Rise of the Maratha Power

192 R i se of the M ar atha' P ower . remained in the possession of R ajé r é m’ s so n The M oghul governor of the Deccan . acknowledged S h zi h ' s claim to the u chowth and s a r d és h m u hh ’ over the six z S ubhas, and with in the next ten years, Balaj i Vishwanath Péshw a and Khandéréo Dabhade succeeded in obtaining the formal the thesanaas for muhh cho wth sa r d h’ ’ , , es z jand t he S war h ya. I n this way, the twenty years’ W ar o f Independence was brought to a happy ter m i nat i o n Judging by the results ach i e ve d , . there can be no doubt that these twenty years represent the most glorious period o f M aréthé H istory . Shiv éji had never to fight with the whole force of the M oghul Ern pire ; ctin fa , he actually made his sub mission to them at great self-sacri fice, hw en he was hard p- ressed by their general Ja y as in g . He had besides, the advantage , of being able to count upon the support t tes o to f two Maho medan S a i n t he S u h and to play them against the Moghul power . Lastly, he was fighting under the protection o f his o wn hill-forts. I n all these respects, the patriots who carried on t he W ar o f Independence to a successful issue were at rg eat disadvantage . They had no leader , such as Shivéji, whose personal character

Gi ng i . 1 93 and exploits had a magnetic power which none of his countrymen could resist. They had to fight with the whole of t he Imperial army, led by Aurangzeb himself with all the resources of India at his com dman . O w i ng to S amb h jéi ’ cruelty and s disorder, their most exp ier enced leaders were k illed, and their forts were unprepared for defence. Their prince was a prisoner in the hands of the M oghuls ; and they were driven from home t o take refuge in a foreign l dan W ithout revenues, without . armies, without forts, and without resources of any kind, they managed t o raise armies, retake forts, and develop a system of con quest, by which they regained not only the jswar h ya, but also the right to levy over the Decceho m wth and sa r d é s h u hh ’ an , z t h eand Karnat ik . M any of the me n such , as Réjéram, Pralhad N iraji , Sant éji Ghorpadé and others, who conceived and carried out this plan of Operations, died in the midst of the struggle ; but their places were taken up by others with equal devotion and success. I f A urangz éb had not invaded the Deccan and forced on this war, i t is just possible that a small princi pality might h va e been established in Western Maharashtra like that at Tanj ore, and t he Moghul Emperor might have succeeded in 13

194 R ise of the rll a r ' thd P ower . a counting upon its chief as one of his great nobles. The impulse, given by Shivaji, would have ceased t o be operative in the second generation ; the separatist tendency, always so powerful, would have again asserted i t sel f and t he formation of the M ar é t hé , nation would have been an impossibility . I f all these dangers w e re averted and , a new force commu in cated to the people, the credit of it must be ascribed t o itioA He stirred the people ur angz éb ’ amb n . s o f Maharashtra t o their inmost depths ; and it was the hard discipline of this twenty years’ war, which cemented the national and patriotic instincts of their lead e rs, and during the next three generations carried them as conquerors to the farthest part of India. I n this respect, the W ar of Independence did far greater service than even t he struggle which Shivéji initiated and carried on during the whole of his chequered career. M ere freebooters and plunderers never could vha e obtained suc c ess in such a war against such a foe. It was a higher moral force which brought o ut all the virtues of the best men of the —dari nati o n ng heroism, noble endurance, , administrative skill, hope which rose higher w i th eve ry di sapp o i ntme tn a faith which. ,



CHAPTER X . HO W HO R D ER W A S BR O UG T O UT HO F C A O S . HE close of the twenty years’ war of Nati onal Independence secured, as sta ted in the last chapter, the liberation of Shahu, and his return t o the Deccan as the recognized leader of the Marathas with a commission ryt o car o ut the policy of his gr andfather Shivéji in organizing the union of M ah é rasht r a Though the war may be . said to have thus achieved the main obj ects for which it was waged against the armies of the M oghul Emperor, the fierce passions which had been aroused among the great partisan leaders, each of whom fought for his own hand and was little disposed to , give up his own independence, left behind a scene o f confusion and chaos out of which for some years more it was found almost hopeless to evolve order in the country The sentiment which had given . a common purpose to the Marétha leaders hailed to animate them to work together as oos n as d thA urangz éb ’s and the dis ea comfiture of his armies removed the check

H ow O r der was br oug ht out 0] Chaos. 1 97 on the dissociated patriots of the W ar o f Independence. It would seem as i f the return o f Shahu was intended by the ad visers of the Emperor to serve a double purpose of creating dissension and strife among the Marathas under the ostensible pretext o f satisfying the national sentiment. Shé hu on his return was not welcomed by many o f the partisans who had served under Raj aram, and e spoused the cause of Tarabai and her so n tThe Pan Sachiv . and the Pant A mét ya held aloof from Shahu, and the only distinguished leader of the old national party who left Tar é b é i ’ s c use se ta w as D hanéji Jadhav , who w as n to oppose Shahu, but made common cause with hi m o n being satisfied that his claim j st g t riv lwas u D hanaji J é d h av ’ rea a . s Santaji Ghorpadé had been cruelly attacked and killed by t he M ai ne D éshmuk hs o f Mhaswad, and his three sons were struggl ing in t he Karnat ik to carry on the war against t he M oghuls on their own account. jD hanz’i i Jadhav did not live long after Shéhu’s return to power, and his son Chandrasén Jédhav was too self-willed t o be controlled by the higher considerations which had kept his tfa her at the head of the national armies in the W ar o f I ndepen d cen e O u the pretext of a petty quarrel .

