24 2 R i se of the M ar ci thd P ower . o f them have even attained an Indian reputation for statesmanship, learning and philanthropy The Native States o f . Trévancore and M ysore h va e afforded scope to the display o i the highest abilities o f some of these M ar é t hé s tate sm e n both in , the last and in the present century. The servi ces of the Trévancore M inister, English ll k oSubbaré o, are we and of hi s n wn o ne , successors, Sir T M édhavrao , rescued that . State from disorder and insolvency, and turned it into a model teSta , and the father o f D iwé n Bahadur Raghunét hréo achieved equal distinction in M ysore. In N orth Arcot the little jahag ' of zr A m i is still in the enj oyment o f a M aré tha Bréhman C h i e f whose ancestor s , acquired i t originally as a fief for military service from the Bijapur King more t han t wo hundred years ga o . There rw e e other Marzi t hé Brahmans who entered in those d ays t he services of the N abéb of Arcot , and rose to d i sti nc ti o n and were k no w n , d istinctively as N iz amsh ’ hi Bré h mans . zi Similarly the small State o f Paduk ota, which still retains its subordi tna e integrity, has a large M ar ath a p o p u l at i on and its iaffa rs rwe e , adm i ni ste re d by many Brahman Diwans , and t he most distinguished of these belong
244 R i se of the M ar ti thti P ower power, but that their i nfluence has not yet spent i ts e l f and that they even ono w f rm , a most interesting section of the population o f that Presidency, though it must be con fessed, their predominance is now decidedly on the ewan . It is on this account that the story of the conquest of Tanjore must be allowed a place in a narrative which professes to deal with the fortunes of the Maré thé people more than those of any particular section of its confederate rulers. The first entrance o f the Marét has in Southern India took place under the leader ship o f Shahéji Bhonslé, the father of Shivaji, in 1 6 38. He led an army as a gene ral in the service of the A dilshéhi Bij apur kings. These Karnétik wars kep t Shahéji , and his army e ngaged for thirty years, and be conquered Mysore, V éllo re, and Gingi . I n reward for his services, Shah aj i obtained a j hh g ' which i lnc uded Bangalore, Koll ra , a zr , e ré or C other pl ca es in Mysore S . ut t ' and in zt the course of these rs jwaS i 1 648. In , h ah ’ zi forced the old néik chiefs o f Maduré and Tanj ore to submit to the suzerain authori ty of Bij apur and pay tribute. During the varying fortunes of his long career, S hahaji c i dont nue to retain the enj oyment o f his jahhg zr s in the M ysore territory od wn to
M a rti thti s i n S outher n I nd i a 245 . his death in 1 6 64. Bangalore was his head quarters, and was in those days the most southerly encampment o f the Maréthé armies in the south. When his son V éu k oj i succeeded to this therjahhg ‘ , e rw e e zr some internecine disputes between the néik rulers of Tanj ore and d rMa u ai , and th e Tanj ore prince was de fe ta ed i n t he struggle . He then sought refuge at t he Bij apur Court, and that Court ordered V énk oji to place the Tanj ore pri cn e on his th or ne. V énk op marched at t he head o f and troops and obtained a great victory, his established the refugee Prince on throne . The adherents o f the Pri cn e, how ever, quarrelled among themselves, and V énk oji was invited by one o f the factions to seize t he fort of T jan ore . The Tanj ore Prince hed at the approach o f the Marét hé s. Tanj ore was taken by V énk oji in 1 6 74 , and he removed his headquarters fr om Bangalore t o Tanj ore in 1 6 7 5. The most noteworthy event during the period of V énk jo i ’ r lu e over T jan ore, was s the expedition of Shivéji in those parts of the country in 1 6 76. Shivzi ji obtained easy possession o f the Karnéti k jahhg ir o f the family, and V énk oji was buna le to maintain his p o s i t i o n The Bijapur govern .
24 6 R i se of the M a rri thd P ower . me nt recognized S hi v jéi ’ claim to the s Karnét ik jahhg ' , including Tanj ore and zr Trichinopoly. V énk oji was filled w ith despair at this success of his half brother, and resolved to be Ba yr ég ’ and retire z, from the world, but Shivaji wrote a charac t eristic letter t o his brother, and remind ing him of his duty, dissuaded him from b co i ge m n a B h’ Shivéji at this time yr gz . generously yielded all his claims to his father s’ patrimony to satisfy his brother. This generosity had the desired effect, and V énk oji continued to be in charge of his principality down to the time of his death i n 1 687. I n the interest o f the M aréthé confederacy it would certainly have been better i f Shivéji had strengthened his hold in these parts at this time. By his ba an d o nme nt of the kingdom to V énk joi he , cut off this settlement from its proper place in the united Marétha kingdom, and Tanj ore suffered grievously by reason of this isolation V énk on was not a . strong ruler, and in consequence of his inability to retain his distant possession in Mysore, he was obliged t o make Bangalore over t o the Mysore Réjés, who purchased this M aréthé town for the small sum of three lakhs These cessions cut off . t he Tanj ore kingdom completely from its
24 8 fR i se o the i ’ll a r dthci P ower . territory in the Trichinopoly district. Under the rule o f the t wo succeeding monarchs, the T j orSarfon and Tuk jo i an e M aré t h é s , extended their p ower over the M arva country i n the neighbourhood o f Ramesh The hivvar. l ami nd éri s o f S Gangé and Rémnéth were conquered about 1 730. They were fi efs w hich acknowledged the supremacy o f Tanj ore when it was governed by strong rulers, and resisted its power under weak sovereigns. The final conquest o f this part 01 the country was effe c ted i n 1 763 and 1 77 1 , by g er ls j jt he M aré t h ’ en a , Sido i and M é nk o i , zt w ho greatly disti nguished themselves, and M énk oji also play cd a considerable part in b eet he w ar et w n 1 74 2 and 1 76 3. After t he dea t h o f the three sons of V énk joi there w as a rapid succession o f , rulers between 1 735 and 1 740, due partly to the lunti me y death soo f me, and partly to sthe att empt o f the M oghul Commanders to impose the ir own nominees as kings. The ser iceM aré t h ’ o ffi cers i n t he v of zi T jan ore fi nally succeeded in raising t o the th rone Prat é psing, an illegitim ta e son of reig edTuk O JI , in 1 740, and he a n fo r period of twenty-three years.
