Therapy and Emotions in Film and Television The Pulse of Our Times (Claudia Wassmann (eds.)) (z-lib.org)

138 Omar V. Rosas the same way as the pieces of a jigsaw puzzle fit together to form a picture. A sensitive issue here concerns how journalists categorize the actors involved in the event. Since much of the covering of terrorist attacks is implicitly underpinned by a binary logic of ‘us’ and ‘them’ putting different worldviews against each other, terror- ists can be discursively framed as the ‘Other’ to whom labels such as ‘intrinsically evil’ or ‘mentally ill’ can easily be attached. As such characterizations are not affect-free, they will have significant influ- ence on what cultural values, emotions, beliefs, and identities are highlighted by news media and endorsed – or not – by the public. This issue may be particularly thorny in multiethnic societies in which different political and religious values coexist in a tense calm. Finally, stereotyping, prejudice and ‘dramatic’ reporting can influ- ence how a terrorist event is framed and perceived. Indeed, experi- mental evidence suggests that, despite journalists’ rational efforts to avoid biases resulting from mortality salience, those biases can override institutional factors like the pursuit of objectivity (Cuillier, 2012). All in all, terrorism is not only a powerful means to gain psycho-political control over a group or a country it is also a painful way to draw our attention to our dearest values and worldviews. Reporting on terrorism: media framing The way in which the news media make sense of and create meaning about a terrorist attack is by (re)constructing the happening within a particular ‘frame’. News frames can be roughly defined as struc- turing ideas or schemes for news content whose function is to supply a narrative context in which a particular issue or event is defined and constructed, and its causes and consequences are established and evaluated (Johnson-Cartee, 2005). So in the coverage of terrorist attacks, news frames usually include particular constructions of actors (terrorist, victim), techniques (hijacking, bombing, shooting), targets (civilian population, symbolic buildings), and motivations (political demands, retaliation, publicity, religious fundamen- talism) (Norris et al., 2003). Moreover, since news framing is largely dependent on journalists’ conceptions of newsworthiness (Gans, 2004), it is often the case that some frames do not resonate with the public. The following case exemplifies this issue.

Online Media, ‘Therapy News’ and Fear Management 139 Figure 9.1 Editorial from Le Monde ‘Libre, debout, ensemble’ (2015)

140 Omar V. Rosas On 9 January 2015, Le Monde set the front page of its print edition with the headline ‘Le 11-Septembre français’ (The French 9/11) along with a picture of a crowd in which a woman is holding up a placard that would quickly become a trending topic across the world: ‘Je suis CHARLIE’. The editorial message4 was straightforward: Free, Standing, Together. Emotion, astonishment, but also outrage and determination: Words are not enough to express the magni- tude of the shock wave going across France ... A shock that, on a different scale, brings us back to the one felt by the entire planet on the 9/11. (Le Monde, 2015a) However, the hyperbolic tone of the headline and the editorial state- ment did not go unnoticed; they actually provoked strong criti- cisms by pundits of various stripes, who raised questions about the accuracy and relevance of such a comparison. In addition, the head- line also fueled many comments on Twitter by online readers who criticized its exaggerated tone arguing that, as the French saying goes, ‘Comparaison n’est pas raison’, Comparisons are odious? Indeed, a closer look at the international coverage of the Charlie Hebdo attack shows that most European and American quality news- papers did not frame the event as the French version of 9/11.5 For example, the British print and online press reported on the attack in terms of freedom, war, and democracy: ‘The war on freedom’ (Daily Mail), ‘Attack on freedom’ (The Times), ‘War on freedom’ (Daily Telegraph), ‘An assault on democracy’ (The Guardian). Spanish news- papers framed the event in terms of ‘Jihadist attack’, ‘Terror’, and ‘Freedom’ (El Mundo), ‘Hatred’, ‘Savage butchery’, ‘Jihadist attack’ (El País). Finally, American newspapers, most of which were reluctant to reproduce the Charlie Hebdo cartoons of the prophet Muhammad, reported on the attack in terms of ‘Assault on French Identity’, ‘Deadly Attack’ (The New York Times) and ‘Deadliest attack on Western jour- nalists’, ‘the Charlie Hebdo massacre’, ‘attack on freedom of speech’ (Washington Post). However, although the European and American quality press did not frame the Charlie Hebdo attack in the same way as Le Monde did, it is worth noting that, for some authors, the global framing of terrorist events has significantly changed since the 9/11 attack. Brian Monahan (2010), for instance, has argued that the coverage of 9/11

Online Media, ‘Therapy News’ and Fear Management 141 marked a clear tendency of the media to construct news stories as public dramas. Fear, morality, patriotism, victimization, and the rise of unexpected heroes are some of the narrative ‘leitmotifs’ which characterized both the construction of the news about the terrorist attacks and the subsequent packaging and presenting of the attacks as emotionally gripping stories. In a similar vein, Richard Grusin (2010) has pointed out that a new paradigm of securitization and mediatization emerged after 9/11, what he calls ‘premediation.’ Such a paradigm implies the continuous anticipation and speculation about the unfolding of possible terrorism scenarios by governmental actors and the media. In Grusin’s words, ‘Premediation works to prevent citizens of the global mediasphere from experiencing again the kind of systematic or traumatic shock produced by the events of 9/11 by perpetuating an almost constant, low level of fear or anxiety about another terrorist attack’ (Grusin, 2010: 2). The framing of the Charlie Hebdo attack by Le Monde together with the views about news as public drama and premediation reveal a deep level of affect infu- sion in the framing of terrorism. Online media and ‘therapy news’ Among the many outcomes of this affect infusion is one I want to focus on. It has to do with the therapeutic value of news and its implications for the management of terrorism and of fear. Although it may at first sight seem odd to think of the coverage of terrorist attacks as having any therapeutic value, it turns out that the news can fulfill a therapeutic function in basically two senses. The first one concerns the rise of emotion-laden reporting on victims’ and survivors’ experiences of terrorist attacks, a kind of reporting we may call ‘affective storytelling.’ The second one fits into a wider trend of cultural change – the so-called therapeutic culture – and relates to the growing mediatization of therapeutic discourse in the news. Let us begin with the first sense. In 2000, British journalist and writer Tessa Mayes made a troub- ling diagnosis of contemporary journalism. Focusing on the coverage of disasters, she observed with patent dismay that contemporary news reporting had fallen prey to emotions. As she argues, ‘Instead of a news reporter’s starting point being facts and analysis about the outside world, people’s inner lives and emotional reactions to

142 Omar V. Rosas events – including the reporter’s own – dominate how events are perceived. Emotional indulgence and sentimentalism are replacing informative, facts-based news reporting. Today reporters are providing Therapy News’ (Mayes, 2000: 30). In Mayes’ view, this situation has to be taken seriously as the shift from factual reporting to affective storytelling seemingly signaled a substantive change within journal- istic practices, one that put journalists’ professional identity in jeop- ardy. It should be noted, though, that the core of Mayes’ criticism is not the inclusion of people’s emotions in reports – even though she does not provide any cues as to the proper role emotions might play in reporting. Rather, she sees a serious problem in the priority journalists give to people’s affective experiences over more ‘factual’ information. One example of this ‘therapeutic reporting’ is provided by an article published on the website6 of Le Monde six days after the Charlie Hebdo attack. The headline sets the tone of the entire story: ‘It’s Charlie, come quickly, they are all dead.’ (‘C’est Charlie’, 2015). A picture of a young woman with mournful eyes standing at the premises of the newspaper Libération opens up the narrative space (see Figshare Figure 9.2). The article recounts the experience of Sigolène Vinson, a young columnist from Charlie Hebdo who survived the attack by hiding behind a low wall. With a literary style evocative of a modern novel, the journalist sets the stage for the story by reconstructing in a few paragraphs many details about Sigolène’s activities before the attack, including the book by Zola she was reading, the marble cake she brought to celebrate a colleague’s birthday, the people to whom she wished a Happy New Year, and her memories of what the other members of the staff were doing and saying. At this point in the story, everything fits into a normal working day at the magazine with the usual dose of good humor, camaraderie, and work dead- lines. Yet soon after the first introductory paragraphs, the article takes a more dramatic twist as the journalist reports Sigolène’s long and vivid descriptions of what she saw, what she did, and how she felt during and after the attack. From that point on, the story turns to a narration of sadness, fear, and despair. This kind of affective storytelling – engaged, confessional reporting focused on what an individual feels about a traumatic experience – is precisely the target of Mayes’ critique of therapy news. As she puts it, ‘The danger of this outlook of “engaged reportage” is that news