1 98 yR i se ( the M ara’thd P ower . in a hunting expedition with the future he left his master’s P é sh wé Bé léji V i swanat h , service, and aft er going over first to Kolba pur, finally j oined the Nizam of Hy derab da , and his services were thus lost to the national cause. Among the other leaders, Khandéré o D ébhédé was strengt hening him self in Khandésh with a view to further Operations jin Gu arét . Némaji S h i dn e who , of R a ar m ’ chief lieutenants, w as jo ne é s appears later on t o have j oined the M oghuls. Parsoji Bhonslé was like the D ébhti dé carving his ort esout i n Bérar and Go ndawana. f un Both rsKhandéré o D ébhé dé and Pa 031 Bhonslé, without sacri ficing their independent careers, strengt hened the hands yof Shéhu b eSpO llS c use g i sting his a Tarabé i Hayabat réo a an . Nimbalkar, who had established himself in oreGangt hadi , was m dubious in his allegi cean . O n being displaced from power soon after, he left Shabu s’ service, and j oined the N izam. The first class leaders were thus equally divided between Shahu, Tarébéi, and the service o f the fN iz mi . Among the second class men, Kanhoji A ngré adhered to Taré bai’s uca se and had made himself master of the o kK n an. The theThorét s, Chav éns, and the At havalés were setting up independ ence for themselves. The first two were especially troublesome at the time when Shéhu



200 R i se of the hf ani thd P ower . the Moghuls which charact erised his father and grandfather, and he was content t o make his peace i f allowed t o rank as a great noble of the Moghul Empire. He had personal bravery and many good qualities of head and he tar , but the organizing genius and the close applicatioh t o work which alone could e volve order out of chaos had not been in heri ted by him from his grandfather. The Moghul governors were still in posses sion of all but a few hill o-f rts i n the Deccan, and their armies though discom fited, were still able t o command the field. S h ’ h u was no t , under these circumstances, zt fitted by nature or temperament, to devise a scheme of policy, and achieve success by' his own unaided e fforts. N one o f his com manders also had the larger vision which the needs of the position at such a time d deeman d . Duri ng the first few years it seemed as i f the plans of Zulfik ark han were about to bear fruit. The Marathas were able to make no impression collectively by reason of their being split up by mutual jealousy and misunderstandings. The great opportunity that had thus been presented, would have passed yawa i f some master minds had not then come to the front, and fortunately fo r Shéhu attracted his notice in the very , first years of his accession to power. M ere

H ow O rder was br oug ht out of Chaos 201 . force and daring did not represent the want of the time, there was more than enough of i t . W hat was needed was organi z ati o n , a far-seeing p atr i o ti s m t he skill to temporise , and establish an accord in the j m’ ng ele a ments of strife, and a determination to turn them t o account not for private purposes of self-aggrand isement, but for carrying out into effect the traditions which the great Shivéji had fi ft y years ago le ft behind as a legacy to his people. Among the men who came t o the front at this time Bélaji Vishwanath soon asserted for himself by common consent a posi tion which pointed co b dhim o ut as a man who m i ne i n hi m self the virtues of which the country then most stood i n e dn e . bHe had een a K rk s rvic h v gj Ja un in D hanz’i i d h ’ é av e e, a i n s been introduced there by a fellow Kérk un in the same service d b jiAname a Purandaré, the founder o f the Purandaré family. They were D hanéji J ad h av ’ chief civi l advisers, o ne s oth ra Konk anast ha and t he e a D éshast ha Br h The roa man. D eccani Bré hmans had f m the first taken an important p tar in organ i zing t he dominions and po rw e o f Shiv ajl, th theand many o f e m— Hanmant és, t he i gl sP n e , A béji Sondév, Pralhad N iréji and others had shown great abilities i n the field . The Brahmans o f the Konkan had not taken

202 R i se of the M antthd P ower . any prominent part in t he first sixt y years of the development of the Maratha power, but the larger opportunities now Opened out t o talent and ambition attracted some of their best men to try their fortunes in serving their country, and among the men who thus left their homes in the Konkan were Béléji Vishwanath and his friend, the founder o f the Bhénu family, who had been driven by the oppression of the Siddis of Janpré . Balaji Vishwanath and Abaj i Pu randaré accompanied their master D hanéji J adhav when he was sent by Téréb éi t o oppose Shabu s’ return into the Deccan. Before his death D banaji recommended both his trusted advisers to the notice of his new master, and Balaj i made himself especially serviceable as adviser t o S héhu so that be , fore long, he became the chief minister in power, though not in enam , and later ou, hew n the old Péshwa Bahiropant Pinglé failed to give satisfaction to his master, Béléji w as raise d to his place as t he P e s h w a . This was t he man who might be said t o have, by his genius and patriotism, accomplished the task which otherwise threatened to prove almost impossible. Balaji Vishwanath first directed all his attention to the restoration of public order, and put an end to the lawless sne s which the predatory marauders of the



204 yR i se ! the M ar d thd P ower . about without a revolution in which Tét é béi was displaced fr om power and kept in prison by Rémchandrapant, the old Pant A mét ya. I n all these several ways Shéhu found that the advi ce of his ministers had greatly improved the desperate condition o f his affairs since Béléji V iswanéth and his coadjutors had joined his service. A fter the minor troubles had been thus di sp o sed o f Bfiléji turned his attention t o , establish better relations between his master S hé hu and t he great M arét hé chiefs. They were t oo powerful to be brought u dn er control by war or strat ga em. Proposals ao recordingly we dma e to them in which they were appealed t o on the higher side o f their nature. Their common interests were shown to be t he i tn erests of t he entire con federacy. I f they stood together they were great and powerful, but if they insisted on standing apart from their fellows, t he danger of isolation was pointed out t o them , and it was creditable to the patriotism of these l dea ers that such an appeal produced its d sir d e ecte e ff The Chandrasén J. ad hav r ’ o zt and the N imbélk ar had din eed cut them selves 011 from the confederacy by j oining with the M oghuls, but K handéré o D ab h ad e , o r thej jUdé i’ F wa Parso i Bhonslé and , , r zi o