M ar dthas in S outher n [na’t ’ a The early years of P r at é p si ng ’ reign s witnessed, however, t he second invasion o f Southern India by t he confederate army o f the S é t ar ' Réjé led by Raghuji Bh o nslé of zt N égpur. It was o ne o f t he largest expedi tions sent o ut from S é t ’ ré , and the army zi would h va e accomplished permanent results, if the Tanj ore M aré t h ’ h ad forgotten their at s jealousies, and Raghuji had pushed 011 his conquests taf er his first successes near Trichinopoly. As it was, he was con tent to vlea e a garrison at Trichinopoly, and capture Chandésahéb, who was brought captive to 842 4 1 . rThe Péshwés we e about this time anxious to strike the axe at ott he, t o of the M oghul power i n N orth India, and this expedition to the South was undertaken by Raghuji i n pursuance 30 . t he alternative policy which é-ound support with some o f t he M arathh chie fs who advised S hahu to leave N o rth India t o i ts elf and , seize the southern provinces permanently. Raghuji Bhonslé, o n his return from this e x pe dit i on found enough occupation i n , Bengal and Easte rn India, and the South remained closed t o Maré t ha't influences till t he rise o f Hyder Ali. The release of Chandéséhéb bv Shéhu at the instance o f D upleix, the French Governor of Pondicherry led to the ten years’ war between the
25 0 R i se of the M ar a tha P ower . English and the French —1 750 1 760 . The Tanj ore Réjés sided with Mahomed Ali, the English protégé, and suffered at the hands o f the F rench ally, M urrérao Gho rpadé, who sacked Tanjore at a time w hen the English were unable to help t he jRaé . Lat er o u the French gene ral Lally al s o , plundered Tanjore, but the English succeed cd in sending relief on this occasion . Throughout these Karnat ik wars, the Tanjore army under Mé nk oji played an impo rtant part on the side of the English and against the French. N these deot wi thst andmg all sacri fices ma by t he Tanj ore Réjé s in helping t he cause o f t he English, the N ab éb Mahomed Ali cherished a grudge against Tanj ore, which was noted for its riches, and the inter position of the English alone succeeded in 1 76 2 i n establishing an understanding by which the jRz't é became a tributary o f the N abéb, with an English guarantee, and agreed t o pay four lakhs as tribute . tLa er o u in 1 77 1 , t he N abéb secured the help of , t he M adras Government in attacking Tulséji , tot he so n o f Prat épsing, and Tulséji had sue for p eace which involved him and his State in heavy money liabilities, and cur tai led still more the resources of t he
252 fR tse o the M ar dtha P ower . t o it a part of i ts old prosperity. Just then a war broke out between the English and Hyder Ali, and Hyder wreaked his vengeance on the ill t-fa ed provi cn e of Tanj ore by desolating it again with his plundering h ordes in 1 782 . It was in the midst of these accumulated troubles that Tulséji died i n 1 787, after having reigned eleven years. Tanjore had cut itself adrift from its parent source, and the invasions o f the Maréthés and their victories over Hyder brought no relief to Tanj ore, hemmed in as it was between the English and Hyder. It suffered so grievously during these twenty years that it never rallied g iaa n even when , p eace was restored t o Southern India after the fall o f Tipu. It also suffered from internal dissensions. jTulsé i ’ adopted so n s was displaced by his half-brother A marsing. The money liabilities due to the Madras Government had so increased by this time, and the resources o f the State had been so greatly reduced, that the jRaa was unable to meet his engagements. theSarfop , ad0p ted json i found a protector of Tulsé , and friend i n M r. Schwartz, the Danish mission ary, and the C ourt of Directors recognized his claim to succeed, and he was placed in 1 798 on the throne, and A marsing was forced to retire on p e ns i o n The Marquis of .
Ma r at h' in S outher n I d' 25 3 as tt t a. Wellesley, when he settled Mysore after the fall of Tipu, succeeded also in inducing Sarfoji to part with all exercise o f power over his State, and become a titular jRé ’ . a on a fixed pension made payable t o him out o f the revenues. He lived on the en joyment of this dignity and pension till his d thea in 1 833, and was succeeded by his son who died in 1 84 5 without any male heir. The Tanj ore State was then declared to have lapsed to the Company and the , Rénees were pensioned and allowed t o occupy their old palace. Their private pro perty had also been taken yawa from them , but this was restored to them taf er many years of unsuccessful l i t i g at i o n . This, in short, is the unfortunate story of this little military settlement of the Mara thés in the far South. While the confeder ate M aréthés were able t o hold their own iaga nst the power of the M oghuls, and to recover their indepe dn ence after a struggle carried on for twenty years, this little settle tmen , by re fusing to be a member of the confederacy, and trying t o sh i ft for it s el f , was engulfed in the wars o f the Karnz't tik . lt vi rtually ceased to be a leading indepedent t teS a in 1 762 . There can be no doubt that i f it had kept up its connection with t he
254 fR ise o the Ala r htha P ower . parent State, it would have played a most useful part in the several invasions o f the Marat hé s, whi ch took place between 1 76 2 hich theand 1 79 2 , and i n all w M arét hzi arms prevailed, and both Hyder and Tipu had t o purchase peace by agreeing t o pay heavy subsidies and cession of territories. Tanj ore suffere d the same fate as the o ther M aréthé settlement at Gooty, and for t he same fault, namely, that it cut itself off from the confederacy, and tried t o shift for i t s e l f This is the lesson which the story . of this little settlement is well calculated to teach and it is a lesson which illustrates the strength and the weakness of t he Maréthz’n power— strong when confederate, and unable to retain independe cn e when the uni on br okw as e n pu .
25 6 S oci al L t/e m M a harashtr a . is the successor of the Literary Society. But the Manuscripts are not in that library and nothing on the records of either Society no w available fi’ r d s any clue to their ao present whereabouts. A n impression has existed for several years p tas in some quarters, 3) that the Manuscripts in question were burnt, with th e knowledge, i f not unde r t he orders, of Grant D uff h i ms e l f I have . never, however, been able to ascertain t he basis on which this impression is founded . (4) A nd the story itself is so i mp r ob abl e , and so much like the stories about the j V I I( )3 S e e i nter a li a V i vzd ha nansv i stft ra, A i G2 1 3, V ol I . , V o l 1X p. 2 47. re v ew of rant D fi“ s . , u i dst o ry o f t he M arat has by a st u e nt o f t he P o o na l l dCo e g e ( no w Rao Baha ur N i lk ant h Janard an )K i r t ané , p . 9 ci qse . I ld i p i i dam t o t hat no such m r e ss o n has e x st e at G l dsat ara whe re r ant D uff was o fli cially e mp oye . b i l l d i i d)( 4 The as s a e ge i n t he Re v e w me nt o ne i l b i l( )i n no t e 2 i s c er ta n y v e r y unsu st ant a , and no t t o i pl i i li d dbe m c t ly re e mo u, u n e r t he c i r c u st anc e s. A i i l i dc e rt ai n “ S o ut her n C o mm ss o ne r i s a so me nt o ne i d ias hav ng had so me shar e i n t he e st r uct o n o f t he lM S S . The name o f t he g e nt e man w ho gav e t he i i i b d info r mat i o n o n wh c h t h s sto ry i s ase i s me nt o n d di i icd i n Rev I i pBut i l d i imuch. t he seco n e t on of t he e w p 82. . , d o no t se e t hat t hat m ro ve s mat t e r s v e r y M r. K i r t ané h mse f has i n hi s se co nd e t o n p p l d id l d( )p. 9 5-7 v e ry r o e r y and can y e x pre sse h i s i b l i i dd s e e f i n t he st o ry, t o g e t he r w t h t he g r o un s i b l i pfo r hi s d s e fe . I t i s, e r haps, wo r t hy o f no t e i n i i pp Ellit h s c o nnex o n t hat it a e ar s fr o m S i r H o t t ’ , . H I i VI Ii sto ry 0 1 s nd a, by P r o f. D o w so n V o l pp. . GV I , . and 2 1 0 t hat ano t h e r o f Mrant D ufl’s ss. -a , l i l i i l lt rans at o n o f a Musa man o r g na -i s a so no t no w ifo r t hco m ng.
