma would speak to me in Ilokano . . . . the other half of the week, my dad’s mom would take care of me, and she would only speak to me in Spanish . . . . as my grandparents stopped taking care of me, my parents didn’t keep up speaking to me in those languages. My mom doesn’t even know how to speak Ilokano. TABLE 2. Heritage Cultural Practices (N = 38) f% Response 27 71.1 Acculturated to heritage culture at home 6 15.8 Acculturated to heritage culture through language school 17 44.7 Participated in religious traditions/holidays 4 10.5 Cited importance of collectivistic values 24 63.2 Spoke a heritage language 31

Defining “American” Culture When asked about their engagement with and participation in mainstream American culture, many participants were unsure of how to delineate American culture from “non-Asian” culture. For some, many attributed this to be the values, practices, and exposure to media from experiences in their formative years, such as vacations with Daniel’s family: “We had a ton of vacations like to the Grand Canyon, seeing these iconic American things . . . . when I was younger, I was in the Cub Scouts and then the Boy Scouts.” Kya spoke about her experience growing up with a military family overseas: Because of the Navy . . . . one of the first things they kind of teach us is like what it means to be on American soil, even though we’re away from the United States . . . . at that time too, that’s when the Patriots were doing really well. So football, it was like, they guess that’s time for America, like when you’re overseas, you don’t really know what’s going on. Ash commented on the unsettling political climate and incitement of hate in the nation: I don’t know what being an American is ... Like yes, I look at the media and I’m like, I don’t be that type of American. I don’t want to be associated with fucking Capitol riots, all lives matter, blue lives matter, and that type of like political bullshit. When asked to name characteristics of “American” culture that were most important to the participants, some described the privileges of living in a heterogenous country like the United States, where multiculturalism is generally embraced. Jin offered his reflection on growing up with an immigrant family: I feel like the most important thing about American culture is knowing the diversity, as opposed to the heritage culture, where it’s like a monolith . . . . Knowing who you came from, and knowing the struggle your parents or grandparents had to go through. Daniel discussed his understanding of how the United States operates and a collective responsibility to end the repetition of exclusionary history: 32

I really value the idea of like multiculturalism, of democracy . . . . that it’s possible to have a society that’s like, racially heterogeneous and racially diverse, and to know that it’s not going to result in say, genocide or like people can be part of the same national project without having the same racial identity. Like Daniel, Jungkook also discussed the complexity of an “American” identity: There are parts of American culture that I’ve been exposed to that are also super beneficial to where I’ve come to understand life and myself . . . . the parts of American culture that I’m thinking about is particularly like, Black Americans or indigenous people, Native Americans, like learning about other marginalized communities in America and how that also informs how the world operates too. (Jungkook) Others described their freedom in choosing to or to not practice their religions and adhere to family expectations once they began living independently. Brooklyn related her privileges to freely share her religious beliefs and live without fear of being persecuted: I think American culture allows you to embrace all, especially related to religion. People in America are very open minded, well not everybody, but some people . . . . faith plays a huge role in my life and my family’s life, and I don’t think we would have had such an opportunity to like have religious freedom if we were in another country. Conversely, Nadia discussed her ability to not adhere to her family’s religiosity: I was more kind of distant from my religion ever since I moved [to the United States] because my parents were working really hard to try to keep me confined within the household and trying to control who I could hang out with . . . . I tried to hold on to it for a little while, but it never really stuck with me when I was younger anyways. Power of Food Ku et al. (2013) provides a brief history of the relationship between the Asian diaspora in America and food as a means of forging pan-ethnic community building. With this in mind, food is perhaps most exemplar in what becomes “Asian American” — neither regionally Asian nor authentically American. Twenty-four participants discussed the role their heritage cuisines played in their family’s passage of tradition and culture. For example, Marigold discussed the 33