H ow O r der was br oug ht out 0/ Chaos. 205 other leaders who had thrown in their lot in the support of Shabu’s power, were appealed to with success, and arrangements were made by which not only they but the tPan Sachiv and the Pant Pratinidhi, who were the chief members of the old A shtapradhan Councils, were similarly satis fied t hat their interests lay in common uni o n . The title of Sénépat i was about this time conferred on Khandérao Dabhade in acknow ledgment of the great services he had ren dered during the war and in the early years Sh sofab ’ rule. Si milar distinctions u were conferred on jParso i Bhonslé, who dewas ma S e’mi S hhe’ b S ubhh The footing . these leaders had secured for themselves in Khandesh and Bérérs was freely conceded to them, and a legitimate opening was ensur ed for their future successes westwards into Gujarat and eastwards i n t he Gondawan country. Udéji bi ioP o w é r ’ am t n was al s lowed a similar outlet in M alwzi . These three great leaders were promised, if they co o- perated with the central authority, and joined their forces together, that the sanction of the Delhi emperors would soon be obtained to give legitimacy to their preten i ss o n . F at t ésing Bhonslé o f A k k alk ot was also appointed to command Shabu s’ army i n advancing the conquest of the Karnatik

206 R i se of the M ani thd P ower . in the south . The Pratinidhis, who both th rfa e and son had rendered such excellent service, the first during the war, and the second in t he struggles with Kolhé pur, the Khatao M aharéja and the Siddis in the Konkan were honoured by being pl ca e d in charge of the Réja’s 01d dominions be tween the rW ai ua and the N iré. Kénhop Angré ewas mad the chief admiral in the service of th e Maratha pow er, and confirm cd in his possession of the forts in the Konkan. Govindréo Chitnis, who had rendered service during the war, was similarly hon byoured a military command. In this ermann , p ower and privilege were thus distributed amongst the great l dea ers, while Béléji Vishwanath contented himself w ith continuing to be Shabu s’ principal civil adviser, his only military command being co nfined to certain of the jRé é ’ claims in s distant Khandesh and Balaghat which brought him neither power nor resources. This notable self-denial was characteristic of the man , and to a large extent it helped him in carrying out the policy which he had in iV ew of establishing a bond of union between the great leaders whom he wished to or ganiz e for purposes o f common defence and aggr e s s i o n As a result of these pat . ri ot ic endeavours, Béléji succeeded within



208 R i se of the M ar atha P ower . military, and this had t o be done at any cost. Pralhéd N iréji virt ually ruled the councils of the Maréthé forces during the eventful years of the great seige at Gingi, and on his death, R éjé r é m when he return , cd t o the Deccan, was so heavily weighted with the cares of the war that the Ashta pradhén Council was virt ually in abeyance when the war was brought to an nde . When Shéhu was seated o n his throne at Sét éré, an attempt was made to revive the Council bf the eight great ministers, but the arrange ment was not suited to t he altered cir Cou cilcumst ances. The A sht apradhén n was no doubt set up by Shivéji with great foresight, but it presupposed a well ordered centralized government. ‘ I n t he absence of such a gov e rnme tn it could no t be expected , to work in accord with its old traditions, and Shéhu had not the yirt ues o f his gr dan father, and did no t inspire th ta confidence which was felt by all classes in the arrange ment s made by j° Moreover, the Shiv é i . Council might work lwe l for a small king dom confined within narrow limit s, but hw e n in consequence of the war, the M aré , thés spread over the whole country, from the N arm ad ’ to the Kaveri, and the tt lead ers were holding possessions in detached . places surrounded by the entire power of

H ow O r der wa s br oug ht out of Chaos 209 the M oghuls, these conditions for success were greatly w ant i gn and the A sht apradhén , arrangement natu ral l y broke d o w n Bélaji . V ishwanét h saw this inst inctively, and be adapted himself to the altered circumstances of the time. The Councillors still retained their dignities in Shabu s’ Court at Sat éré, but real power and control did not remain in their h dan s except only in enam , when they had to regulate r iesD Bho é b h é d é ’ am i n K handésh and nslé ’ s s conquests in Bérar, and t o fight with the M oghul Governors on the east and the south beyond the limits of the M aréthé territory proper. The separatist elements were always powerful in the M arét ha country, and the war and i t s consequences had strengthened those eleme tn s and weakened the virtues which ensured the success of central rule. Balaj i Vishwa nét h perceived soon that the only arrange ment possible was the formation o f a confederacy of the great leaders held to gether by t he traditions of Shiv éji for pur poses o f common action against foreign powers, but in other respects, a confederacy of co-ordinate and equal authorities in respect of internal management and control In . this way and this way only was it possible to hold together the great leaders who had established themselves by their own resources in the different parts of the

210 R t se of the M ani thd P ower . country beyond their natural and territorial limits The Marzi tha territory proper was . surrounded on all sides by the M oghul Governors at S avanur, at H yd e ré b d’ , in zr by theGujarét and M é lwé and Si ddiS , , the Portuguese and the English on t he west coast. These could only be held at bay by confederating the scattered M ar fit h ’ zt camps and in these camps by localizing power in the hands of capable me n . I n respect of common purposes for which all felt interested, they might and did j oin together and present a solidarity o f interest only on condition that they were allowed t o exercise i tn ernal authority wit hin their o wn limits, and as long as the y w ere animated by the old traditions, there w as general safety in this u ni o n Bé laji . V ishwanath and his advisers accepted this s i t uati o n and the old A sht ap r ad h m’ arrange , z ment gave way to t he idea of a M arat hé confederacy which, for the next hundred years, was the great controller of e vents t hroughout dI n ia . That the plan succeeded remarkably well is evidenced by the fact that it achieved not only its immediate end, but that i t worked well under very trying circumstances for a hundred years and more. It enabled