fGlemzmg s r om Ala r dtlzd Ck m l’ 25 7 r o c es . burning of papers and documents by the Inam C o mmi s si o n that it does not deserve , any further c o ns i d e rat i on It must have . originally arisen probably when it was as certained that the Manuscripts were not on the shelves of the Library of the Bombay Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society. Some of these documents, however have , within the last ten or twelve years become accessible to the Marathi reader in print. A nd with these, there have also been published some others, which apparently were not before Grant D uff A n examin . ation o f both these groups of documents discloses sundry passages o f interest in con nection with Marath a H istory, although it did not fall within the scope of Grant Duff s work t o cast any except a very i nc i dental and hurried glance at t h e m and , that, too, only at some of t h e m Grant . Duff’ s work devotes itself mainly, i f one may not even say exclusively, to the purely political history of the Marathas. Their social and religious progr ess receives only a very occasional and very indirect notice in its pages. It is true, that even in the original documents above alluded to t he , various political transactions of t he periods t o which they respectively relate rfo m al 17
f MSoczal ml la 25 8 Lg e ’ '' zt . tu zar as mo st excl ius vely the subject-matter of t he nar tra ive. 5) S ti ll hw en these origi nal , c tsdo umen are before us, the incidental references contained in them t o social and religious tt s vma er are e en now capable o f being utilized, w hile in the case of t he Manuscripts that are lost, this is en cessarily c seno t the a . A nd for t he reasons stated , we cannot now have access even at second hand to such references as may have been contained in them. Considering that taken alt oge the r, the light thrown on the so c i a C . and religi ous history of the Marathas by the documents now available is no t very plentiful, but comes, so t o say, in only scattered rays , it is a subject of just regret , that even t he ch can e o f adding t o it an extra ray here and there is now foreclosed by the loss of Grant Duff s’ M sanu cripts. In default o f them, however, it is proposed in the present paper, to gather together to a focus such of these scattered rays as maybe obtained from the papers and documents which have, within the last few years, been made generally acccessible in print, in the p ges thea of jV né navisté r a, i d' lza of t he vz Elli Hi I di( 5)In H Sir . ' st o ry o f n a by P r o f . ot s — dD o wso n V lo . I pp . x xx x x l, o ne may r ea so me , , b i d p l i bv e ry t t e r . b ut no t , I fear , unfo und e co m a nt s, a o ut i l i H i dt he c haract e r o f t he c hro n c e s wr t t e n by i i El i iwr t ers nu wh ch Si r H l o t t h ad mt o exa ne . .
26 0 S oci al L if e 1 11 M abd r d s/ztm . Maratha History, except during t he régime of t hat excellent P e s h wa t he elder Ma , dhavrav. (9) O ne principal feature o f S nivéji's system consisted in the creation o f a Cabinet Council—t he famous Ashta Pradhan— or E ight Ministers. ( I O ) A nd one of these eight was k o ( )n wn as Pandi trav. r 1 His functions like , )( 9 S ee abo ut h i m G rant D fl' , V o l II p. 2 0 8 et . , u F b l iqse . and co mpare o r r e st ’ Bo m ay S e e ct o ns, V o l . s FI rye r’s Trave ls, pp . 7 9, 1 46 . ., p. 2 50 ; ( G p1 0) S ee rant D uff, V lo . mI , C i p Li jh t ragu p. 2 3 5 et seq, co . t ' s fe o f S hi v ai , p. 1 03 ; S ab hasad ’s a d i j XI I It to p. 6 9 ; and V i vi d ha nanav i st ara V lo . p, . , F l i2 3 8 et qse . ; o r r e st ’ S e ec t o ns, pp. I 4 , 80 . s ( d i i i)1 1 Th e r e i s so me ve r s t y i n t he v ar o us o ur aut ho r t e s a o ut t h e i d i i bacco unt s co nt a ne in i i inst t ut o n o f t he P and i t r av ’ ofli ce. The M arat ha s j b l i(S zi mraya Bak har )p . 2 8 says, t hat i t was e st a sh~ l i l i p l djc d so me t t e t me aft e r S hi vai ’s un e r o f S urat , d p i d ld l ki n o r er t o ro v e an o ffi ce r who wo u o o aft e r d i it he grant s ma e t o Brahmans w t h a v e w t o t he p i i i k i djre se r vat on o f v r t ue and ust ce i n t h e ng mo . l C i i i iM a har Kamrav h t n s se e ms t o ag r e e w t h t h s V i v i d ha nanavi st ar a, X pV lo . ( jse e ., . and t o sho w d i i it hat all S hi vaii ' s a m n st rat ve ar range me nt s t oo k p isha e at t hat mt e . K ri shnaji Anant Sabhasad ( p. 2 3) i l dsays t hat t he t t e o f Pand i t rav was be st o we o n d i pp i dRaghunat h P an t whe n he was a o nt e as a fi t , p p p i i i iand r o e r e r so n fo r t he ne g o t at o ns w t h M rz a j — pp i i C i iR aa Jayasi ng an a o nt me nt wh ch M R h tn s . . l i C i p lima so e nt o ns. )h t ragu t a i n h i s fe ( p. 1 0 5 and pGu te the aut ho r o f t h e Bh o nslé k ( )Ba har , p. t o , i i irefe r t he it o t he t me o f nst t ut o n o f t he o th ee I l l it he nst a at o n. S e e fur t h e r as t o t he P and i t rav' s i jMfunct o ns R C h i t ni ’ R aani t i p p . 1 0 , 30, and , .. ss p l l C l I di I Icom are Ma co m’ e nt r a n a, V lo . p. , . 4 2 9 ; s F b O i l i (and M mr e nt a ’ IV l pe o r s, 4. 2 1 . ! uarr e o. ., or es s iw hat i s t he me an ng o f Je i ram BO pp ut t her e i d p pme nt o ne ? Can i t be a r o e r name , J ayaram Bapat ?) k iThe D havadasi Ba har me nt o ns t he P and i t rav i n i i l iconne x on w th t he S vami ’ fune ra mc e re o n e s. s