Online Media, ‘Therapy News’ and Fear Management 143 subjects become more counseled than scrutinized ... The elevation of ‘heart over head’ is a trend followed by the media, but its cause lies far deeper, in politics and society’ (Mayes, 2002: 17). This quotation introduces the second sense in which the news can serve a therapeutic function. Indeed, the ‘heart over head’ trend in news reporting is rooted in deep changes in contemporary politics and society. One of those changes is the rise of therapeutic culture. The concept of therapeutic culture is a multifarious one tightly related to a process of ‘emotionalization’ of culture. Among the earliest accounts of this concept and its societal implications are the classic works of Philip Rieff (1966) and Paul Halmos (1965) on the impact of psychotherapy, particularly psychoanalysis, on society. More recently, the sociologist Frank Furedi (2004) has provided a renewed version of it. According to Furedi, we are witnessing a recent cultural turn towards emotions, one typified by a radical redefin- ition of personhood (in terms of weakness, vulnerability, damage) and the increasing hegemony of therapeutic discourse. As he argues, ‘Despite the orientation of therapeutic culture towards the self, the management of emotions is seen as far too important to be left to the efforts of ordinary people’ (Furedi, 2004: 34). In Furedi’s view, therapeutic culture imposes two somewhat contradictory regimes: We are praised for embracing our emotions – think of the program- matic lines of ‘positive psychology’ – but at the same time we are not well equipped to manage them properly, as suggested by the need for cultivating ‘emotional intelligence’, ‘emotional literacy’ and some pathologizing views of anger, fear, and addiction. On this view, then, therapeutic culture is just a pseudo-enlightened shift towards emotions marked by the establishment of a therapy-oriented intel- ligentsia that prescribes appropriate public displays and manage- ment of affective reactions. Therapeutic news would be just another expression of the growing power of therapeutic discourse. Examples of therapeutic news in this sense appeared on French online media in the aftermath of the Charlie Hebdo attack. For instance, Le Figaro (2015) published on its website a short note about the ‘Paris assists the victims’ Association, which was called up by the government soon after the fatal shooting in order to help the injured victims and their families.7 Readers are thus informed that govern- mental measures have been taken to ensure psychological counseling and professional advice on the legal rights of the victims. A second

144 Omar V. Rosas example is provided by an article published in Libération, under the heading ‘Charlie Hebdo: Shrinks are faced with the French’s anxiety.’8 The article emphasizes numerous manifestations of trauma among Parisian people who looked for help at the SAMU (Urgent Medial Aid Service). In a rather vague way, the article reports that some psychol- ogists have spoken of collective trauma. However, a more cautious psychiatrist interviewed by the journalist argues: ‘What is true is that there has been a wave of collective shock.’ In addition, a specialist in post-traumatic stress disorder analyzes what happened to the French citizens: ‘They had not only a lot of information, but also the feeling of being faced with death. In watching the video of the police officer being killed, they experienced death live. A real death, not like in a video game,’ (Libération, 2015). The article also asserts that between Friday 9 January 2015 and Tuesday 13 January 2015 sales of anxio- lytic and sleeping pills increased by 18.2 percent. Finally, popular online publications like metronews and Santé Magazine also included references to the psychological consequences of the attack. For example, an article published in metronews9 featured the following headline ‘The Charlie Hebdo attack: How to find the words to explain horror to children?’ A childhood psychologist, a teacher, and the editor of the newspaper for kids Mon quotidien were asked that question (metronews, 2015). After providing some caveats on how to frame the issue in accordance with children’s age, the interviewees expressed their professional opinions. Their answers highlighted several points, including: ‘being rather vague when explaining such kind of events to children’; ‘explaining the issue in terms of a problem with bad guys and how the Police is doing anything to arrest them’; ‘telling the children that some bad guys have killed other people because they felt insulted by some draw- ings’ and ‘calling a spade a spade and tell the children in a dispas- sionate way that some journalists have been killed by terrorists in Paris’, among others. So far we have seen that the news may serve a therapeutic function in two senses, although both Mayes and Furedi see them as symptoms of cultural decline. For Mayes, ‘therapy news’ is all about emotional indulgence and sentimentalism. Journalists are becoming counselors and the victims’ emotional experiences are granted newsworthiness. For Furedi, therapeutic culture is all about the hegemony of expert discourse and a redefinition of humans as essentially vulnerable,

Online Media, ‘Therapy News’ and Fear Management 145 powerless individuals, unable to manage their own emotional experi- ences. Both views convey, however, selective readings of ‘emotion’ and ‘therapy’. It is worth noting that Mayes’ argument against therapy news is deeply ingrained in the idea that emotions are troublemakers, intruding where they do not belong and undermining the allegedly undisturbed use of reason intrinsic to professional journalism. Such a rationalist underpinning leads Mayes to believe that by granting people’s emotions the status of newsworthy information, journal- ists are moving away from the modern and venerable idealization of reporting as a dispassionate, objective practice consisting in checking facts and providing ‘hard’ news. However, affective storytelling here is not necessarily sensationalist reporting, although we must concede that examples of it do exist and may generate some ‘compassion fatigue’ in the audience (Tester, 2001). As Mervi Pantti and Karin Wahl-Jorgensen (2007) have shown, affective storytelling under- stood as therapy news can ‘contribute to maintaining societal values and norms’ (Pantti & Wahl-Jorgensen, 2007: 6). Without falling into the pitfalls of a naïve, romantic idealization of journalism, affective storytelling may have some benefits in terms of the socialization of emotional responses and the fostering of solidarity, compassion, and empathy. It is worth pointing out that, despite journalists’ profes- sional claims for objectivity and the public’s perceptions of sensation- alism in the news, many Pulitzer Prize winning stories are pervaded by subjective language and the construction of emotional appeals (Wahl-Jorgensen, 2013). As for Furedi’s view, we may agree that much of therapeutic culture is aimed at ‘normalizing’ behaviors and specifying psychological ways of dealing with our emotional ‘weaknesses’. However, Furedi’s rhet- orical overemphasis on the psychiatric mode of therapy and affective control pushes thinking in a particular direction and obscures alternative ways of conceiving of emotions and therapy (Richards, 2007). For instance, people facing challenging and life-threatening situations naturally resort to emotions in the search for meaning. In such cases, individuals engage in active information search by drawing on personal memories and knowledge, consulting trusted sources, which may include the news, psychological counseling, and valued worldviews, or by sharing their thoughts and concerns with family and friends (Rimé, 2009). Moreover, this double reliance on

146 Omar V. Rosas inner and external sources fosters many social activities aimed at building shared meaning and knowledge, such as comparing one’s beliefs and expectations with others’, narrating one’s experiences, and engaging in conversations with other individuals. Accounting for such cases would imply exploring the ‘therapeutic’ dimension of natural, non-addictive relationality and the ‘relational,’ non-nosolo- gical dimension of therapy. So it may be the case that, even though the mediatization of therapeutic discourse ‘imposes’ a therapeutic regime over the public, this imposition does not necessarily lead to intense identification with that regime. With the rise of affective storytelling in news media and the pervasiveness of therapeutic discourse, we are probably witnessing a new phase of human reflexivity, one in which individuals seek to position themselves affectively within highly mediatized cultures and societies. What is at stake in this positioning is a reconsideration of emotions as part and parcel of our lives, of how they help us bridge the gap between our inner subjectivity and the sociocultural reality around us. In other words, what is at stake here is how we make our way through the mediatized world (Archer, 2007). ‘Emotional regimes’ and the mediatization of fear I want to turn now to two issues relevant to understanding the management of fear in our contemporary societies: the role of emotional regimes and the mediatization of fear. The concept of the emotional regime can be understood in at least two senses. First, and following William Reddy (2001), an emotional regime is the cluster of norms, rituals, speech acts, management styles, and discursive practices related to emotions in a given polit- ical regime. In this sense, emotional regimes are strongly related to specific political identities and historical contexts. The second sense is less ‘official’ and has to do with collective ways of framing both what emotions are relevant for a group and how these emotions should be talked about, expressed, and managed. It implies that different and even competing emotional regimes can coexist within a given society. This can be seen in the emergence of ‘communi- ties of feeling’ (Berezin, 2001) in several dimensions of society such as sports, politics, movies, fashion, art, news, or the advertising of the latest ‘iDevice’. Whether official or nonofficial, emotional