21 2 ]R tse o the M ani thd P ower . that the old A sthapradhén arrangement would never have succeeded in securing this remarkable development. O f course, there was i n this strengt h a source of weak ness also ; and none was aware o f the w eakness better than Béléji V i shwané th and hi s adv i sers and their , descendants. The confederacy was a rope of s dan , i f it was not held together by a common tradition and a common patriotism . re tBaléji h ’ merit consists V i sh wané t ga s in the fact that while he accepted the situation, he was not oblivi o us to its defects . As the A shtapradhan council could not be revived, he tried to substitute in its place other bonds of union which might minimise the defects of the inevitable change. The leading features of the new policy maybe thus shortly summed up ( 1 ) The confe deracy was held together first by the traditi ons of Shiv éji and by the reverence attache d t o the person of his grandson Shéhu During the forty . years’ period that Shéhu was at the head of power, he continued to be regarded by every leader with affection and regard. Béléji V ishwanéth did his best t o streng then this ti e which held t he members o f the Confederacy together. Every sanad granted t o the civil and t he military commanders

fH ow 07 d ef was br oug ht out o Chaos. 213 had t o be issued i n Shé hu’s enam , and by his orders all titles and di gnities were he stowed on them. He coined the money. Every treaty had to be made in his enam , and every expedition had to be reported to him (2) N ext to this central position of . Shéhu t he other great ele ment which held , together the Confederates was th e sense of a balance of power kept up among t he different members of the Confederacy by a judicious exercise of Shabu s’ i nt e rm e d i ati o n . In Bal aj i V i shwané t h ’ time the Péshwé only s represented a very small military command, though he was Shéhu’s chief adviser in all executive matters. When in the time o f the next t wo Péshw és, attempts were dem‘ to in a crease their military power at the expense of the other commanders, S h é h ’ i nt erven us tion prevented this disturbance of power between the Péshwé on one side, and the D ébhédé and Gaik wéd on the west coast and the Bhonslé o f N égpur, i n the wars in Bengal and the Gangetic V alley . Similar efforts were put forth to retain this balance of power when it was threatened later on by the great Shindia and Holk ar families, when they quarrelled among them se lves or had differences with the Péshw és, the Gé ik wéds and the Bh o nslés The . D abhédés and their successors the Gaik wéds,

214 fs e o the M ardthd R i ver . the Péshwés themselves and their great lieutenants, the Shindiés and Holk ars, and later o n t he Bundélés, V i nchurk ars and t—Pat wardhans, hese work e d t ogethe r fo ra hundred years under an assurance which was seldom disappointed, that the several powers would respect each others’ right, and prevent their total ruin by the aggrandisement o f any one of their body. This idea o f mutual co-operation and o f re spect for each other’s position constitutes the main interest of the story of the M ar at h' Confederacy during these o ne hundred tt years. The equality o f the several pow ers was guaranteed by sanaas and treaties, and in the famous treaty made with the em D elhi B al aj i ti ejBé this p ero rs of in i r é o ’ m , s e quality was asserted by the two great lieutenants of the Péshwé standing surety for their master s’ fidelit v to the trust ac cepted by him on pain of their leaving the P é shwé ’ cause if he broke his word. s The essential idea therefore of the con federacy was that the several members thereof should enforce the preservation of a balance of power in the interests o f all . It was this assurance that kept the con federacy together for so many generations. (3) Besides the t wo bonds of union mention cd above which held the confederacy to



21 6 fR i se o the I ll ara' thd P ower c ommanders t o present t he final accounts of their administrations into the State Trea u ys r . A great central F ad nis or Secretariat Department was organized, where t he ac counts had to be examined and checked. ( 6) Besides the Central Tre sa ury and t he Accounts D e part me tn each commander, large , and small, o f Marath a armies and forts was accompanied by o fli cials appointed by the Central A uthority, and these o ffi cials acted as the audit o fficers o f these commanders and were accountable to the Central Authorities when the accounts were sent up to be finally checked. The Central Authority had thus its representatives with e very chief and they were intended to be reporters-general o f all irregularities and complaints to the central power. These o fficers were called D arak adérs, and were either th e c sejD i wa't ns, M u umdé rs, Phadni s, i n a of t he great leaders, and in the case of forts and smaller chiefs, they were called Sabnis, Chitnis, Jamidérs, and Kérk hé nnis, their duties b i ge n confined to audit and account only. They alone had the right to keep accounts o f the local commanders, and they could not be displaced without the consent o f the Central Departmental heads. I n these six different ways Baltiji V ishwanéth

fH ow O r d er was br oug ht o ut o Chaos. 21 7 did his best to minimise the defects of the new system of confederate government set up by Shéhu and while t hese arrange , ments lasted in their original integrity, the central power was powerful enough to control the entire ad m i ni s tr at i o n O f course, . there were seeds o f dissolution and decay in the arrangement, but they were fairly held in check for nearly a century. W e have the testimony of Mr M ountstuart Elphin . stone and his coadj utors t hat though t he system was theoretically full o f defects, it practically ensured peace and prosperity, and succeeded i n k-ma ing the M arét hé power respected and feared by all i ts neighbours. A ll these checks presupposed the sanction o f recognized auth ority without which they could - not be enforced with l st ye rsefficacy, and t he a a o f Bé léji V i sh w ané t h ’ life were devoted to the ao s complishment o f this end, i e ,. . to secure the recognition by t he Delhi e mperors of the rights o f the M aréth é confederacy to t he overjswar h ya, msa hh t he chauth and r d h’ u ’ es z whole of the empire. This acquisition gained t o the M arathé power that legi ti cyma , in t he absence o f which it is not possible to distinguish power from force . This was t he crowning w ork o f Béléji V ishw anat h ’ organizing genius, and though s

21 8 fR i se o the M at dthti P o wer . many others contribut ed to its success, this achievement must always be his principal claim t o be regarded as next t o Shivéji , the principal founder of the Mar étha C onfe de racy .



220 R i se of the M ara tha P ower . this century, when he or ganiz ed the system o f the subsidiary alliances, as they were call ed, with the native pow ers, which secured to the British Company its sovereignty over the continent o f India. T his idea of the subsidiary alliances was, in fact, a reproduction on a more organi zed scale of the plan follow cd by the M aréthé lead ers a hundred years i n advance, hw en the y secured the grant the ro theo f chauth and sar d éshmuhhz f m Imperial authorities at Delhi The true nature . these cl i s toof msa am cho uth and r d h’ hh ’ es u z, which were conceded by the M oghul Em peror in 1 7 1 9, cann ot be properly under stood without a brief historical review of these demands as they w ere first formul ta ed by the founder of the M aréthé pow er fifty years before at t he very commencement o f his career. The first mention o f these de mands occ sur so b ckfar a as t he year 1 6 50, when S h i v é ji’ te rrit o ry did no t s extend beyond t he limits th r sof fa his ’ e oo ortsjahhg ’ in P na and S up 6 and a few f , zr rnea about. It seems to have been S h i v jéi ’ s ambition to acquire s a r d e’s h mu hh ’ vatan in z t he M arét hé country. H is family had been respectable and even powerful for t wo gene rations, but neither his grandfather nor father could claim equality with the can ient D éshmuk h families with some of whom