Glea nmg s f r om Jl/la r ci tlzd Clzr oni cles . 26 1 those of the other Ministers and high offi cers, are stated in a Note or Memorandum which purports t o be written on t he 1 3th of Jyésht ha V adya, Tuesday, of the first year of the era of Installation (A D ( 1 2 ) It states that . . t he P and i t r é v ’ duties ar e to exercise all the s ecclesiastical powers of the State, and to order punishment t o be inflict ed after investigating into what is and is not in accordance with the religi ous law . He is to receive le earn d persons on behalf of the State, and countersign all docu ments that may issue from t he Sovereign rela i g to Jt n chdr a, Vyavahdm , and P r dyasch t’ ta , z that is to say, rules of conduct, civil and criminal law and p ceenan s the three ,. departments of the D har maslzéstr a. He is also to look after the performance of S hd nt ’ zs and other ceremonials, and the dis tri bution o f the royal bounty . It is further stated in the Life of Shivéjl, written by M alh ér R é mr ’ v C h i tni s , that the scheme of zt the Cabinet and its functions was settled by Shivaji in conformity with previous practice and traditions ( L d1 2 ) p b i d& c ., mme t t e r s, u l she , i n t he e o r an a, bKavyé t i hasa S angra pa 357. ,. l H i d( )1 3 S e e W est and Buh ’ n u Law, p. 1 3. er s Hi d I( 1 4) S ee Mandli k ' n u Law. nt r . p. x x x n . s XI I Ij( )1 5 V i v i d ha nanavi stara, V lo . , pp. 20 1 , 2 38 l L i jse e a so S abhasad ‘ s fe o f S hi vai , p. 6 9 . A t p. F b l i7 2 5 of M r. o r r e st ’ Bo m ay S e ect o ns, V o l I . , s
262 ]S oci al L 1 ? i n M ahd r d sbtr a . In an Ajnépatr a, or Rescript, hearing Thursd ydate M érgashirsha Shudha 4 t h a of , t he fo rty s- econd year of the Installation era ( 1 716 A issued by Réja Shambhu . Chhatrapati of Kolhapur, it is isa d that it is gamon the duties o f a king o f men t o destroy any tendency t owards impiety, and i r eto nc eas piety, gamon his subj ects, and thus to acquire eternal happiness in the life t o come Accordingly it is laid down ( 1 7) that he retical O p i ni o sn an , t agonist i c to re l i gi o n should yno t b any , means he allowed t o prevail in the kingdom, and i f perchance they should be found t o h va e manife st ed themselves reanywhe , th e matter should be inquired into personally, that is to say, I understand, by the Minister himself t o whom t he order is directed, and due punishment sh ould be inflict ed, so that no one else may j oin in the evil courses, and they may ultimately be altogether stopped. It would thus appear that the Marath a Réjés considered it their right, or rather l i ii s a t rans at o n o f an e ssay by a Maho med an wr t e r l lo f t he last c e nt ury, who a e ge s t hat S h i vajt bor r owe d dh i s sc he me lt o m t he M usalmans. He o e s no t me n i dt o n any g ro un s fo r hi s st at e me nt . ( )1 6 V G V i st ara, V o l V p. 1 94. . . . , ) i p L( 1 7 D tto, mp . 9 1 , and co . et t e r s, &c . , (K I .. )S angr aba , p. 9 .
264 S oci al Life i n M abdr dslztm . us does not state, and there is no other source of information on the subj ect known mt o e . In the time o f S hah u g ia a n hw en Balaj i , shBéjirao was Pe wa t he State had t o deal , with a disput e even then of long standing b etween the Brahmans th eand P rabhus The dispute appears to have commenced as early as the days of Shivéji, and t he settlement then arrived at was, apparent ly, adhered to during t he reigns o f Sam bh aj i and Rajaram, and the greater part o f t he reign of Shahu h i ms e l f Towards th e . latter e nd of S hah ’ rei gn however, t he , us disput e w as reki ndled, as t he Prabhus were favour with as they had much i n Shahu been with S hivap The Brahmans o f the day are charged, in the Prabhu chronicles, with having interpol ta ed new verses into old P iuran c and other books like t he S ahyé d r ' K handa, for the purpose z o f lowering the status of the Prabhu caste . The disputes, having come before Balaj i Bajiré o , th e P e s hw a he wrote to S hah u , i d p l l i( )2 0 Th s i s t he co r re ct mo e o f s e ng t he l i d lname o f t h e cast e as c a me b y mt he se ve s. Th e p d l I i(c hange t o Parbh u co rr u t e Aby ng o - nd ans t o i b j l KP urvo e ) t hey at t r ut e t o kP rabhunchi ye a o us . S e e ayast h a Ba har , p. 6 . ( k (B2 1 ) K See . P a har KPI pp. 1 0-1 2 . . . .. C i p j)2 2 S e e h t rag u t a’s S hi va i, p. 1 2 3 . i
fGleanmg s Mmr o . a r d tlza' Clz r m' les . 26 5 oc recommending that the old practice should . be adhered to, that the new quarrels raised by t he Brahmans should be discount e nanced, and that they should be given final and clear orders in the matter. Shahu (2 3) thereupon s ten an order t o all the Bréhmans o f Khande and M é huli (on th e banks of the river Krishna) ordering that they should continue to perform all cere monies, funeral and other, as the same had been theretofore performed, during the régime of the Bijapur Emperors, (2 4) and also in the time o f j rShivéji, Sambhéji , Raa am and Térébéi, and in the early days of the then current reign. They were directed not to do anything new, not to break anything old. A t the same time with this order of the S ov e re i gn the Pandi t rav Raghunath ap , p ears also to have addressed a communica tion to the Brahmans aforesaid, reciting briefly the order made by Shahu, and adding that the old practice should be revived. (2 5) We l e ran however, that although these , orders were sent, the disputes were not in fact settled, as the Pratinidhi Jagjlvanré v ( ) k (B2 3 KP I See K P a har ... p p. 71 2 -1 . . . ll i l)(2 4 It se e ms t o fo ow fr o m th s t hat t h e M usa , j l d l i iman Ra as had a so e a t w t h t he q ue st o ns be t we en t he se t wo cast e s. ( ) k )B (2 5 pp. 1 2 -1 3, wher e S ee K P K P I Sa ar . . . .. . l lt he e t t e r s ar e set o ut at e ngt h .