Online Media, ‘Therapy News’ and Fear Management 147 regimes are repertoires of culturally available emotional experiences, emotion words and expressions, management norms, and frames for the public enactment of emotions (Hochschild, 1983). Furthermore, as complex organizing structures, emotional regimes serve repre- sentational, normative, and evocative functions whereby they set boundaries between what is in the regime and what is not – symbols, frames, models, narratives, worldviews. To be sure, the media can reproduce both official and nonofficial emotional regimes aimed at managing fear. This was evident in the coverage of the reactions to the Charlie Hebdo attack. Examples of reproduction of official emotional regimes include the coverage of François Hollande’s speech to the nation10 in which he called for ‘national unity and fight for freedom of expression’ and the big rally organized in Paris where political leaders from around the world marched with interlocked arms to support freedom of expres- sion and to condemn terrorist acts. Cherished Republican values, international solidarity, political concern, soberness, and empathic speeches were elements representative of the official emotional regime. Reproduction of nonofficial emotional regimes include reportages of citizens spontaneously gathering in neighborhoods and squares across France, laying flowers, lighting candles, holding placards, singing the Marseillaise, and applauding. All these rituals of management function as bounding spaces in which particular identities and emotions are highlighted and enacted. Nevertheless, besides reproducing emotional regimes, the media can create new ones. These regimes can be enduring or short-lived depending on whether or not they resonate with the audience. For instance, on 15 January 2015, one week after the attack, the French broadcaster TV711 published on its website an interview with neuro- psychiatrist Boris Cyrulnik. The topic was Cyrulnik’s latest book Les âmes blessées (The Wounded Souls). From the outset, the interview revolved around Nazism, the Inquisition, the Charlie Hebdo attack, and Cyrulnik’s own experiences as a child during World War II. During the whole interview, two banners at the bottom of the screen constantly read: ‘Terrorisme: maladie mentale ?’ (Terrorism: Mental illness?) and ‘Psychothérapie du diable’ (Psychotherapy of the Devil) (see Figure 9.3). The interesting thing to note is that Cyrulnik never spoke in the interview of terrorism as mental illness. Nor did he demonize the perpetrators of the Charlie Hebdo attack. On the

148 Omar V. Rosas Figure 9.2 ‘Point de vue de Boris Cyrulnik, neuropsychiatre.’ 15 January 2015. Screen capture TV7 contrary, at some point in the interview he asserted that most of the victims of terrorist attacks across the world are people from Muslim countries. However, the viewers were primed for almost 30 minutes with a twofold frame having deep roots in particular emotional regimes related to theodicy and the stigmatization of mental disor- ders. Terror Management Theory reminds us how stereotyping, prejudice, and dramatic reporting can influence the framing and perception of a terrorist event. This raises the question of how to disentangle reality from fiction in the mediatization of fear. On a different plane, fictional works too contribute to fostering emotional regimes related to the management of fear. The movie American Sniper (2015), written by Jason Hall, directed by Clint Eastwood, and starring Bradley Cooper, is a good example of the intertwining of emotional regimes and the mediatization of fear. At least three layers of mediatization can be identified which are contingent on different and to some extent overlapping media logics. American Sniper is based on a book written by Navy SEAL Chris Kyle, a cinematic rendering with historical and dramatic liberties of that book, and the real life story of a trial for murder. I will not provide a detailed analysis of that movie here. I just want to highlight how the mediatization of fiction discloses conflicts between emotional regimes and raises questions about the management of fear.

Online Media, ‘Therapy News’ and Fear Management 149 One of the first scenes sets the template for entire movie. The scene depicts the Kyle family dining room table as the father speaks to his children: There are three types of people in this world: sheep, wolves and sheepdogs. Some people prefer to believe evil doesn’t exist in the world. And if it ever darkened their doorstep they wouldn’t know how to protect themselves. Those are the sheep. And then you got predators. They use violence to prey on people, they’re the wolves. Then there are those blessed with the gift of aggression and an overpowering need to protect the flock. These men are a rare breed who live to confront the wolf. They are the sheepdog. We’re not raising any sheep in this family. I will whup your ass if you turn into a wolf. We protect our own. If someone tries to fight you, tries to bully your little brother, you have my permission to finish it. (American Sniper, 2015) This scene conveys the worldview – and the emotional regime – characteristic of the Bush-Cheney era: The world is a battlefield between good and evil; the blessed have the right to use violence; there are preys and predators, and we have to choose to which we want to belong. All these ‘leitmotifs’ play specific roles in different moments of the plot. Yet what is relevant for my purpose here is an underlying way of managing fear that transpires in the movie: War and terrorism are awful experiences. The enemies bring on us fear and desolation. We need specialized people to help us cope with those feelings. They need not be shrinks or ministers. They only need to be gifted and strong. They have to love this country and what it represents. They have to be warriors. They have to be heroes. The narrative of the film is intrinsically heroic. Kyle is a gifted man, an extension of God’s hand to curb evil in this world, a weapon to sow terror among enemies, a sheepdog fighting against wolves. No matter how intense his inner troubles are, how dysfunctional his married life is, or how little self-reflexivity is he able to achieve, the film portrays him as a hero. And, given the plot, it could not be otherwise: The mission he was entrusted with is bigger than he is. He is fighting and laying down his life for his country. He is worthy of respect, praise, and, for some, worship. American Sniper is

150 Omar V. Rosas a Hollywoodish dithyramb in honor of a fallen – and flawed – hero who helped keep fear away from America. Yet this mediatized portrayal of Chris Kyle did not resonate with the entire American public. Indeed, film director Michael Moore dared to oppose this view by tweeting12 about snipers being cowards: ‘My uncle killed by sniper in WW2. We were taught snipers were cowards. Will shoot you in the back’ (Moore, 2015). Although he later said he was not targeting Eastwood’s film, Moore’s tweet sparked a national debate and provoked a massive conservative backlash. Sarah Palin responded to that tweet on Facebook13 Hollywood leftists: while caressing shiny plastic trophies you exchange among one another while spitting on the graves of freedom fighters who allow you to do what you do, just realize the rest of America knows you’re not fit to shine Chris Kyle’s combat boots (Palin, 2015). And media mogul Rupert Murdoch14 quickly joined her: ‘Hollywood leftists trash American Hero, show how completely out of touch they are with America. Bravo Clint Eastwood!’ (Murdoch, 2015). As a fictional work and symbolic resource, American Sniper discloses the complicated coexistence of two emotional regimes in a country where views about recent national history and the political construc- tion of contemporary reality are divided. Furthermore, and going beyond the American context, the controversy generated by this movie raises the question of to what extent the management of fear in wartime or after terrorist attacks is aestheticized and politicized. Whether by setting the news about terrorism in a particular frame or by creating fictional works aimed at depicting an episode of cultural and military conflict, the mediatization of fear has significant impli- cations for how the public see and interpret a terrorist event, how they build social memory about it, to whom they turn in search for help and insurance, and ultimately, how they act. Conclusions Terrorism is a powerful trigger of fear. It highlights our primitive terror of death, pushes us to seek comfort in our shared values and worldviews, but also to oppose individuals who favor different