Chouth a nd Sat 221 they had formed marriage alliances such as the Ghédgés of M é lawdi, th e N imbélk ars o f Ph lta an, the D aphalés o f Jat , and the Bhonslés of Sé want wédi . These D éshmuk hs claimed to have acquired their can estral vatans from times coeval with the establishment of the A dilshéhi and the N iz émshéhi kingdoms. As D éshmuk hs, they were responsible for the tranquillity and peace of the country, and the collection of the revenues entrust ed to their charge. They used to receive about 1 0 per cent. o f the se revenues, 5 per cent. in cash or r iga n and 5 per cent. in , gr ants of arable l dan Shivéji was naturally . anxious to secure gr t thisa an of sar d ’ h es sub ittedmuhhi m va ta n and i n 1 6 50 he first , to the Emperor Shahajahén a request for the dues the Ju rsar d é s h muhh ’ in F r ants o f nna z and Ahmednagar, over which he claimed his family had hereditary vatan rights. Shivéji offered to enter the M oghul service with horse if his services were accepted. Shaba jahén put 011” this request for the time till Shivéji could submit his proposal in person at Delhi . I n 1 657, when Aurangzeb was in command in the Deccan under his father , Shivéji again repeated his offer. This time it was proposed that A urangz éb should obtain the permission of his father to allow Shivéji to raise a force and seize Dabhol and other

222 yR i se c the J l ar d thd Hawer . se ca- oast dependencies, and protect the Deccan during A ur angz éb ’ absence in his s wars with his rival b rothers. O ne Raghu nathpant and Krishnéji were sent as ambas sadors t o Aurangzeb, and they were instruct ted to repeat the request th efo r sar d ésh g tmuk h’ g veA urangz éb a the authority t r an . which Shivéji desired for the conquest of the Ko k r g rds then an, and as d ’ h m hh ’ ea s a r u es z grant, he promised to discuss the question with Shivéji 's trusted adviser Abzi ji Sondév, when the latter came t o Delhi. The third occasion when we find any refer e nce made to these claims was in connection with the negotiations made between Shivéji J the co ve tiojand Ré ’ ayasi ng at P urandar nn n zt hei n 1 6 66, w n Shivaji agreed to surrender his forts and proceed to Delhi to make his fo lrma submission to t he Emperor. I n this convention Shivéji requested that an assignment should be dma e to him from the territories conquered from the Niz émshahi kings and transferred to Bij apur in consider ation of his hereditary claims on the Nizam shahi government . For the first time we find in this convention a demand made not only for but also fo r c hau th , zi e ce t2 5 per of t he revenue of certain . n . Districts, the charge of collecting which



224 R t se of the M a r d thd P ower . the ruler eedsa m r d e’s h uhh ’ and Go lco nd é agr z, to pay fi ve lakhs about the same time In . levies ere1 67 1 , chauth and s a r d é s h muhh ’ w z recovered from the Moghul province of Khan desh . I n 1 674, the Portuguese possessions i n the Konkan were made to pay tribute by way o f chauth and sa r d ’ hm u hh ' fo r es t that part o f the country. I n return for the tributes paid by the B ij ’ p ur and Gol ai conda rulers, Shivéji undertook to protect them from the aggressions of the M oghuls , and this protection was found very effective in the wars which took place about that time. The Réjé o f Bédnore and the Chief o f Soonda also agreed t o pay tribute t o Shi vaji , and in 1 6 7 6 when Shivaji invaded , the Kam étik , chauth and s ar d é s h m uhh ’ z demands were enforced in those distant possessions. Before his death in 1 680, Shivéji had thus established his system of suhsi diary and tributary alliances with the consent o f the M ahomedan and Hindu rulers in Southern India whom he protected, and he enforced his demands on some o f the M oghul provinces also . The sar de’shmuhhz' claim w as in its or i g i n a request for here , ditary vatan, burdened with the charge o f revenue collections. The de dman for chau' th was subsequently added with the consent of the powers whose protection was nu

Chou th a nd S a r d ’ h m a hh t . 225 es dertak e n against fo re i gn aggre ss i o n 0 11 p ay , ment o f fixed sums for t he support o f the troops maintained for such se rvice. This or i l id o k dwas t he ig na ea as w r e o ut by jShiv zi i and i t was this same idea which in , M arq uis h d boro fW such t he e lle sle ’ an e ys fruit a h dun red and t tywen -five years lat er . h d pe d cIW en t he W ar o f n e n en e w as over and t he M arfit hé le da ers had e stablished . he s lv st m e e i n t he K ar nét t ik , Gangat hadi , r iersBérérs, Kln'mt lé sh, and t he f o nt jo f Gu ’ t arzi and M ai lw a this idea naturally re ce ive d an , e x p ans i o n and i n t he negot iations which , ok p i og o o s B jMto lace w t h t he hul G ve rn r il’ , rt a . O hV i shvanr t h and t he t e r ad v nse rs o f S hahu dfo un it s yne ces ar i du et o nt ro c considerable i till oi gmo d i ficat io ns. W h le t he war was s gn r r g i i sou , t he e was 11 0 o o m fo r ne o t at o n bo va ut chuuth and sar d éshmuhhi , and e en h d o c thejw e n i t was e n e d , t he first b e t o f l d s c r s r iea e r was t o se ure t he e to at o n o f t he S wa r h/va, t e ,. . to r toe s re t o S hzi hu t he t e rri t o r1e s dhe l by g d h ehis ran fat e r wh n c o d Ki ghe was r wne n at Ré igad i n 1 6 74 . A r j p sft e a mR l' ’ d e at h A urangz éb a pe ar to zt r a , s h vea mad e t he first v cad an e by recognizing po ioS h ah ' s r u ht s t o a jrt n o f t he s wa r hya. u r d yHe assig ne d t o S haun as a mar iage o wr p d purIat 11 18 o ld S’ and n al , as u it 15