‘26 6 fS oci al Li e i n M a /zd r d slztm . Pandit, and his agent Yamaj i, who were gi g s beh lmana n all affair at Sé t érai on a f of S hé hu would no t accept the settlement, , seeing that Shabu's end was approaching . Subsequently Shahu di ed, as was expected, and Balaji Béjirév immediately placed both the Prat i ni d hi and his agent Yamaj i (2 6) in prison , and ordered (2 7) the old practice as regards ceremonies among Prabhu families t o be edmresu . That p racti ce , t h en continued , undisturbed until the end of the administra tion of Madhavri v, and the beginning of that o f N arayanrav . M any years aft er this, (2 8) in the days of v i Br ht he Péshvé Sa a M édhavré v , a a man, we learn, ed Nnam arhari Ranalek ar became hich u deryavanamaya and bizr ashta, w In stand t o mean converted t o M ahomedanism and fallen o ff from Hindui sm. He was then taken back into the fold by certain Brah G II( 2 6 ) S ee V r ant D uff l pp 7 3, , o . .1 , 2. G I I( 2 7 ) i pThe P an at rant D uff, V lo . p 3 5, . . kBa har o f R aghunat h Yadav st at e s ( p. 7 ) t hat S hah u d d k i do n h is e at h -be d ma e o v e r t he w ho le ng o m t o Balaj i Baji rav. ) L d ( )( 2 8 S e e M mett &o ran a, K I S angraba , e r s e c. . . , i i l ip. 7 6. A s m ar quest o n aro se lo ngr aft e r ward s i n i i d i —co nne c t o n w t h t he case o f S ri pat S esha r a b ro d i— it h e r o f t he lat e R e v . N aravan S esha r i h wh ch l l i d G d it he at e e n ght e ne P r o f Bal anga har S hast r i s . d d k p i p iun e rst o o t o hav e t a e n a r o m ne nt ar t wh c h l l d d dmo r ta y o ffe n e t he o r t ho oxyo f hi s d ya .
26 8 Soci al Life m Mahd rd slztm . Bhéu Patvardhan. It seems then t o have been found out , that one of the household attendants in the Péshvé ’s palace, who had been supp osed to b e a Brah man, w as in fact cas t dler. of a low e—a s ad Th e man was ordered to be punished, and penance was administered t o the whole city of Poona, that is, presumably, t o the Bréhmans of th e place, who must have been th e n as they ar e , now, the large maj ority of the inhabitants. (2 9 ) A curious ecclesiastical case was disposed y Bh uof b Sadéshivrév a (30) at Tri mba keshvar. The Giri and Puri (3 1 ) sects of Gosavis had some dispute about bathing at a —a the ye r disputTri mbak éshvar in S z’nlzastlza e, apparently, about which o f them was t o h va e precedence. The dispute led, we are told, t o severe fight s, until Sadéshivrév havi ng offered to settle the matter on the part ) L d ( b( 2 9 I i ip. 5 2 3. Met t e r s, e mo ran a 81 0. K I S angr a a) . . k no w o f no o t he r so urc e o f nfo r mat o n d ir e gar ng t he mat t er t han t he v e ry sho r t e nt r y t h e r e . i i i i l iA c ur o us e x t e ns on o f t he se ve r t y o f th s og c . d d p d Ke v e n t o ecease e rso ns i s sug ge st e at ayast ha ( )Pr m' ab h c hya I t i hasac hi n Sé d hané n G ramanya p 9. . t L d )S e e fur the r (Me t t e r s , e mo r an a 81 0. K I S angraha . . p bp 9. . The assage t h e r e i s rat he r o scur e . p i i p l l d)( 30 I t see ms t hat S adashi v rav r nc a y manage i j i l kit he F b l iSee p A i ip p. P é sh va’s affa r s, Bala as a r u e “ t a ng i t ye as . i nter ali a Bo ’ o m ay S e ec t o ns, V lo . I , r r e st s m1 2 1 , 1 3 4 , and co ar e s at c R e se arc h es, V o l I II p 9 1, . . . Wil li i( )3 1 See P r o f HH so n’s R e g o us S ect s of H i dthe . .. n us, V o l I p p. 2 02 -3. . ,
fGlea ni ng s r om M ard tl m' Chr oni cles. 26 9 of the Government, the t wo parties agreed, theand n Sadéshivrav taking hold of t he hands o f the Mahants o f the t wo rival sects, entered t he sacred waters of t he Kusévarta with th e two M ahants for his companions . The t wo thus entering the water together, all disputes about precedence ceased. (32 ) The Péshvé, however, had not been equally successful in settling another dispute between rival Brahmans, (33) which had arisen some time before at Tri mbak éshvar, in relation t o the temple built by him at that place. The consecration of the edifice could not be performed at the time when Balaji wished it to be performed, because the jYa urvédi a—ndth A past amba Brahmans had some dispute which is not more precisely e nature o f indicated —in connection with the southern gate o f the Temple. (34) How the matter was ultimately settled does not appear. ( 35) ( ) k3 2 S e e P esh va s Ba har , p p. 6 8-9 . (33) F or lano t h e r unsuc c e ssfu i nt e r fe re nce , or i l irat he r a se r e s o f unsuc c e ssfu nt e r fe r e nc e s by t h e l i i l KS t at e i n e cc e s ast ca . fl‘ ai r s se e t he ayast ha P r a a h k Kbhfinc Bi a har . p . , 1 3 et qse ; ayast ha P r ab hftnc hya . I t i hé sac hi n S ad hané n ( Gramanya) p. 5 et qse . ( k)3 4 Pé sh va’s Ba har pp. 6 8-9 . pp L d( 3 5 ) But i t a ears fro m M me t t e r s, &e o ran a, c. i( K . I S ang r aba ) , p. 52 2, t h at t h e co nsec r at o n o f t he . pl d I ITr i mbak é shv ar Te m e was ma e by Bziji rzi o in k d lSa a D e ay se e ms unacco unt 1 728 (A . . The bl p i i da y lo ngr i n s t e of t he d i ffi c ult i es ra se by t he Br ah mans.