“power” of food: “Food is literally everything. Food is medicine. Food is love. Food is a memory. Food is the future, like food is food.” (Marigold) Some participants described forging uniquely “Asian American” ways of celebrating holidays and rituals as a family. Yoo and Kim (2014) describe these cultural practices as a process of negotiating \"authenticity\" as families redefine their traditions from those lost through living in the United States for extended periods. Sharon described bridging their family’s preferences for Asian ethnic food in celebrating American holidays: “I think one of the more American things we did were like celebrating Christmas and Thanksgiving . . . . but in a somewhat Chinese way. Like we wouldn’t eat turkey, we would have like hot pot or something.” Rodriguez (2015) discusses the increased accessibility of cultural products (e.g., food, fashion, and media) as effects of the United States being a key player in rapid globalization, perhaps making it easier to assimilate. For example, marketing campaigns during McDonalds’ peak of success in China during the 1990s and early 2000’s is an example of how American culture has largely become synonymous with Western economic success — being able to afford one of its meals was symbolic of their own social status (Gao, 2013). Even following their immigration to the United States, some respondents believed their families continued to maintain these views, such as Monica and her family’s celebration of McDonalds: If we did [eat American food], it was like a luxury. Like, my dad would treat us to McDonald’s for a Happy Meal like every once in a while? American food was just seen as like a luxury or, like a “good job on this” or something. Others, such as Paolo’s family, did not subscribe to the culture of fast food: My mom was like, heavily against McDonald’s. I think that’s the one part of American culture that she didn’t embrace, like she absolutely hated McDonald’s. She doesn’t like fast food in general. 34

Individualistic Values Mio (2006b) contrasts collectivism with individualism, where personal goals are prioritized when in conflict with group goals and attributes their prevalence in Western cultures in North America and Europe. In this study, respondents discussed their ability to live free from parental and cultural expectations, as Kevin describes: “I guess what American culture is just like having the freedom to roam around as a kid, especially as a kid . . . . I had like, a lot more freedom to do whatever I wanted. And overall, it just made me a little bit more happy.” Nadia shared about her ability to think independently about life milestones like marriage or pursuing additional education: With my American side, I think something that’s important to me is the independence and like the freedom to determine my own personal timeline of like, when I want to go back to grad school or like, when I might want to get married . . . . I think that independence is something I really cherish. Despite the greater acceptance of the queer community globally, Sharon offered a reflection on their ability to live as an openly queer individual: “I think if I were to grow up in an Asian country, it would be a very different experience, like probably maybe, I wouldn’t embrace who I am as a queer person.” In particular, Rose shared about recent discoveries in her understanding of individualistic-collectivistic values and desire to embrace both to prioritize self-development and strengthening family relationships: I the past few months, I’ve wanted to challenge like what individualism looks like in my family, and then what collectivism would be . . . . as I’ve gotten older and with the [COVID-19] pandemic, I’m slowly realizing I want to be closer with my family. Like I’m willing to, I wouldn’t say cut back on my dreams . . . . just being more present with my family and practicing love with them that we didn’t necessarily have before. 35

TABLE 3. American Cultural Practices (N = 38) f% Response 21 55.3 Acculturated to mainstream culture at home 17 44.7 Acculturated to mainstream culture at school 7 18.4 Cited importance of individualistic values Acculturation for Asian Americans Portes and Rumbaut (2001; 2014) define language acculturation in three stages related to parents’ knowledge of English and children’s knowledge of a heritage language. For some participants, their biculturalism became vital as they held key family responsibilities or facilitated their family’s selective acculturation process. Monica discussed her role reversal at home: “I was the one [my parents] relied on to, like help them translate important documents or letters that they receive in the mail from whatever company.” Similarly, Rachel described her and her sister’s role in facilitating their mother’s mainstream acculturation: “Sometimes, you know, we would celebrate Christmas and Thanksgiving but I feel like that was more of my sister and myself urging our mom to celebrate.” Many described not being encouraged to maintain ties to their heritage traditions and languages, with some parents believing being monolingual in English would help them be more successful even if they would be unable to communicate. As a family, they navigate assimilation towards American culture together and solely communicate in English, as Alfonso referenced: My dad and my grandmother, they would speak Tagalog at home, but would speak to me in English. I think they didn’t feel the need to teach me Tagalog, mainly since they didn’t think I would need it. Maybe it was their idea of assimilating? Nook discussed the situational context of her and her brother being monolingual in English: My brother had, kind of like slow language development skills at an early age. So [my parents] were advised to just stick with like one language . . . . I didn’t really learn Tagalog even as I got older as well. 36