226 R tse of t he M aratha P ower . sal o t he mahhts o f A k k alk ot and N évé sé . Late r o u A urangz éb induced Shéhu t o send , letters t o the Maré thé Commanders desiri ng them t o sto p s b itt he war and u m t o the Empe ror. The use made o f Shéhu’s agency for this purpose was a disti nct recognition o f his claim to be the leader of the Maré t h ’ forces which were then fighting w ith xi t he M oghuls. I n 1 705 , with a iv e w t o bring this war to an e nd A urangz éb was prevailed , upon t o co sn ent t o the payment o f 1 0 per t ole r v ue sixcen . o f t he wh e e n o f t he suhhri s o f Decc hicht he an as s a r d é s h mu hh ’, fo r w t he z Marét ha Commanders w ere t o agree t o maintain order with a body o f horse This . the r by Au gw as first fo mal re cogmti o n ran z éb o f the claims which jS hi v ’ i had put zi forth ne ra ly fift y years previously for the Not i g c e thissar d/shmuhhz' grar t hn am o f . proposal as the Marat hé leaders raised t heir t r se m , and t he war was continued t o t he e nd . On A ur angz é b ’ death, ow ing to their s internecine r e squa r l his sons found it , c s ry i closene e sa bt o r ng t he war t o a , and S h ’ h u was released and was allowed to zt pro ceed t o his cou trn y, and he was inform ed that if he succeeded in establishing his po wer in the D e ccan Zulfik ark hé n, t he M oghul , der t r theComman , and hi s mas e A z imshéh , Emperor's so n would restore to him the terri ,



228 fR u e o the M aratha P ower Decc jan subhhs. The o ld Karné t ik ahrig zr swas al o t o be restored, and the N ri gpurk ar Bho nslé ’ conquests in Bérzi r were to be s sid h hu e dco nfirmed. O u his S’ agr e t o pay e an Peshkash o f ten lak hs o f rupees to the Empe pr se ero r, and t o peace agai nst de preda e rv tions from all quarters and keep a body of horse i n the Empero r s’ service t o be placed at the disposal o f t he Governo sr , o her ch r ef ho nz a’ r s, and t o fii ce rs i n a g o f the Deccan districts. These terms proposed by b h l s erjBé lzi i V ishvana’tt h o n e a f o f 11 18 ma t were communicated through S hank raiji to t he Sayyad w ho agreed t o t r st he e m as pr o posed, and a draft r yt e at w as drawn pu The . Sayyad sti lpu ated tt ha t he te rri t o rie s not i n his posse ssion i n h rSo ut e n iInd a, oM ys re , Trichinopoly and Tanj ore, might be re co vered by i hS hafhu w t his 0 11 1] re sources his c st o seand at o wn o . S halhu at nce nt ho rse to serve as conti gn e nt wi t h r ythe S ayyad ' am , and all t he M arzi t h’ zi s commanders o f no te cac ompanie d this force , chie b i g rel ithe jf S ’ i Bho nslé, en ant a at o n o f zi the jS e’nd S hhe’h S ubhh Ud zi i P w' and , o zi r, r s gre d toAV ishwésrao t hawlé. The t e m a e by the Sayyad we re submi tt ed for t he sanc tio butn h t he sancti on was o f t he ni pe ror , r se fu ed, as t he E mperor was not disposed to follow the advice o f the dS ayya . The

Chauth a na’ mS a r a'e’sh tt hht . 229 latter thereupon marched to Delhi. A strong orcMar fit hé f e o f troops accompanied d B l jithe S ayya , and K hand é r z’no D ébhédé aa , u oth rV i shv anzi t h M ahadéji Bhan and es , accompanied thi s force. After a slight op pos i t i o n ichin wh Sant aji Bho nslé and , Mahédéji t m’ u were killed i n a street tumult, t he Emperor was put t o death, and his successor dM ahome Shé h gave the thre je sanads h fo r t he swa r d ya, chaut , and to beh lsa r d é s h m uhh ’ Bélaji V i shwanat h on af z, of his master Shahu jM ahéré . Thus taf er a continuous struggle for seventy ye sar , t he objects which Shivaji had formula ted hw en he first put forth his claims in 1 650, were successfully accomplished by the rsleade w ho guided the counsels of Shéhu . Not only was the old js ’ restored, but wa r ya az its limits were extended so as to embrace all the conquests then made, and an opening dewas ma for possible extensions in the future . The jswar d ya sanad included the country above t he Ghé t s, S hi v jéi ’ old conquests be s tween t he H iranyak éshi river in the South and the I nd r ’ yani on the North being the zi Wester Koln M si vals of P o o né , Sét é ré and ba pur. These territories were Pooné, Supé , B JMérémat i , W a1 S lz’n-a , I nd é pur, unne r , é t ' r a , zt h lt T r lKarhéd, K hat é o , M énd P a an, a a a, M al ,

2 30 R i se of the M ar atha P ower . To rdsk é pur, A z re Panha'tlé and Kolhépur . wa , the sEa t t he great est extension was along , the valley of the Bhimé and N iré rivers. e oB l w t he Gh ’ t s the jswar aya included t he ti N orthern and Southern Konk ans Rémnagar, C ulJavé r, Bhi vad1 K ly ja an, Ré é pur , ha , Fo d ortiojD é b ho l Ré zi puri, n a, and a p n of , orthN Kanaré , A k olé and K ud é l I n the . ex re e o t G d gt m S h H yl ’ l Bélléry, and u , aa , , a zi K0pal w ere held by Shi véji to ke ep up his communications wi t h Tanj ore and G ingi . O u the N orth e- ast side, jS hi v é i ’ p osse ss i ons s included detached posts in rSangamne , Bri g This rrolan, K h ’ nd é s h and Bérér . na w and zt irregular strip which constituted the swa r ajya was restored to Shé hu, e xce pting K héndésh, in exchange for w hich x ean e t n sion was allo wed o n the Pandharpur side o f the Bhi mé valley. The si x subhés over which t he right o f levying chauth was conceded, included Bérér, Khéndésh, Auran Bij p rgé b ’ d Bédar, Hyderé béd and a u In , . zi t he accounts o f the Empire the six subhas were supposed to yield in all eighteen crores o f rupe es which the ch rges m on a r d ’ h u hh ’ a es z represented te thone- n , and the chouth would be o ne-fourth . The necessity of such a re cognition of these rights by the Emperor had forced itself upon Bé léji V i sh v ané t h ’ mind s b y the fact that no other measure would have