S oci al Lif e { 12 M a hd r dslztm . It may he remarked, in passing, that some of the stone used under the orders of the Péshvé for erect ing the Trimbak éshvar Temple, is st ta ed t o have been taken fr om the Ma homedan Musjids or M osques in the Moghul di stricts. Whether such mosques were t hen unused and dilapi dated or not does not appear. (36) Another matter, in which the Péshvé o f the day failed to carry out his o wn wishes, in c eons quence of opposition from the people , was one which had occurred in the time o f the B jfirst I have not seen any ai ’ rzi o . original authority for this, but a note of the Editor of the P é sh v é ’ Bakhar says, that s Bajirao having had a son by the M usalman woman Mastani, twan ed t o perform the t hread c- eremony o f that so n and make a Brahman o f him ; but that the plan fell through in consequence o f the opposition of the Brahmans. (37) I n a sketch o f t he career o f Baji réo , hearing date i n 1 840, Peshva s Ba k p( 36) har p. 68 A nd c o m ar e i nter a lza l l El li l I d i VIIM mD o wso n’s . and o t , V lo . , pp. 404, 4 1 5, 446, a co ’ Ce nt ra n a, V ol I p. 56. . , s k i d3 7 ) Pé shva s Ba har , p. 4 0 . That suc h an ea ld d H i d d dsho u hav e o cc ur r e to a nu e fe n e r o f t he i i l k bl plfa t h i s t se f r at he r r e mar a e as an e xam e 0 1 l i d i i d dt hat r e axat o n o f o ld t ra t o ns a ve rt e i p p p Go n i n t h s a e r A nd t o fur t he r c o m ar e D fl’ V lo . I , u W ll i Gp. 5 99 . jBrant m g ht D fi' , say e g o t ry r ant u t hat ' i rao b iwas fr e e fro m zt
27 2 ]S ea n! L 1 ? in M alzd rd slzt m . Hindus at the present day, was dealt with by orderan of the Péshvé sm whi ch of t hem was then in power it is no t possible t o ysa . The orde r provides, that no Brahman ti n Plan V ai should accept a money pay ment for giving his girl in marriage that whoever receives any money should forfeit double the amount of it to G overnment ; whoever pays any should forfeit as much ; and wh oever may act as go b- etween i n arranging such a marri ga e and receive money for his services as such should forfeit the amount of his brokerage. The official t o whom the order is conveyed is directe d t o communicate the terms o f it in an em phatic manner Br h c tt o all t he a man as e , and t o all Jamindérs, ecclesiastical func tion aries, offi ciating priests, astrologers J( )o shi s , to heand pat ils and k ulk arni s ; and is ordered t o recover the amount s as prescrib cd without listening to any pretext about expenses, & c. The letter now published s e k nowledges receipt of this order, the whole of which it recites ; and promises t o com municate it t o the people of the town o f V al and o f Government villages, and t o t isD éshmuk hs and D éshpandés. I unne ce s sary t o say anything more with refere cn e t o this order, than that its eall- mbracing character deserves notice. All parties to the
Gleam’ng s fr om M ani tfzd C/zr m' les. 27 3 oc nefarious transaction are hit at, the man who sells hrs girl, the man who buys her, and the man who arranges the bargain and sale. (40) It would thus appe ra , that under M aratha rule, the union o f Church and te‘ Sta was very close indeed ; that it was not merely a theoretical but a practically enforced union ; and that i t was so , as well during t he regime of the M aratha R aj as, as under that o f the Brahman Péshvzi s, though it is to be observed, vuleat quantum, that the order of the l sPéshva a t mentioned bears the usual seal containing the name of Réjé Shéhu. (4 1 ) This is not much to be wondered at, considering that the idea of a State leaving all ecclesiastical and religious affairs outside its own j u ri s di ct i on is no t o ne which is , L d( 40 ) S ee m (Met t e r s, KI e &o ran a, c. .. S ang raha) p ppp . 1 2 1 - 2 . M anu, c ha . 111 st . 51 2! say and c ha . , t e r ms st g mat z e s e st a sh e name bi d i i1x, st . 9 8 et qse . fo r s what h e i n l d b l i das a sa e o f a aught e r , and t he i i i l lfo r t he t ransact o n i n M arat h st i s K anyavi k r aya l d l po r sa e o f a aug ht er . MS ee a so anu, c ha x1, 62 . i p i l icl seq. I t w ll be se e n t hat t he ar t c u ar sanct o ns d de nac t e by t h e P eshvaar e no t suc h as can be to un i i di n t h e M anu S mr t , and so far t h e P éshva‘ s o r e r i s l i l i pp ii n i t s nat ur e , eg s at ve, t o bo r ro w a t e r m a e r t a n p i pi ng t o t he co nce t o ns o f t h e r e se nt d ya . K k( 4 1 ) I n t he l k ia e tt e r fr o m ayast ha P rabhfi nchi Ba har , p. 12 is , t h e P é sh va ma ng a r e co mme nd a i j i i it o n and o ne fro m t he R aa ssu ng t he r e qu r e d , do r e r s t hr o ugh t he P and i t r av. 18
27 4 fS oci al Li e in M alzd r ’ s/z t m . a even no w universally accepted, and consi dering further that the main inspiring prin ciple o f the whole movement initiated by Shivéji and carried on by his successors down t o the closing years of the Péshva régim e was the preservation o f the Hindu religion against foreign aggression. (42 ) The only point one is struck by is that the Maréthé Rajés should vha e been prepared and able t o meddle so far as they did in religi ous matters. O ne possible explanation is that t he people at large may have accepted the colraiigmins—ma amdeatitner vour jfa of Shivé i ’ K s ha l ’ s nya on which something more will have to be said in the sequel. O u t he other h dan , it is t o be observed that t he Shastris generally have been chary of ad m i t ti gn and in fact have often expressly , denied, (43) the existence of any castes Li(4 2) See i nter l’ S ab hasad ’ fe, p p. 2 7-8 ; VJ . a za s IX i kV i st ar a V lo . , pp. 50-3 ; Marat h S m' ajya Ba har , . Ba har , p . ar k Lp . 76 , Bho nslé’s 7 ; Bho nslé Me t t e rs, e d (m &o r an a, c. K. I S angraha ) , p. 147 ; N i gud k ar ’ . Li l l C I diBfe s of P mM. Pat var d han, p. 8 7 ; . a co ’s e nt ral n a, V o l I p. 69. . . W l i(4 3 ) S ee i nter ali a Be st and uh e r ’ D ge st of s i d l dH n u Law, p. 9 2 1 no te . The earne aut ho r s o f t hat k Wwo r Best Sir R and D r. J G ii hler , had se en . . . b p i i d da large num e r o f o n o ns o f S hast ri s r e co r e, i n‘ i i i C b i dt he var o us Br t sh o ur t s i n t he Bo m ay P res e ncy. p lT he S hast r i s i n o t he r ar t s o f t he co unt ry a so i i p dh av e , o n var o us o ccas o ns , e x r e sse i io p n o ns t o dt he same effect . They may be se en r e fe r r e to in p d i d d it h e r e o rt o f a case e c e by He r Maje sty’s P r vy
276 ”Soci al L 2 i n M aizdr d slztm . perhaps, be of und in the old doctrine that every king has more or less of t he divi ne l t ss gee emen in him I n o ne pa a o f one o f . our recently published Bak hars, no less a p oers n than the Moghul emperor of Delhi has been given the benefit o f that doctrine . (4 6) A nd i f that is allowable, a f t' ' must Shivaji or zor z and Sambhéji be also allowed t o be entitled t o a share of the quasi-divine character. (4 7) At this p o i tn I cannot resist the temp , totation draw attention t o a passage i n p l i i p i(4 6) The assag es r e at ng t o t h s o nt are all l i d i dex t r e me y cur o us, and e se r ve t o be e xam ne in i i i l pl i p kt he r or g na ace s. S ee P an at Ba har by R . Y ad av , S zi R aaram I p. 7 1; Bhau hé jpp . 1 9-2 0 ; C hi t ni s’s , b ’ s k C i p jBa har , p. 56 ; h t ragu t a’s S hi vai , p. 1 3 7 ; C hi t ni s’s I IRajaram , p. 5 5 ; S ri S i vak avya, cant o 1 , st . 1 1 9 p L l F b O i lCo m are i II I i kbM emo r s, &e t t e r s, p 7c. , ’ 3. , see a so or e r e nt a ss ( AV lo . . 1 4 9, w h c h sho ws t hat ar d d di i i iwas r eg ar e as a v ne ncar nat o n) , and D o wso n’s E ll i Elli VI Iot, V o l pV p,. . 56 9 -70. I n D o wso n’s o t , V lo . . . l d l ip . 2 84 , we ar e to t hat t he r e was i n D e h a se ct o f H i d d i d k i dbi l d i lAn us, who not t a e t he r a y fo o unt aft e r t h e y had “ D arsana ” o f urangz e , and we r e t henc e l l dca e D ar sani s ! C i p( 4 7) S ee Chi t ms s Rajani t i , p. 1 2 3 ; j kBS h i v ai , pp. 5, 1 6 , 3 2 , 4 1 , 1 0 1 ; K hard a h t ragu t a’s KI n t he h pa ar , . 22 . ayast ha P rabhunchya I t i hasachi n S ai d hané n ) d i( G ramanya p . 5 , i t i s stat e d , t hat whe n t he sse n i b is o ns et we e n t he Brahmans and P rabhus we re go ng li i pio n i n t he fe -t me o f N arayanrav P é shv a t he c ham o ns , i d do f t he fo r me r sa : “ W hat o es i t mat t e r what i s l ki n t he S hast ras ? W ho o o s at t hem ? The P é shvas i d iare so v e r e g ns. r ec t . ” I t i s ne c e ssary t o act as t hey i i il plTav e r n e r , V o l I p. . 3 56 sho w s a sm ar co m ace ncy . po n t he ar t o f Maho me d an D o ct o r s o f t he Law i n p A b l iBr e se nce of urangz e . A nd se e a so ern er, p. 2 88 .