Ren and Phoebe spoke about their parents prioritizing learning English after having to do so themselves to successfully acculturate: Both my parents are considered 1.5 [generation] . . . . even though they spoke Chinese, when we were little, they were also completely fluent in English . . . . my parents wanted me to learn English very fast. (Ren) I wasn’t taught our native language. My mom believed that since they were here already in America, and that I was born and raised here, that I should just learn English only . . . . They just felt that there was no need. But then growing up, I just felt like yeah, I really do need it but it’s a lot harder [to learn] now. (Phoebe) Paolo discussed his family’s emphasis on learning English despite being born outside of the United States and his first language being Tagalog: I was born in the Philippines and I moved to Daly City when I was really young . . . . and like, Tagalog was my first language. But when I started kindergarten . . . . my mom had me stop speaking Tagalog at home so I could learn English faster. (Paolo) One participant described his interpretation of Filipino culture as family traditions and pride, in some ways represented by Manny Pacquiao’s presence. Arnaldo (2016) describes Pacquiao as a \"transnational role model\" for young Filipinos who look up to his ability to overcome poverty and become internationally successful as a boxer turned politician (109). Moreover, Pacquiao’s embrace of religion, masculinity, and cultural identity helps bridge traditional Filipino values with those considered American, as Pete discussed: I think it’s just the little things that Filipinos do . . . . Manny Pacquiao fights, there’s gonna be like a family gathering . . . . what I appreciate the most is being proud of who you are, and I think we wear that on our chest all the time — we’re Filipino, and we’re family no matter what. Hyphenated Identity When participants were asked about identifying more strongly as an American, with their heritage identity, or having a hyphenated identity as Asian Americans, many participants discussed their experiences as being simultaneously Asian and American as a unique experience 37

as they gained a greater awareness of their ethnic identity as they grew up. Some felt they neither belonged in both their Asian heritage nor in the American mainstream, while others described feeling \"American first\" as a result of being born and raised in the United States with opportunities to assimilate. Kya spoke about “Asian American” being a liminal identity: When I was teaching classes at SF State, we would talk about this hyphen thing, like, “What is that? What is so important about it?” And like, I think some scholars will say, “Oh, it’s like such a negative [thing]” . . . . Kind of leading to like, well, when you’re not either, the hyphen creates a sense of belonging. Kafei spoke about his identify conflict in associating with his oppressors: “Honestly, calling myself an American is just so distasteful given how, you know, America has treated . . . . literally killing us over there being global Muslims . . . . but I do strongly identify as Californian.” Even others placed a stronger emphasis on their heritage identity acted as a recognition of their family lineage and marking their belonging to their heritage, such as Rose: I have to accept that I am both white American [and] Filipino American, and part of identifying with that is also . . . . recognizing a part of my ancestors had on like, the genocide of Native Americans . . . . while a lot of immigrants are oppressed, we played a part in like, the oppression of native folks here on this land. Asher (2008) describes hybrid identities as an ongoing, dynamic negotiation of one’s intersections of race, gender, and culture. As some participants expressed, their identification as Asian or American is fluid, varied in response to different contexts, such as Jungkook: “I’m not gonna say I identified more with Asian or more with American, like I grew up with Asian values, but I grew up in an American environment.” Similarly, Ivy discussed the importance of her privileges to her life as someone born and raised in the United States: If I were to choose between the two . . . . definitely [would] be American. I was born here, I only really know this society. Have I visited Vietnam before and gotten to know their culture? Yes. Would I be able to find myself living there and being all about Vietnam? Unfortunately not. 38

When asked about the thought of “being too Asian to be American, and too American to be Asian,” Nook offered the perspective of having a uniquely Filipino American identity: I always tell people like, to be Filipino American is much different than being Filipino and American separately. It’s a very exclusive identity and experience that you know, those who are Filipino American go through. In an episode of the INTERSECTIONS web series, Filipino American psychologist E. J. R. David described his children’s mixed Filipino and Alaskan native heritage as full and equal: “We’re just trying to teach our kids to be proud of their roots . . . . if we want to put numbers to it, we say, ‘yeah, you’re 100% Filipino, and you’re 100% Athabaskan’” (NextDayBetter, 2019). One participant mentioned the impact of learning about Dr. David’s work and how his understanding of having a mixed heritage identity evolved: That just spun my whole perspective on how I perceived myself because I’ve always been, “I’m three-quarters Filipino, a quarter Chinese.” And I always downplay that I’m less Chinese . . . . I should be more accepting of it all. Success for Us and the Family When participants were asked to discuss the significance of their families being immigrants, some attributed their family’s success of achieving the “American Dream” to having their support for pursuing education and be afforded privileges they would not have otherwise. Jin discussed how his parents’ attainment of success inspired him to follow them in pursuing his education and finding a sufficiently paying job: [My parents] went to college here, they pretty much got typical engineering jobs. For me, I use them as the mold, I saw what they were doing and I was like, hey, that’s not a bad lifestyle, they go to work, they have enough money to do what they want to do . . . . seeing how they immigrated here and then just going through it, it made me appreciate how much I guess privilege I have. 39