Online Media, ‘Therapy News’ and Fear Management 151 worldviews. News framing plays a significant role in how terrorist attacks are perceived by the public, what values and worldviews are highlighted, and how much affect is infused in the coverage of these events. As we have seen, one of the outcomes of this affect infu- sion is that news about terrorist events may serve a therapeutic func- tion in two senses. Affective storytelling may foster the socialization of emotional responses to terrorism, but, as Mayes claims, it may also represent bare sentimentalism. Following Furedi, news aimed at informing people about psychological counseling after terrorist attacks may be just another instance of the normalizing power of therapeutic discourse. But it may be the case that the ‘imposition’ of therapeutic discourse does not necessarily mean that people experience intense identification with it. So the debate over the potential therapeutic benefits of the news is still open. Finally, we have seen that online media (re)produce emotional regimes, but can also create new ones. In so doing, the line separating reality from fiction gets blurred and the public may be primed with stereotyp- ical and prejudicial framing. Furthermore, fictional works also play an important role in disclosing competing emotional regimes and pushing thinking about issues of war and terrorism in a particular direction. All in all, the mediatization of terrorism, be it through online media, movies, but also other media outlets, makes it evident that the management of fear in our contemporary societies is highly aestheticized and politicized. Notes 1. ‘Charlie Hebdo: Gun attack on French magazine kills 12’, (2015). 7 January. Available at: http://www.bbc.com/news/world-europe- 30710883. Accessed 30 January 2015. 2. In this chapter, I am referring to online media as including both online news platforms and social media like Twitter and Facebook among others. 3. Goldman, D. & Pagliery, J. (2015). ‘#JeSuisCharlie becomes one of most popular hashtags in Twitter’s history’, 9 January. Available at: http:// money.c n n.com /2 015/01/0 9/te c h nolog y/soc ia l/jesu isc ha rl ie -ha sht ag- twitter/index.html. Accessed 30 January 2015. 4. Van Kote, G. (2015). ‘Libres, debout, ensemble’, January 8. Available at: http://www.lemonde.fr/attaque-contre-charlie-hebdo/ a r t ic le/2 015/01/0 8/ l ibr e s - deb out- e n s e mble _ 455162 8 _ 4550 6 6 8 .ht m l. Accessed 21 February 2015 (my translation).

152 Omar V. Rosas 5. It should be noted that the Lebanese newspaper L’Orient-Le Jour did speak of ‘France’s mini 9/11’. Furthermore, many instances of ‘France’s 9/11’ in English-speaking media are commentaries on the framing of the attack by Le Monde. Medawar, S. (2015). ‘Un “mini-11-Septembre pour la France”’, January 8. Available at: http://www.lorientlejour.com/ article/904558/un-mini-11-septembre-pour-la-france-.html. Accessed 30 January 2015. 6. Seelow, S. (2015,). ‘C’est Charlie, venez vite, ils sont tous morts’, 13 January. Available at: http://www.lemonde.fr/societe/article/2015/01/13/c-est- charlie-venez-vite-ils-sont-tous-morts_4554839_3224.html. Accessed 21 February 2015. 7. Négroni, A. (2015). ‘Une association mobilisée pour aider les blessés de la fusillade mortelle à Charlie Hebdo’, 7 January. Available at: http://www. lef igaro.f r/ac t ualite-f rance/2015/01/07/01016 –20150107A RT FIG 0 0280 - une-association-mobilisee-pour-aider-les-blesses-de-la-fusillade-mor- telle-a-charlie-hebdo.php. Accessed 30 January 2015. 8. Lesbros, F. (2015). ‘“Charlie Hebdo”: Les psys face à l’angoisse des Français’, 17 January. Available at: http://www.liberation.fr/societe/2015/01/17/ charlie-hebdo-les-psys-face-a-l-angoisse-des-francais_1182278. Accessed 30 January 2015. 9. Daniel, G. (2015). ‘Attentat contre « Charlie Hebdo »: Comment trouver les mots pour expliquer l’horreur aux enfants?’, 8 January. Available at: http:// www.metronews.fr/info/attentat-a-charlie-hebdo-comment-trouver-les- mot s -p ou r- e x pl ique r-l-hor re u r- au x- e n fa nt s/moa h! bf E95I R x kW K D2/. Accessed 30 January 2015. 10. Hollande, F., President of the Republic (2015). ‘Charlie Hebdo’ – Statements by President Hollande – France in the United States/Embassy of France in Washington, DC, 8 January. Available at: http://ambafrance-us.org/spip. php?article6408. Accessed 30 January 2015. 11. TV7 Le Live (2015). ‘Point de vue de Boris Cyrulnik, neuropsychiatre’, 15 January. Available at: http://www.tv7.com/point-de-vue-de-boris-cyrul- nik-neuropsychiatre_3979593465001.php. Accessed 30 January 2015. 12. Moore, M. (2015). ‘My uncle killed by sniper in WW2’, 18 January. Available at: https://twitter.com/mmflint/status/556914094406926336. Accessed 21 February 2015. 13. Palin, S. (2015). ‘God bless our troupes, especially our snipers’, 19 January. Available at: https://www.facebook.com/sarahpalin/ posts/10153050365203588. Accessed 21 February 2015. 14. Murdoch, R. (2015, January 23). ‘Hollywood leftists trash American Hero’, 23 January. Available at: https://twitter.com/rupertmurdoch/ status/558788568127393793. Accessed 21 February 2015.

10 A Tentative Conclusion: The Pulse of Our Times Claudia Wassmann In this collected volume we argue that films and television series are a privileged means for taking The Pulse of Our Times, because they reveal the shifts in our emotional preferences, conventions, and ‘emotional regimes’. Films allow us to discern what is time honored about emotions and what is historically contingent. By their thematic choices, their preferences for specific genres and their deci- sions about editing and actors, films convey information about tastes and preoccupations at a given period in time. In this respect the shift in genres from the comedies of the 1950s–1970s to the crime fiction of the 2000s, and the movies on zombies, wars, and snipers are telling. The emotional climate shifted from utopian to dystopian scenarios, from forward looking to disillusioned views, from self-en- joying, happy, and youthful comedies to ‘breaking bad’, and struggle for survival. There is a remarkable discrepancy between the factual living conditions of people, which improved since the 1950s, and the general dystopia portrayed in fiction. While movies on the vacation topic from the 1960s to the 1980s depicted a world that people desired and could aspire to, the ever more realistic and violent crime fiction, which is favored in the 2000s, depicts part of the reality that people cannot escape. The hyper-realistic crime fiction serials cater to the need to spice up reality. For instance, The Wire is said to be addictive, ‘absorbing’, ‘challenging and gratifying’ (Williams, 2011: 208). This fiction provides an outlet or a safety valve for all those negative emotions that daily life generates and that are banned from being expressed (Ross, 2014). 153

154 Claudia Wassmann Films show emotional change and films address the emotions. Films have an ability superior to written text to elicit emotion(s) because films use various channels of sensory information processing in the brain through which emotion can be elicited. The brain reacts to visual and pictorial information, speed, movement, color, contrast, and sound. Films do not only show the visuals, they convey at the same time a whole range of soundscapes, acoustic choices, and infor- mation about musical tastes. Acoustic features are a very important factor in eliciting emotional reactions (Van den Stock, Righart, & De Gelder, 2007). In this respect the tone of voice is a key element, which is not available to historians in written text; as such films preserve different modes of feeling and allow for addressing the complexity of emotion(s). This chapter provides a tentative conclusion about what can be learned from films and television about the ‘Pulse of Our Times.’ By contrasting social science theories with basic principles of emotion processing, film genres, and the recent, highly acclaimed crime fiction, we argue that fact and fiction have switched roles. Fiction has taken over the role of social critique from the news and documen- tary. While before it was the role of the news and the documentary to inform us about facts and critically analyze what was happening in society, since the turn of the twenty-first century news reports cater to the emotions and have become ‘Therapy News’ (Mayes, 2002) whereas fiction has become an acerbic critique of reality. Furthermore, as seen through the lens of cinema and media produc- tions, anger and not fear is the predominant emotional undercurrent in contemporary societies. Social scientists argue that late modern people are characterized by the fact that they position themselves ‘affectively’ in a highly mediatized landscape; a world, as we argue, in which fact and fiction have exchanged places. Films reflect back our reality to us, and they shape this reality in turn. Film and televi- sion series reveal how deeply ingrained ‘therapy culture’ has become over the course of the twentieth century but also demarcate the limits of the therapeutic discourse. Therapy culture, ‘emotional management,’ and ‘emotional regime(s)’ are key concepts in the sociological and historical literature after the ‘emotional’ or ‘affective’ turn. Numerous disciplines turned to the emotions at the turn of the twenty-first century. In sociological and historical literature the field is well circumscribed by Susan Matt