23 2 R i se of the M ar atha P ower . the entire collections. Thi s chouth collee tion was undertaken by t he Maréthfi leaders and was conceded t o them because it involved no real loss of the net revenue which reache d the hands o f the central authorities at De l hi, being 7 5 per tcen . o f t he t otal collections. Owing, however, t o the depressed state o f the country, t he s ar d ' h muhh i and es chauth revenue nearly absorbed the whole of t he actual receipts, and left but little that could reach the Imperial exchequer. This source o f irritation remained notwithstanding the grant O f the sanads. The jRé é 's bhbt ’ zs as they were called, 1 0 per cent. fo r sar per ce erdm ’ h u hh ’ and 25 nt for chauth , w e . es z, rigidly enforced wherever the Maré thé arms were stro ngr enough to prevail. The remaining three o-f urths of the estimated collections were left to the old Governors, who were, how ever, unable to enforce their recovery, and grad lua ly power fell into the hands o f the M aratha leaders. This transfer o f power did not take place without a struggle. The Emperor could grant the sanad s, but it was not so easy to t e quire t he Governors to give effect to their master s’ wishes. ulkThe N iz ém-ul-M , who w as t he S ub héd ’ r o f the Deccan after t he zi fall o f t he Sayyads, was steadily opposed t o

Chouth and 23 3 the c oncessi on his master had de uma dn e r . pressure, and for t he next tw enty years t he ders e geMarét hé lea w e r e nga d i n an unint e r rup te d co tn est with the N iz ém in which , the seco dj iB Bsi ’ l’ i V ish vanzi t h so n é irao , n zi s isti g i d i el‘ éshwé, chiefly d n u she h ms lf A t first . the N iz ém temporized, and offered to re c ognize the grants made by t he Emperor to hA ter lS ’ hu . f t he fa l o f t he Sayyads, t he zi N izam, professing to side wit h t he Ko lh ’ pur zi Raj é, whom he took under hi s protection , set up his rival pretensions against the col le ctors sent by Sh abu s’ Government. Banrao succeeded in overcoming ' this op p o si t i on , resh obt i dand a f fi r man was a ne i n 71 2 2 . erLat o n the N iz ém raise d a fresh dispute , q uestioning S hé hu’s claim to t he chouth r un t hat he g o dand m sa r d ’ h uhh ’ o n t he es z failed t o carry out his engagement to preserve the tranquillity of t he Deccan. M isunder standings follo wed, and force had to be used to remove this O p p o s i ti o n By making con . venient exchanges o f territory, and conceding x ptio ro thee em n fm chauth and sa r d h’ es m uhhz' demands to t he territory in the i mmediate vicinity o f Hyderé bad, the N iz ém was at last prevailed on to reaffirm the validity o f t he grants made by the Emperor . About the year 51 30, fresh opposition was raised by the N iz ém in concert with t he

23 1 R i se of the M ani thd P ower . Kolhépur Réjé, who pretended t o be a sh rer thesa in e chauth and sar de'shmuk hi dues h ever gmN. The i’ , ow , was a ai n z ft th warted by the superior tactics of t he P ésh w fi and he was forced to give up the , support he extended t o the Réjé o f Kolha pur. The Réjé was hi mself defeated by S hfihu’s C o mmande r the Prati ni dhi , and a , final treaty o f partition was made bet ew en the S é té ré and Kolhépur Réjés by which Sh hs’n u ewas l ft sole mast er under his i m per l gr tsia ms hh ' and an of c haut h a r d h’ u , z es six Decc hilejswarct ya in t he h’ w t he an sub zi s, K olhé pur Raijé had to content himself with the possessions south o f the W érné up to the Tungabh ad rzi river The imperial grants he . came accordingly, after three wars and t w o confirmat ions, the recognized rule of the Empire about the year 1 732 , and binding alike on all t he contesting powers. The causes of dispute were o f course not entirely removed, but the wars which subsequently took pl ca e between the succeeding N iz éms and Maréthé leaders did not involve the question of the legitimacy o f the rights conferred by the Emperors. I n 1 74 3, a dispute occurred between the Maréthé leaders and the then Nizam jSalébat ang. The N izam was defeated, and all the territories in Khandesh and N ésik rwe e eann xed t o the dominions of



236 fR tse o the M ar atha P ower . M ah arashtra country proner st h ‘ came i tn o u t he dhan s o f the members o f the Marét ha Confederacy in the course of the century These extensions o f territory were the results o f conquest s, but they had their origin in the rights conferred by the grants o f chauth ord jand m s a r d é s h u hh ’. The w swar h ya, i n z consequence of these extensions, gradually o btained a much wide r ex ipans on than was comprised i n t he old grant. A nd the right to levy the hichchauth and m s a r d ’ h u hh ’, w w as es z to theat first confined six subhés south o f the Tapti river under these sanaas, was twenty ey ars l ta er confirmed and extended o n the same principles, to the whole of the empire, so as to embrace the territories to t he North, i cludi g j jn n Gu ar é t K {1 t hi avér, h 5 11 5 Ra put é né , . , Bu lkh d thende an , D oéb , N imue h, Gondawana, b lp r D lhi udh Be g ltSam a u , O risszi , i gra, e O and na . , This extension o f power and i nfluence will form the subject of a later chapter, but the essential features were the same as those which have been treated o f above . The chauth and sar d é s h m u hh ’ rights served, in the shand of the z Marathé leaders, the same purpose o f giving legitimacy and expansion t o their power which in the last century has resulted from the suhsi diary alli can es and conquests made by t he British Government. This story o f expansion d erives its chie f interest from the cfa t that t he