Phoebe and Elarah acknowledged their family’s sacrifices to provide them and their siblings a better life in the United States and the collective desire to help each other succeed: I guess [the American Dream] made us work even harder . . . . It was hard raising us, especially since [my parents] had just come to this new country and they made a lot of sacrifices. My parents always told me how much they did for us, especially for me. And even up until now, they’re still helping us and everything, but we’re still really grateful for all the struggle that we’ve been through because it keeps us humble. (Phoebe) I love the idea of this, like, persevering in hard work to pursue your dreams, right . . . . I understand the sacrifice that [my family] had to make for us. We all came here, all four kids are here and go to college, and provide for us here, and I think that’s like a shared experience that we all have. (Elarah) Tablo shared about learning how his parents hoped to define success for him and how that definition has evolved as he came of age: My parents, they’re not the most, you know, communicative and like emotional feelings and stuff like that . . . . they have certain traditional standards, but overall, they just want me to be happy and that’s something I really appreciate from them. And I understand, I see it from their perspective too, because they came over here, they struggled, and what they gave up [to] make sure I have a better life here. (Tablo) Others were conflicted by their family’s placement of success on external factors — Aurora discussed the emphasis on doing well in school from her extended family: When we get home, it’s like, “Did you see who succeeded in this, and how much they’re making?” . . . . My parents didn’t have a lot of pressure in school. When I had an F and came home and cried, my mom was saying like, “It’s just an F, you’ll be fine.” They never compared me to other people . . . . my aunts and cousins were the ones and people in Vietnam were the ones saying negative things. Carmen noted a similar pressure placed on her by relatives who had successful careers: My family achieved the American dream, right? I had project managers, I had doctors, I had nurses in my family growing up, and so being the first child in my generation, there was a lot of pressure . . . . I rebelled by not doing so well academically. I mean I still got A’s and B’s, and like I almost died getting a C. 40

Ash described the challenges in telling her parents about a career in teaching and how that challenged their personal ideas of what being successful in American means: A lot of this stuff that I want to do, it goes against a lot of what [my parents] believe in, so for them it’s like, “What is my child doing taking up this low wage type of career?” instead of pursuing like, the doctor route or the lawyer route. And yeah, I think for them, it’s mostly survival and for me, it’s not survival.” Similarly, Eddy shared the extended process of gaining his parents’ respect for his career as a 21st century educator and presenting his achievements to them: The time came to announce that I changed majors without asking my parents — they got like, super pissed . . . . So that’s when the Asian stereotype came in . . . they’re like, “we could just send you back to a community college if you’re gonna do some stupid shit like that.” They have more respect for what I do now, but it isn’t until I showed them, like actually had them come to my classroom . . . . they saw me teaching and they’re like, “Oh he’s actually really good at what he does.” (Eddy) TABLE 4. Acculturation for Asian Americans (N = 38) f% Response 14 36.8 Identified as monolingual (primarily English speaking) 22 57.9 Identified with a hyphenated/hybrid identity 8 21.1 Identified more strongly with being American 3 79.9 Identified more strongly with being of Asian descent Regional Ethnic Awareness The settlement of Asian Americans in suburban communities like the San Gabriel Valley and parts of the Bay Area uniquely shaped some participants’ awareness of their race and ethnicity. Their ability to find peers with similar lived experiences positively impacted their acculturation to the mainstream while encouraging ties to their heritage identity. Bob discussed the significance of growing up in Monterey Park in the San Gabriel Valley: I grew up in Monterey Park, so it’s very Asian heavy, and so everyone, like, most of my friends are Asian, and so we would talk about like, “In our family, we do this,” and you’re like, “Oh, we don’t do that in my family” . . . . we still talked about like, American cultures, mainstream stuff like TV shows, but it wasn’t very prominent. 41