A Tentative Conclusion 155 Current Emotion Research in History: Or, Doing History from the Inside Out (2011), Benno Gammerl Emotional Styles – Concepts and Challenges (2012) and Frank Biess and Daniel M. Gross Science and Emotions After 1945: A Transatlantic Perspective (2014). Historians studied differences in the usage and meaning of emotion terms (Frevert et al., 2014; Dixon, 2003; Lutz & Abu-Lughod, 1990). Emotional reflexivity is taken to be the characteristic feature that distinguishes individuals in ‘late modern’ societies of 1800 to 2000, from the ‘early modern’ period, 1500 to 1800. The historian of the Middle Ages, Barbara Rosenwein (2002), speaks of ‘emotional communities’ denoting shared forms of conduct. She defined political, local or occupational groups as ‘emotional communities’ in the sense that they share the same set of values, norms of expression and forms of behavior, value the same emotions and develop a feeling of belonging through shared emotional preferences. William Reddy (2001, 2009) introduced the term ‘emotional regime’. Arlie Hochschild in The Managed Heart coined the term ‘emotional management’ to describe mechanisms of ‘emotional training on the job’ for example in the case of the stew- ardess, who has to greet everyone and manage every situation with a friendly smile (Hochschild, 2003). Eva Illouz in Saving the Modern Soul (2008) set the frame for the debates on ‘therapy culture’. Film theory too turned to the emotions. For instance Torben Grodal (1997) proposed a new theory of film genres that linked genres to the emotional-cognitive responses of the viewers. In Embodied Visions he (2009) applied neuroscience findings to the aesthetics of film viewing. Grodal developed a theory, which he called ‘biocultur- alism’, which implies a general model of aesthetic experience – the so-called PECMA flow model. However the model does not suffi- ciently describe the underlying neurophysiological brain processes (Fox, 2008). Attempts to find a common definition of emotion in psychology and other disciplines have failed today, just as they did in the nineteenth century. The phenomenon under study is the legendary elephant, with one blind investigator touching its tail and the other its trunk. In the remainder of this chapter I contrast the sociological concepts such as ‘emotional regimes’ and ‘therapy culture’ with neurophysio- logical notions of emotion processing and film, before I turn to different film genres, in particular comedies and serial crime fiction such as The Wire and CSI. In concluding the I briefly summarize the

156 Claudia Wassmann arguments that we make in this collected volume on therapy and emotions in film and television and point to future research. Social sciences: ‘emotional regimes’ and ‘therapy news’ Films can invite reflection upon our own (personal) prefer- ences, choices, moral values, and societal norms. The sociological discourse holds that contemporary societies are characterized by an increasing presence of emotions in public life. The valuing or rejec- tion of specific emotions is considered a criterion of belonging to a particular emotional community in the definition that Rosenwein (2002) gave to the term, and also indicates the adherence to a particular emotional regime. For example, Omar V. Rosas (Chapter 9) uses the term ‘emotional regime’ to describe the speech to the nation by the French President François Hollande in reaction to the terrorist attack on the satirical journal Charlie Hebdo. Emotional regime(s) is a frequently used umbrella term. It is a key concept that absorbed many issues that were previously studied under various guises such as behavior, norms, values, social rules, and power. Ana Marta González (2012) uses the term ‘emotional regime’ to circumscribe ‘the social expectations regarding adequate emotional expression in any given context’. Reddy and Peter Stearns speak of emotional standards, of emotionality, and emotional style (Stearns & Stearns, 1988; Stearns, 1994). Benno Gammerl (2012) prefers emotional styles in the plural, arguing that people can exhibit different emotional styles at different occasions and belong to more than one emotional community. Different emotional styles apply in different socio-spa- tial settings such as the supermarket or the office. The psychological discourse has run deep in society since early twen- tieth century psychology replaced religious scrutiny of conscience as a result of the process of secularization that began around 1800. However, it was only at the end of the twentieth century that psych- ology took over from medicine as the leading science, and ‘thera- peutic culture’ became the dominant trope. A somewhat ironic picture of contemporary society would depict late-modern individuals, who live in emotional communities, express their shared norms and values by emotional standards and styles, which differ according to the ‘emotional spaces’ or locations where the respective behavior is expressed. They are characterized by

A Tentative Conclusion 157 emotional reflexivity and require their emotional needs to be met by society. They must train to manage their emotions and are emotion- ally alienated, because they have to learn and unlearn emotional reactions, and for that reason are in need of ‘therapy news’ and therapeutic advice on each and every aspect of life. Films and tele- vision series however project a somewhat different, more active, less needy, and angrier picture. Emotion(s) and brain function Since the late nineteenth century German experimental psych- ology has pointed out that emotion and cognition are intimately intertwined and that, in fact, emotion is a quintessential factor in decision-making and judgment (Wundt, 1902). However, American dominated psychology over the course of the twentieth century has forgotten about this body of scholarship and this knowledge was lost (Wassmann, 2014). The notion that emotion plays an important role in cognition and decision-making has been rediscovered almost a hundred years later, at the end of the twentieth century when brain imaging techniques such as functional magnetic resonance imaging allowed scientists to study the living human brain. Antonio Damasio (1994, 2003; Bechara, et al., 1997) publicized the idea that emotion is an essential feature in decision-making. Countless studies have since examined all kinds of questions concerning emotion and cognition in numerous contexts, in particular moral decisions and preferences (Haidt, 2001; Greene and Haidt, 2003; Anderson et al., 1999), economic decision-making and decision-making under uncer- tainty (Gigerenzer, 2007; Bechara et al., 1997), pain (Lamm, Decety & Singer, 2011), empathy (Decety, 2010; Bernhardt & Singer, 2012), love, religion, race, and prejudice (Lieberman et al., 2005; Golby et al., 2001). The German term Gefühl, which is commonly trans- lated to emotion, denotes the complexity of emotion(s) better than the colloquial use of emotion in English (Wundt, 1863, 1901). It has a much wider significance. It encompasses feeling(s), emotion(s), and sentiment(s), and basic neurophysiological processes of ‘communica- tion’ of the brain with the body. Emotion can denote (1) basic physiological arousal that weighs information on the level of neuronal activity and directs atten- tion: we are attracted to or repelled by something we perceive.

158 Claudia Wassmann (2) Appraisal: cognitive evaluation of a situation or information in the moment but also in retrospect. Emotion(s) can also be elicited from memory. (3) Affect in the sense of ‘basic emotions’, which have proper names and imply a tendency to (re)act. (4) Modes of feeling that color the ways in which all available information at that moment in time is processed in the brain. This can also last over longer periods of time, for instance in sadness about the loss of a loved one. (5) Moods: ways of feeling on a particular day. (6) And finally, affect in the sense of impulsive reactions that do not allow for cognitive control of the action at that moment, such as being startled or sometimes anger or crimes of passion. The particular strength of film lies in how it taps into the brain’s emotional-cognitive information processing systems to elicit emotions. Emotions are complex. On a higher level of cognitive information processing, cues that reach the brain through all of our senses are integrated. The brain makes judgments on an unconscious level about what we perceive – into which information coming from the interior of our body is integrated – and which informs our conscious judgments for example about people’s actions, their looks, or statements (Fox, 2008). Acoustic information and cues from facial expressions, for example, elicit amygdala activation, which directs the autonomic nervous system and guides further information processing in the brain (Vrticka et al., 2014; Bradley, 2001). In additions films combine color, movement, and sound, and trigger basic neural processes of empathy and ‘emotional contagion’ (De Vignemont & Singer, 2006)., Auditory information is a key source for eliciting emotional reac- tions. Hearing is fully functional in the newborn before sight. It is an important information source, as sound can carry further than sight. We can hear ‘danger’ arriving before we can even see it. The brain’s processing of information changes with emotion. For instance, when we are in a tense mood with fearful expectation, aversive noises seem much louder to us. Physiological processes in the body are altered by what we perceive and they, in turn, alter how we perceive things. Emotion(s) affect brain chemistry. Emotion is all about our perception of how we feel at a particular moment, feeling informs the experience we have in the moment. Emotions inform the mind about how the body feels. Emotions can grab attention and divert the brain’s processing resources away from