Gleam’ng s fr om M ar d tlxd Chr oni lc es. 27 7 i eKrishnéji o f Shivaji . Al A S ab h asad’s Lf . though, as above stated, his movement was i n essence a religious one, it appears that i n providing for the preservation of temples and religious institutions o f his own faith, ( 48) Shivéji also continued the existing grants in favour o f Musalman Pirs, mosques, & c for keeping up lights (49) and religious services . As iS ’ L fe professes to ab h é sad s h va e been wr itten at the desire of Rajaram, the seco dn son o f Shi vap , i n 1 6 94, and as there is some internal evidence to confirm this cl ai m the information furnished by , Li C i p(4 8) S e e Sabhasad' s fe , p. 2 7 ; h t rag u t a, p. 4 o i IX F lBV . J V i stara, V o l , p. 36 ; r ye r ’ Tr ave s, p. 68 . . , s d i d dand e r n e r, p p. 1 88-9 , affo r n e pe n e nt co nfir m i E l l iat o n o f t he se st at e me nt s. A nd D o wso n’s ott , V VII p i i l l i ia o l ,p . 2 60, is of s e c al v a ue , as co m ng fro m . Th s t o e r ance so me t me s M ah o me d an so urc e . i d i jwas carr e t oo far ; se e i nter ali a Marat h S amr é ya k l iBa har gM R. . )1 4 . ( se e a so t he c ur o us st o r y at p . 4 8 Sambhai , p . 5 ; Ho lk ar ’s jh i t ni ‘ s Kai fiyat , s k k i ip. 1 08 ( wher e ” t he Holk ar t a es t he “ Pa a r, unco mmo n) . i l l F l imat t e r st no t o r r e st ' s S e ec t o ns p . 1 F b O i l i II Wior ’ r e nt a M emo r s, V o l , pp. 1 1 8 2 55. th . , es s as i p d l ib l it h s may be com are M aho me dan era ty p i bi i l p dsho wn i n t he roh t on o f co w-s aug ht e r r ocure i d i l i E phy M ahadji S n h a fro m t he D e h m eror. See G I II l l C l I dirant D fi' V o l , p. 7 6 ; Ma co m' e nt ra n a, . s u , l iV o l I pp. 1 64, 1 94. A nd see a so Be r n e r , pp. 306 , 3 26 . . , d b iThe P o rt ug uese are st at e t o have een ver nt o kle rant ; see t he S ésht i Ba h ar p. 1 ; D o wso n’s lli o t t , . S urat , VV lo . , V II , p p. 21 1, 345 ; O vi ngt o n’s oyage t o p 6. 2 0 . i p( 4 9 ) A s t o t h s c o m are Sco t t’s D eccan, V o l I F lP 2 03 . , y T pr e r’s rave s, 4. 1 2 .
S oci a l s e m M a /zd r d s/ztm . Shivéji's biographer is obviously o f great historic value. To re t u r n however, to our main point , . I n connection with this ecclesiastical juris d i ct i on it may be useful to note, that it is , cle r ro thea f m Bh yas tlza P r a b h m‘ c l’ ak ha r , z u ( 50) that the Musalman sovereigns o f Bij a pur were also on occasion called on to deal with these ecclesiastical cases arising among It their Hindu subjects. appe ars, fo r instance , that in the course o f the quarrels between the Brahmans and Prabhus in the Konkan , t he t wo parties once went to the local Bij apur officer for redress. He was a Mu salman, and he pointed o ut that he knew othi g then n of és of the litigants . He i z ’ t r s azs therefore told them both to go to their principal sacred pl ca e, Benares, and obtain a decision from the Pandits there ; and promised that he would enforce such d e c i s i o n The Bakhar . goes on to say, that the parties did ac cordingly repair to Benares, where a great orsablzé assembly of the Pandits was held, ) l d i p( 5 0 p p. 8- 9 . A t a at e r st age o f t he se s ut e s, d N pi n t he ays o f ana F ad anav i ’ o we r, t he P r abhus ss y o f Pan t s id p bl disa “ all o ur cast e rays for an asse m d d it o be co nv e ne t o et e r m ne o ur st at us. The n le t d i d i l lan o r e r o f t he S tat e be ssue , and i t w be o ur d i p d d dut y t o hav e t he ce re mo n e s e r fo r me as o r e r e . l d iO n y le t t he S t at e o r e r s b e g v e n aft e r d ue c o n id i Ks P rabhuc hya e rat o n ayast ha I t i h’ ’ c h i n S II . tt szt ) kd hanén ( G ramanya Bp. 17; KP h pa . 1 2. .. ar ,
280 fS oci al L i e m M abd rd slztr a. who was three years old A nd i n the course . o f conversation he happened to remark, as people eo ft n do on such occ ias ons, that the t wo would make a very suitable tma ch, and asked the girl if she would like to have Shahaj i for her husband. Immediately M aloji and his brother V ithoji declared to the as sembled guests that t he word o f Jadhavrav had been passed in favour o f the match, and called on them t o bear witness to the ctfa . J ié ’ w fe, h o weve r, w ould not d havr é v con s sent t o this, and she got him t o dismiss M éloji and V i thop . They both l e tf b ut , after some time they appear to have pro spered, and to have placed themselves at the head o f a body of two or three thou sand soldiers, and also t o have got help from others. They then went to a place near Daulatabad, and threw some slaughtered pigs into the mosque there with letters addressed to the N iz ém stating the contract , between th me ‘ and J édhavrav, and threaten i ng that i f the king did not arrange for the marriage being celebrated in pursuance of the contract, they would desecrate ( 53) other mosques in the s eam way. The Nizam at once took up the matter, and directed Ja E l i( )5 3 F o r a funny st o ry o f an ng sh man‘ s re ve ng e l i pi l plo n a M usa man in wh ch ’ f e sh ays an i m , gs p i l lp o r t ant ar t se e Tave r n ’ Trav e s by V Ba l , . , er s pV lo .I . 1 1. ,