Marigold shared a similar experience of living at the intersection of an Asian and Latinx community that supported their mixed-heritage identity development: I think because I was surrounded by like — there were clear distinctions in neighborhoods of like Latinos neighborhoods and Asian neighborhoods, and the Filipinos would be in those Asian neighborhoods. I think where I came from, like East Asians and Filipinos were always intermixing . . . . in school, like growing up in Union City, I was always with Filipinos, I was always with Mexicans. Others described the importance of having access to areas with businesses and service providers that cater to their communities’ unique cultural needs and desires. Tablo shared about what he has witnessed in the Vietnamese communities (“Little Saigon”) of Orange County: [Orange County] is where, I feel like for this county, is [where there are] a lot of Vietnamese, you know, and that’s probably one of the reasons why Vietnamese people move here . . . . there’s so many supermarkets, and there’s gonna be like Vietnamese working at certain facilities, it’s more specialized. Mandy embraced Orange County’s Vietnamese community and embraced its similarities to the Little Saigon in her hometown of San Jose: It wasn’t until college where like, you know I left home. I went to SoCal . . . . the OC area has like Little Saigon and stuff, so whenever I was there, it reminded me of home, like Grand Century [Mall in San Jose] . . . . I found myself gravitating there a lot because it just felt like a piece of home, even though I was in SoCal. Although Ash did not reside in a predominantly Asian community, her family would make an effort to seek their ethnic community in San Jose: I went to an American school with very little Asian Americans, predominantly Latinx, Hispanic folks and white folks. I had a lot — I was absorbing and taking in a lot of beliefs, and I didn’t know how to navigate that . . . . [My family was] always in San Jose, like a huge Vietnamese community, just to like feel that they’re not like the only Asians. Kafei also spoke about the benefits of residing in a community where Muslims were supported and encouraged to observe their beliefs collectively: 42

People could fully express themselves being Indian and it was fine . . . . Santa Clara in particular, we have at least two Halal markets . . . . [Santa Clara has one] of the largest [Muslim] communities because we have a very large mosque. (Kafei) However, some participants lived in communities where they experienced bullied by their non- Asian peers and felt marginalized. Annie discussed her experiences of discrimination at an early age because she did not resemble her Latinx peers: I grew up in a predominantly Latino community. There was more, I guess, Latino influences . . . . ever since I started kindergarten all the way up until I would say, end of middle school, I experienced a lot of bullying, primarily from like Latinos. Nook shared about a similar experience and how she had to develop a tolerance to being bullied and excluded for not being Latinx: I definitely grew up in a larger Latino community, so I felt more closely aligned with like, an American, Latino kind of culture versus like more Filipino? . . . . I was always just the Asian girl, the chinita, and it toughened me up because, like I couldn’t bring my food around people . . . . you look at it, and you see that it looks like crap and so it brought a lot of shame . . . . The only thing that would somewhat pull me in is like my last name, but then like they can visibly see that I’m not Latino enough. After experiencing bullying in school, Monica’s family relocated to the San Gabriel Valley: We were living in LA, in Highland Park, up until I was in first grade, and I think I remember getting bullied a lot, just because I was the only Asian kid in my class. So I think my mom saw that and didn’t like that so she was really intentional about moving us to a more Asian centered suburb, so that I [could] fit in with more peers. School as a Site of Identity Development Many participants had formative experiences engaging with ethnic studies and cultural organizations on their university campuses that aided their identity awareness as Asian Americans and marginality as people of color. For example, Jay’s pursuit of graduate studies in Asian American studies aided his ethnic identity development: 43

I think when I was in college, because I went to Sac State, I wasn’t involved in as much Filipino like clubs and stuff . . . . my best friend I met up there . . . . introduced me to a lot of like, I guess Americanized things like sports, events, everything really . . . . going back to Asian American studies and learning [about] myself again, that’s where I kind of understand myself a lot more. Ash described her experience taking Asian American studies courses in college and how it offered her an opportunity to feel represented and relevant: I ended up taking Asian American studies classes thinking it was one of those easy A classes. It changed my life and it became this whole thing where I was finally given a story . . . . Through Asian American studies and ethnic studies in general, it became this whole thing where I felt like I was finally socialized in a way where I had the opportunity to find my voice and just like, rediscover and reconnect with my cultural identity that sort of had been like whitewashed. Marigold attributed a similar experience of ethnic studies helping them to terms with their mixed-heritage identity: It wasn’t until maybe my senior year of high school where I joined Asian American ethnic studies where I was really learning, like I felt proud to be Asian American. I felt I had spent and wasted so much time hating such a rich part of myself, I’m turning my back on my ancestors and all of the work that they had done . . . . like, yes, I’m Asian, yes, I’m Mexican, and yes, I’m American — all of these things, as much as they conflict at times, can exist at the same time. (Marigold) As a result of their unlearning of American values, Leon described being able to forge their own identity while confronting what patriotism to the United States means for them: I did [the Pledge of Allegiance] up until probably my second year of college as I found ethnic studies and activism, and learning that it’s okay to face my own culture. But even then, it was disrespectful to my family, right? Because they grew up like very American . . . . explaining that patriotism felt really proud to be part of the Navy until learning ethnic studies, and that kind of got flipped. Some described the importance of finding a home within cultural student organizations during their undergraduate careers. As Ocampo (2016) describes, these spaces guided their identity development as Filipino Americans and helped them find a niche within their larger campus 44