A Tentative Conclusion 159 any other thought and let us stay in the moment. In cinema, like being in love, this highly focused attention is experienced as some- thing pleasurable. Films also show how complex the generation of emotion in the brain is (Bloom, 2010; de Gelder, et al., 1999). When we watch a film, we feel as if we move effortlessly, because the brain’s architecture contains so-called mirror neurons, which become active when we see other people execute movements, as if we would execute those same movements ourselves. In this way the brain prepares for action. Mirror neurons are implicated for instance in calculating the distance and coordination of a muscular move- ment, before motor neurons make us execute the actual movement (Jeannerod & Decety, 1995). Partly the same cells ‘fire’ when we see the movement, or when we picture executing the movement in our minds, and when we factually execute it. This is particularly the case when people’s hands are included in the movement. Thus seeing provides us with part of the experience of actually doing what we see. Several explanations exist about the function of mirror neurons and their actual role. Some researchers stress their implication in learning and in the execution of goal directed, purposeful move- ments. Others argue that mirror neurons provide an instant under- standing of other people’s feelings and evoke empathy (Gallese et al., 2004). They explain the attraction of movies in their ability to elicit empathy for the characters. However, neurophysiological processes of eliciting emotions are complex and cannot be explained by mirror neurons alone. As stated above, films allow for addressing the complexity of emotions. What is time honored about emotion is not simply the generic biological principles of brain function. There are for instance different psychological features that evoke laughter, cause surprise, or create suspense. The elements that make people laugh, in essence, stay the same: something unexpected and therefore surprising happens, which is in itself harmless, and which gives a different interpretation to the scene we saw before. However, the particular instantiation of these features can go out of fashion. For example, we no longer laugh at Laurel and Hardy, even though those films have made generations of viewers laugh from the era of silent film (1927) to the 1970s. The mise-en-scène of films is historically contingent, bound to the respective fashions of the time when the movie was

160 Claudia Wassmann shot. It reflects what people may have encountered, desired or feared in their daily lives (at the time). Films go out of fashion, film genres go out of fashion and some films are culture-specific. For example, Louis de Funès comedies made audiences laugh in various countries in the 1960s when the films were first released, and they still make people laugh today as the films are repeated on television1 and are available on DVD and online. Fans have extracted famous scenes and made them available on YouTube. The number of views is high.2 For instance, one viewer commented on Oscar (1967): One of the funniest movies of all time. If I recall, in the scene just before this one, De Funès goes crazy and frantically runs out the front door of the house, only to reappear a few minutes later still at a frantic dead run, giving the impression that he’d been running throughout the neighborhood. De Funès belongs in the ranks of Chaplin, Sellers, Keaton; and Oliver and Hardy. De Funès’ futile behavior, including gestures and facial expressions, is perceived as exhilarating; it evokes a healthy cathartic laugh. De Funès comedies are cultural references in France. As such they can only work if a large enough number of people viewed them, and as long as enough of these people are alive (‘jpbox’, 2015).3 For example, when the movie came out in 1967, Les Grandes Vacances was number one at the box office4 in France with 6,986,917 entries. The popularity of films can demarcate the shifts in ‘emotional regimes’ linked to demographic shifts. Films can denote a change in the emotional climate of a country, which might also be linked to a changing population due to immigration and the turnover of the population as people age and die, altering the social fabric of the respective country. Next to the generic elements that are active in eliciting emotional processing also present in other media, and which cause, for instance, emotions of happiness and laughter or of fear and being scared, films need to intersect with the lived reality of people’s lives in order to appeal. Comedy seems to be more culture-specific than crime fiction. Comedy uses much more culture specific idiosyncratic elements that people, who live in the respective country know and understand and find funny for that reason, and people in other countries don’t notice or don’t find it

A Tentative Conclusion 161 funny, or don’t understand, because they lack the respective cultural codes. Crime fiction Movies can incite us to reflect upon our behavior, choices, and values. This was the aim of Autorenfilm in Europe in the late 1970s and 1980s in taking a critical stance at society. Being critical and analytical is also the expressed aim of hyper-realistic crime fiction on American TV in recent years. For instance, crime fiction series such as The Wire (HBO, 2002–8) and Breaking Bad (AMC, 2008–13) have been highly acclaimed. Crime fiction on television has attracted scholarly attention for quite some time (Craig & Cadogan, 1981; Kestner, 2003; Schaub, 2010). The rise in crime fiction in Britain in the 1980s corresponded to the dismantling of the workforce and social system. It was attrib- uted to a rising ‘threat in the cities’ (Brandt, 1993). The British female detective has also been studied by gender and queer studies (Chang, 2005; Burston, Nfa, & Richardson, 2005) and ethnic studies analyzed crime fiction in multiethnic countries like the United States (Shuker- Haines & Umphrey, 1998). There is a body of literature that covers the rise of new forms of infotainment programming, in particular, the appeal of docu-soaps and crime fiction and the representation of crime and policing in ‘crime reality-TV’ (Biressi, 2001; Leishman & Mason, 2003; Brown, 2013; Fishman & Cavender, 1998). The crime fiction of the 1970s (Edgar Wallace, The Streets of San Francisco) and detective stories of the 1980s (Miss Marple, Father Brown) differ signifi- cantly from the crime fiction of today. The popularity of the genre of crime fiction on television has been attributed to ‘their enduring ability to massage urban insecurities and fears, and then dispel them through a reassuring ending’ (Sparks, in Brandt, 1993: 87). However, rather than massaging fears, the crime fiction series of today seem to provide a security valve to express negative emotions such as hatred and jealousy, aggression, violence, desire for retaliation, revenge, revolt, but also despair and fears. At least this holds for hyper-real- istic crime serials such as The Wire. The flip side of ‘therapy news’ that address the viewers’ emotions, is realistic fiction. Hyper-realistic television series such as The Wire provide detailed depictions of social realities, analysis, and criticism

162 Claudia Wassmann and are highly acclaimed in the Unites States (Williams, 2011). The serials have attracted scholarly attention (Potter & Marshall, 2009; Dillon & Crummey, 2015). They took over from where the news left off, depicting as they are in an acerbic fashion, facts and the reality of a microcosm of decaying cities in the United States. The popularity of a series like The Wire, which portrays in realistic fashion in season 1 the narcotics scene in Baltimore, showing ‘the reality’ of Baltimore larger than life, is due to the fact that the series features characters that stand out as they are struggling for survival, and whom viewers can relate to. The screenplays are anchored locally but transcend the local setting. The series talks to the reality of people’s lives and their feel- ings about the society they live in (Beilenson & McGuire, 2012). As Linda Williams noted, everyone praised the realism of the series, ‘its authentic way of revealing broad social and economic arrangements through its grounding in a realist observation of daily lives in each of the institutions portrayed’ (Williams, 2011: 209). The series gives ‘dramatic resonance to a wide range of interconnected social strata, their different behaviors and their speech over long swathes of time’ (2011: 209). Scholars compared the series to the writings of Charles Dickens and Emil Zola (Chaddha & Wilson, 2011; Álvarez, 2004). Like those novelists a hundred years earlier, the serials take over a role of ‘social critics’. Furthermore, the series got rid of the authoritative voice, the moral stance. As Williams put it, in The Wire, one side is the commentary on the other (2011: 224). There is no outside voice necessary anymore to point out ‘the dysfunctions of any one system’. There is no longer the viewpoint of the ‘us’ understanding ‘them’, instead the fictionaliza- tion of the real existing crime scene becomes an intrinsic comment. However, while the social critical novel at the turn of the twentieth century inspired political action in order to alleviate the ills of society depicted in this fiction, a hundred years later crime drama televi- sion attracts solely scholarly interest but does not incite to action, because it pictures the futility of all actions. The series addresses the decaying cities in the United States, social inequality, and the futile ‘war on drugs’ which parallels and is being compared to the ‘war on terror’ (Williams, 2011). The consequences of ‘economic restruc- turing’ and ‘fundamental demographic change’, loss of jobs, poverty, and the ‘depopulation of inner cities’ apply not just to Baltimore.