Chozt th a mt S ar d eshmuhhz. 23 7 members o f t he confederacy achieved these conquest s not as single states, so much as by acting toge t her in concert. It contrasts it tesigni ficant ly w h t he fa w hich overtook the po licy i o ioo f Ko lhapur s l at n at and , Tanj ore, which stat es were cut rofi‘ f m o the larger li fe which the rights conferred by the gchauth and m s a r d ’ s h uhh ’ r ant s e z cured sse t o Pe hw as, Gzi ik wars, Si ndi és, Ho lk ars, Bho nslés, V inch urk ars, t he Patawar oth b rsdhans Bundélé and . er me m e o f t’ he Co der y o cill s e onfe ac . S h’ h ' s C un or , on a m m zi u bra le o cc ias o n serio usly quesd lSt dUSS t ‘ t he , io er siot n w he t h t he po l c y o f e x pan n r epre jBa irao, s by orented t he l’é sh w ’ t he zi counsel o f caut ion advised b y t he Prati nidhi should prevai l. F ired by the eloquence o f ve h histhe Pésh wé , S li ’ h u ga the weig t o f at ppo o i y csu rt t o t he p l c o f ( o nce r t e d advan e , s s v d is eand t he re ult ac hi e e by t h c o nfe d e rat io po s r oryact n o f t he w e r are mat t e s o f h ist . il r i sThe fa u e o f t he o ppo : i t e po hcy o f o la ti r l by po i ioon , e nlo rce t l pa t y its st n w as , p se r hap sbe t oldest 1. lue t rat e d i n t he c q s ou e diIo n ue st o i t he hl arz’nt lui s in S t h rn n a , is xt ch p toand i t p ro lwo sed i n t he ne a ter i s rllu t at e r tt he c o nt as prese nt ed by the ex i d vpans o n no t i ce abo e wi t h t he i 11g101 i o us sto ry o f t his edse parat branc h o f t he r c r s d by d sce tsMar at h ’ ae e pre e nt e t he e ndan zt ro r e r d mjo f S lnvé ' b t he nt h one at Ta o re. ts

CHAPTER XII . R HMA ATHAS I N SO UT ER N IN D I A . E T E Gr tI H R Mr. D h’ any o f t he an no r u native writers o f Maré thi Bahhar s vha e given much attention to the fortunes o f the Marét hé colony in the far South at Tanj ore , t hough t he Maré thé dominion there was o f an older date than in many other parts of India, and the family which rule d at Tanj ore for nearly t wo centuries, 1 6 75 1 855, was closely allied to the founder o f the Marét ha power in We stern India. The chequered story o f this distant and ill-fated p rincipality confirms our view that the strength o f the M aréthé powe r lay essen io co er cyt ially i n i t s un n as a Those nfe d a . who held themselves aloof from this union o f inte re st s and national sympathy were no t allowed a place in M ar é t h ’ history zi proper either by native or foreign writers ,. The moral o f this tunna ural separation has a mo urnl'ul interest which e nfo rce s atte nt i o n . th e per tThe i mporat nce o f manen i nfluence e xercised by this distant military settlement o f the Marét has on the banks o f t h



240 Ri se of the Al ar atha P ower . There c s thus not a district i n that Presidency which has s lno t a ma l Maré t ha colony c f settlers who have permanently made it their h emo . ou hS t K anar ’ and ai M alab C chi itho ’ r, n and Trt’n' anco re , w a zi Maré t ha population o f one lakh and a h al f were o f course colo nized rf o m the , coast, and t hese settle ment s had no connection wit h the po li ti lca do mination established in the midd le o f t he seve n t eent h century by t he yarm o f S hahaj i and his s p o h rj json V é nk o i t he t e - br t e o f S hivé i , . As migh t be pe t de x t he c T j oit y o f an re ce , and t he districts i n i ts neighbo urhood, N orth Arc to , S é le m and sMadré City, show t he , l rges t s ora f M ar t agg re ga e o f t he e i gn é t h ’ zt s ttl rs s e torse e h jacc o mpante ob S w ho e anc s h’ i a zn his ut T jand so n t o t he S o h an o re has be e n . v y h p ily l der a p M fhé ’ ’ a r zi zn o st y e jby t he Tr v ca an o re as the southe rn h ome o f t he hou h y rs vMar é t h’ s, and t g fi lt y ea ha e zt passed since t he pri inc pali ty was declare d h v l s G ov tt o a e ap ed t o e rnme n fo r want o f heirs, t he R hms o f t he cpala e st ill li v e i n t he city i n t he e nj oyme nt o f state pe sio s l r s tn n and a a ge pr i m t e e ta e W hen . the kingdom was fi rst founded be twe en 1 6 6 6— 1 6 75, the district o f Tanjore include d portio ns o f South A rcot and the who te o f t he Trichinopoly di strict. The military

M arathas i n S outher n I nd i a . 24 1 settlers included both Brahmans and Maré thés and by reason of their isolation , from their d istant home, the sub-divisions w hich separated these castes in their mother c ountry were fo rgo tt e n and they were all , w e lded together under the common name o f D éshast hé s. The Tanj ore Rajés were all of them great patrons of learning some o f them were poets and scholars themselves o f no mean repute , and their charities were on a scale which arre st s att e nt i o n The Tanjore Library . i s t he largest collection o f t he k ind India to be found i n any Native Court in . The cultivation of t he fine arts, music , both vo l i s ruca and mn t e nt al, te c . , was carried to p e r fe ct i o n and Tanj ore attaine d , in those days a pre-eminence which i t still retains of being t he most refined and cult ru ed district of the Southern' Presidency . Aft er the fall o f Tanj ore, the professors of those art s removed to Tré vancore, g vand a e that State the reputation it now enj oys . The great city o f Kombhak onam has a large sprinkling of di sti ngui she d M ar é t h ’ fami zi lies whose representatives, Sir T M é dhavrao , . h urD i wén Ba ad R aghuné t hr é o, ’ é nk asw ami h e ri e to gr t disRéo, .Gopél 5R 10, te c. , av sn ea tinction each i n his i e soown l n me , and