A Tentative Conclusion 163 ‘Indeed, it is for this reason that The Wire captures the attention of social scientists concerned with a comprehensive understanding of urban inequality, poverty, and race in American cities’ (Wilson & Chaddha, 2011). The series is representative for other regions in the United States and attractive to other countries as well. Themes which are banned from the news because they are deemed not politically correct, and are not supposed to exist, such as racial discrimination, inequality, and injustice are addressed in fiction. The crime format, which is so acclaimed on American television might represent the other side of the ban on anger in American society, an emotion that one is not allowed to express (or even feel as Stearns pointed out in Chapter 3) but that does not go away for that reason. In the world depicted in realistic crime fiction there are no morals. The social rules have dissolved. Everyone tries to stay alive by every means available. The end justifies the means. In Breaking Bad, for instance, an honest and respectable chemistry teacher turns into a reckless criminal. There is this potential for revolt and the desire for revolt against living conditions that cannot be acted out in real life, so is enjoyed when seen on screen. In that, the crime serials take up the spirit of the time and reflect it back to us, all the more, as for instance The Wire was directly informed by reality, written as it is by a crime reporter. Unlike the crime fiction in the 1980s that massaged urban fears with a reassuring ending, the hyper-realistic crime fiction of today reveals unease with the living conditions and the passivity that we seem condemned to. It seems that more than fear, resentment and anger are the dominant emotions in contem- porary society. Films must relate to the lived realities of people in order to be attractive. Furthermore, they must cater to certain needs, because we watch them for entertainment (Brown et al., 2012). In this respect, one can distinguish realistic crime fiction series like The Wire and the bulk of crime fiction series such as CSI, which are only loosely inspired by reality. CSI: Crime Scene Investigation (CBS, 2000) is the criminal television series that attracted most viewers in the United States and was a global success (Allen, 2007). Series like CSI follow a different logic. Arguably, series like CSI alleviate urban boredom rather than urban fears. The episodes of CSI still always have a happy ending. The crim- inal is caught, even if it may take more than one episode. The stories

164 Claudia Wassmann might be inspired by real events but the way crimes are solved is through waving a magic wand. Forensic science yields instant results, such as DNA tests or facial recognition. These series create reliable tension, which is resolved and does not require any effort on the viewer. The use of forensic science denotes the desire for absolute truth and produces wishful thinking. Scientific evidence is equated with justice (Kruse, 2010) and this creates a cultural repertoire that might affect the behavior of jurors in real trials (Tyler, 2006). Series such as The Wire, Breaking Bad, and CSI, are not just to be looked at on TV but can be downloaded, purchased, and viewed several episodes in a row. Viewers often comment that the series are ‘addictive’. They are well acted, and cut in a way wanting us to see more, to see how the story continues, after one episode has concluded. Intrinsic aspects of TV programming such as audience ratings (Dunleavy, 2009) partly explain why the production of crime series has multiplied, and every TV station broadcasts crime fiction at prime time, because crime is a sure recipe for suspense and attracts viewers. However, there is more to the appeal of these series than just audience ratings, advertising and cutting costs in TV produc- tions created new methods of storytelling, and new styles (Turnbull, 2007). Stories are cut to fit in breaks for advertising, several stories are intertwined in CSI so that the action can always jump seamlessly from one case to the other and pieces of evidence are instantly gath- ered. ‘Cliffhangers’ that build on the attraction of characters that people can emotionally relate to and want to know what will happen to them incite viewers to keep watching. We are social creatures. People-watching was the favored pastime of the nineteenth century. In the streets of London for example, people spent their time casting judgments about other people’s looks, judging them by their faces, movements, clothes, and habits (Pearl, 2010). The series satisfy our need for action, change, and the new. However, when we are in an unfamiliar city the unknown might feel aversive and potentially threatening. Psychologists speak of the brain’s negativity bias (Cacioppo & Gardiner, 1999; Ito et al., 1998). Yet, when we watch television we can actually enjoy the visually new and unknown, because the brain does not need to update its spatial maps that orient the body. Serial storytelling, which maps out the stories horizontally and vertically in time and topic, provides recognizable fare. The viewers

A Tentative Conclusion 165 know exactly what to expect and anticipate that their expecta- tions will be fulfilled, and this the serials obviously deliver. If the serials would not cater to some need and satisfy viewers expecta- tions, there would be no ‘craving’ to see the next episode and viewers would not state that watching the series is addictive. The CSI crime solving pattern provides a reliable suite of anticipation, action, and fulfilled goal, which affects brain chemistry, since completed action releases dopamine which in turn affects how we feel ourselves at that moment. Dopamine release generates a feeling of satisfaction, we feel good, powerful, and fully alive. We want more. The series also caters to the need, that we would actually like our lives to provide us with more opportunity for action. That movies preserve certain modes of feeling does not imply that movies are mere reflections of ‘reality’ to be read without interpret- ation. They require interpretation like any other medium when used as a historical source. Ethnography makes a distinction between ‘true life’ as the realm of fiction, and ‘real lives’ as the domain of ethnographers (Fassin, 2014, 40). As stated before, sociologists claim that emotional reflexivity is the characteristic of late modern individuals. It is often said that TV serves as a model for our emotional identity, our feelings and performances. As Omar Rosas argues, the mediatization of fear has significant implications for how the public sees and interprets a terrorist event, ‘how they build social memory about it, to whom they turn in search for help and insurance, and ultimately, how they act’ (Chapter 9). The same argument might hold true for the depiction of crime and of violence. Scholars debate controversially, if the violence that we can see in the movies, on TV, and now on the internet serves as a model for criminal acts carried out in real life (Freedman, 2002; Ferguson 2014; Lawrence, 2002). The images used in ever more violent fiction trivialize the violent acts. Recent examples are the videos of gruesome executions, which the militant group ISIS put on the internet. It has been shown that these videos serve to recruit new ‘fighters’ (often from the disadvan- taged suburbs) in France, because the French can identify with the French who acted as executioners in the video. 5 Young people in their twenties usually don’t fear death. They feel strong and immortal. And the videos trivialize the brutality of the act. ‘The videos feature a medieval rhetoric and ideology filmed with the professionalism

166 Claudia Wassmann and the aesthetics of the most avant-garde American TV series and the most violent video games, in particular the propaganda film Flames of War6 (55 minutes)’ (‘Ayad’, 2014). As a news report in the Clarion Project noted about the propaganda film, The film utilizes romantic imagery carefully crafted to appeal to dissatisfied and alienated young men, replete with explosions, tanks and self-described mujahedeen [jihadist warriors] winning battles. Anti-American rhetoric provides the voice-over to stop motion and slow motion action sequences. The use of special effects such as bullet-time is interspersed with newsreel footage. (Rayan, 2014) Films as such do not ‘contain’ communicative value but ‘gain’ this value in the process of reception in social interaction, as Robin Kurilla points out (Chapter 8). Face-to-face communication has a higher value than film. However, as we could see, reality and fiction have begun to switch roles.. While this might be mainly an American phenomenon for the moment, other countries such as France started producing their own realistic crime series as well, for example Engrenages (Son et Lumière, Canal+, 2005) and Braquo (Canal+, 2009). These series have also met with great success. They adopt the American model of The Wire and Breaking Bad, following the lives of police, lawyers, and judges, featuring sex, money, and breaking rules. Set in Paris and its suburbs, it makes American viewers in France feel that this is how Paris ‘really is’, while French audiences can be more critical. Engrenages is broad- cast under the title The Spiral on the BBC and in the United States is available on Netflix. The series is also available on DVD and on the internet, for instance via MHznetworks7 ‘a global media company’ that offers ‘top-quality international television programming’ for streaming on demand. TV crime fiction is made increasingly avail- able to be viewed on the smartphone or tablet. Conclusions In this collective volume we stress the reciprocal relationships of TV fiction, movies and reality. Films reflect back our reality and they shape this reality in turn. As we can see in the recent developments

A Tentative Conclusion 167 of video propaganda on terrorist attacks, stories come full circle from reality to fiction and back to reality. Realistic crime fiction reveals the shifting of places of fact and fiction and the presence of anger as a predominant emotion of our times. Films give texture to emotions; they make emotions palpable. This is important in transdisciplinary contexts, because the term emotion denotes so many different phenomena, and the analysis of emotions requires the tools and methods of multiple disciplines. Here we approach shifting emotional regimes through examples of positive and nega- tive emotions shaping behavioral patterns and ‘ways of feeling’, and address different roles of TV series and movies as a social critics and as therapeutic agents. Emotions are a complex field, which cannot be sufficiently explained by the therapeutic discourse favored in the social sciences (Illouz, 2008). While films and television series show how deeply ingrained ‘therapy culture’ became in western societies over the course of the twentieth century, they also reveal the limits of the therapeutic discourse. ‘Managing feelings’ does not provide a solution to the predicaments of contemporary societies. The psychotherapeutic discourse is impotent for instance in explaining decaying cities as portrayed in The Wire both in its explanatory scope and as a means to alleviate societal ills. Nevertheless, films can have a therapeutic value, as Stella Bruzzi (Chapter 6) points out. The ability of film to bring emotions to life and to generate feel- ings in the viewers while they watch a movie cannot be overstated. Bruzzi stresses that we ‘relive the emotions’ when we see for instance a traumatic event re-enacted and that it is impossible ‘not to feel’ as we see the scenes unfold. As long as we watch the event ‘it appears to us as if in the present’. Film viewing is not just an ‘as if’ experience, it actually becomes ‘our’ present at that very moment. This feature is similar to what psychotherapy attempts to create in the client. The therapeutic idea is that if the emotions are being brought back to life again, the traumatic event is being ‘unbroken’, and it is believed that the person will be able to form new appraisals about the past traumatic situation, subsequently think and feel differently about it, and thereby gain the ability to move on in life. Kurilla (Chapter 8) outlines the discourse on mental illness from religious explanations to empiricism and the social sciences discourse. He reminds us that film discourses are not set in a fictional vacuum but are traceable to

168 Claudia Wassmann social discourses. The criteria for ‘normality’ and mental illness are created in social discourses and not in the films, and remain open to critique. Films can invite new debates on socially relevant devel- opments, as Sally Chivers (Chapter 7) shows in her analysis of the discourse about an aging population and choices of care and death. Considering a range of examples from vacation culture and anger management to ‘therapy culture’, reporting on terrorism in online media, and crime TV series, we address the multiple repercussions, which emotions and film and TV series have in our social world, shaping this world and being shaped by it. The movies and TV series that we cited in this collection are well suited to invite further inves- tigations on how emotions functioned as cultural agents over the course of the twentieth and twenty-first centuries. Notes 1. For instance on German public television, French television and Arte 2. Greault, F. (2014) ‘De Funès: 100 ans de rire’, D8 (Canal+) available on YouTube on 5 May 2014. It yielded 217 326 views. Available at: https:// www.youtube.com/watch?v=px92lsuldG8. Accessed 16 March 2015. 3. De Funès was ‘star of the year’ 1966 with a total of 21,146,127 entries. 4. http://www.jpbox-office.com/fichfilm.php?id=9117&affich=france. 5. Ayad, C. (2014). ‘Médias: comment parler de l’‘Etat islamique’, Available at: http://www.lemonde.fr/actualite-medias/article/2014/09/25/les-medi- as-face-a-l-etat-islamique_4494681_3236.html. Accessed 22 March 2015. 6. Rayan, M. (2014). ‘ISIS releases “Flames of War” feature film to intimidate West’. Available at: http://www.clarionproject.org/analysis/isis-releases- flames-war-feature-film-intimidate-west. Accessed 22 March 2015. 7. MYSTERY & DRAMA | MHz Networks: Programming for a Globally Minded Audience. (nd). Available at: http://www.mhznetworks.org/ programs/mystery-drama. Accessed 22 March 2015.

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Filmography Movies 1984 (Michael Radford, 1984, 20th Century Fox) A Beautiful Mind (Ron Howard, 2001, Universal Pictures) A Clockwork Orange (Stanley Kubrick, 1971, Warner Bros.) A Dangerous Method (David Cronenberg, 2011, Sony Pictures) Agnes of God (Norman Jewison, 1985, Columbia Pictures) American Sniper (Clint Eastwood, 2015, Warner Bros.) Amour (Michael Haneke, 2012, France 3 Cinéma, Canal+) Analyze This (Harold Ramis, 1999, Warner Bros.) Anger Management (Peter Segal, 2003, Columbia Pictures) Annie Hall (Woody Allen, 1977, United Artists) Antwone Fisher (Denzel Washington, 2002, Fox Searchlight Pictures) Anything Else (Woody Allen, 2003, DreamWorks) Blue Jasmine (Woody Allen, 2013, Sony Pictures) Changeling (Clint Eastwood, 2008, Universal Pictures) Chattahoochee (Mick Jackson, 1989, Hemdale Film Corporation) Deconstructing Harry (Woody Allen, 1997, Fine Line Features) Die Physiker (Fritz Umgelter, 1964, Süddeutscher Rundfunk) Don Juan DeMarco (Jeremy Leven, 1995, New Line Cinema) Equus (Sidney Lumet, 1977, United Artists) Final Analysis (Phil Joanou, 1992, Warner Bros.) Frances (Graeme Clifford, 1982, Universal Pictures) Girl, Interrupted (James Mangold, 1999, Columbia Pictures) Good Will Hunting (Gus Van Sant, 1997, Miramax Films) Hannah and Her Sisters (Woody Allen, 1986, Orion Pictures Corporation) I Never Promised You a Rose Garden (Anthony Page, 1977, New World Pictures) It’s Kind of a Funny Story (Anna Boden & Ryan Fleck, 2010, Focus Features) Jimmy P: Psychotherapy of a Plains Indian (Arnaud Desplechin, 2013, IFC Films) Lágrimas Negras (Fernando Bauluz & Ricardo Franco, 1998, Alta Films) Les Grandes Vacances (Jean Girault, 1967, Gaumont) Man Facing Southeast (Eliseo Subiela, 1986, FilmDallas Pictures) Manic (Jordan Melamed, 2001, IFC Films) One Flew Over the Cuckoo’s Nest (Miloš Forman, 1975, United Artists) Ordinary People (Robert Redford, 1980, Paramount Pictures) Oscar (Edouard Molinaro, 1967, Gaumont International) Prozac Nation (Erik Skjoldbjærg, 2001, Miramax Films) Shrink (Jonas Pate, 2009, Roadside Attractions) Side Effects (Steven Soderbergh, 2013, Open Road Films) Silver Linings Playbook (David O. Russel, 2012, The Weinstein Company) 186

Filmography 187 Star Trek (Gene Roddenberry, CBS 1966–9; 2009, Paramount Pictures) The Act of Killing (Joshua Oppenheimer, 2012, Drafthouse Films) The Dream Team (Howard Zieff, 1989, Universal Pictures) The Eternal Frame (Ant Farm, 1975, Electronic Arts Intermix) The Eternal Sunshine of the Spotless Mind (Michel Gondry, 2004, Focus Features) The Ninth Configuration (William Peter Blatty, 1980, Warner Bros.) The Prince of Tides (Barbra Streisand, 1991, Columbia Pictures) The Secretary (Steven Shainberg, 2002, Lionsgate) The Silence of the Lambs (Jonathan Demme, 1991, Orion Pictures) The Three Faces of Eve (Nunnally Johnson, 1957, 20th Century Fox) The War Game (Peter Watkins, 1965, BBC) United 93 (Paul Greengrass, 2006, Universal Pictures) Veronika Decides to Die (Emily Young, 2009, First Look International) What About Bob? (Frank Oz, 1991, Buena Vista Pictures) When Nietzsche Wept (Pinchas Perry, 2007, First Look International) Zelig (Woody Allen, 1983, Warner Bros.) Television Series Anger Management (FX, 2012) Braquo (Canal+, 2009) Breaking Bad (AMC, 2008–13) CSI: Crime Scene Investigation (CBS, 2000) Engrenages (Son et Lumière, Canal+, 2005) Star Trek (NBC, 1966–9) The Big Bang Theory (CBS, 2007, 2014) The Big Vacation. Sun, Sex, and Suspicious Parents (BBC3, 2011) The Spiral (BBC Four, 2006) The Wire (HBO, 2002–8)