Gleam'ng s fl om M ar dtfzd Cllrom‘cles. 28 1 dhavrév t o carry out the contract o f marriage. This was ultimately done with gr eat pomp under the auspices o f the Nizam h im s e l f who , took M élop and V it hoji into his own service. The proceedings connected with this affair are, it nee d hardly he remarked, altogether of a curi ous and irregular character, but they appear to indicate that even in the delicate iaffa rs o f marriage, recourse was had by the H indu subjects of Musalman Kings to the assistance of their Sovereigns, in whatever way such assistance might be invoked. There is a p sa sage in the Bakhar of the battle of K h ard a which illustrates how this , ecclesiastical jurisdiction was sometimes in kedyo , and how i t was practically worked o n its judicial side. A t Talégaum, it seems, there was a Brahman ow man, who live d i n adultery with a Musalman. ( 54) The Brahmans of the place made a complaint about this to N éné F adanavis at Poona , stating the facts, and addi gn in the usual , style, that the days of Brahmanism were gone ! Nana expressed his disbelief in the charge, but appointed a P anel: or board 01 arbitrators to investigate it (55) The P anel: . K d k G( 54 ) S e e t he a Ba har , (har p lli K dl is e p p. 65 - rant D uff’s . ng of the nam e )ur a, i s nc o r r e c t . , i d i i i i i l)( 5 5 A s t o t h s mo e o f ad m n st er ng c r m na j i G I I pust c e se e r ant D fl' V o l mp, . 2 3 7 , c o ar e . u F b O i l i l lo r es’ , M e mo r s, r e nt a V o l I p. 4 7 4 ; M a co m’s . ,
S o ci al L 1]? i n M ahd r d sli lm . were apparently bribed by the Musalman, and even before the time for final decision was reached, betrayed a tendency t o decide in the ourMusalman’s fav , holding that the charge was false. Thereupon a hundred or t wo hundred Brahmans gathered to gether and twen up to ooP na. There they twe n be fore the tent o f the Péshvé , (who was starting with his yarm on the expedi tion which end ed at Kharda), and sat there i n the middle of t he day with torches blazing. When the c ePéshv s’n am out o f the tent, the Brahmans set up a ' r“ Ha l lo ud cry : desirHar !M ah é d ’ v ' And o n t he P ’ shv a e e ing to ok n w t he meaning o f it t yall, he , isa d they had come from Talégéum, stated their whole case, and explained that they had lighted torches at midday, as there was so much darkness, that is, absence of justice , prevailing in the kingdom. Nand was there upon sent for, and subsequently the arbi the ccused ot rators, and finally a w man. The ow man on being asked at first remained silent. But cane sticks being ordered to be l I d iC e nt r an a, V o l I p. 536 ; V lo . II pp. 2 90, 426 . , , pS t e he n’s I mpey and N and k umar V lo . I p. 2 4 7 ; , , i d GV lo . II p. 7 8 . A s t o what i s sa by rant D uff , b b i da out wo me n and Brah mans no t p Lico m are M R e ng put t o eat h , . Chi t ni s' s fe o f S hahu t he yo unge r , k Fp p 7 2 -8 0 ; P éshva' s Ba har , p . 1 3 2 ; o r re st p. 1 8 ; i p jC h t rag u t a’s S hi va i p. 5 C ’ h i t ni S hzi hu I pp. 2 5, 5 ss , jS amb ha i , pp. 1 2 , 1 4 .
28 4 S oci al L j’ in M alzd rdslztr a. ge The various incidents t o which we h va e thus referred illustrate the ecclesiastical juris diction o f the Maratha sovereigns in all aspects. W e see from them that those sove reigns, as heads alike of the State and t he Church, to borrow a Christian expression , exercised legislative powers, judicial powers both by themselves and through the medium o f arbitrators, administrative powers by a departmental Minister, and executive powers through the instrumentality o f Government Kark uns. A nd the documents, it may be added, which furnish this i nfo rmati on extend , over nearly the whole period of Maratha rule, from the time of Shivaji down to that vo f Sa al M édhavrév . It has been already stated, that the M aratha Rajas who claimed and exercised the wide ecclesiastical j urisdiction thus indicated in outline, were regarded as Ksh ta riyas. The recently published documents contain many allusions to this point. But from those which d i be at h, aft e r t he r finge r s had een pierced wit h d l kBnee e s. S e e P é shva’s diF o r ffe r e nt a har p . 1 32. i p dand v ary ng acco unt s o f t he re t e n e r S ad ash i v r av ' s d kBe and N i gudk ’ at h se e P é shva’s a har p. 1 34 , , ar s L i fe o f P arash uram Bhau P at vard han p. 4 0, and G I Irant D V . p p . 3 3 1 - 5 . P é sh va’s S hak avali‘ p . 30 ; fl’ lo . u Elli VI I I iD awso n's ott V o l 2 9 4 , M arat h S é mrajya . k jBa har p. 1 00 , and C h i t ni ’ R aaram p. 45. ss
fGleamng s r om M ar é tlzd Clzr m l' 285 o c es. relate to Shivéji himself, (59) it rather appears, if we read between t he lines, that the claim set up on his behalf t o be th eof K sha t r ' gya caste was not universally regarded as really and truly tenable, although from considera tions of policy and expediency it might be conceded. From the Biographies of Shivéji, by Krishnaji Anant Sabhasad, (60) and by Chitragupta, (6 1 ) it seems to follow that the search for the origin of Shivéji’s family, which resulted in the discovery that he belonged t o the Sisode (62 ) clan of Raj puts who reigned in Udayap ru , (63) was not commenced until after the idea of a formal i st ll tio ( )n a a been started. n or A bh ’ lze’lza had zs rr tiveA nd M alh ’ r Rémré o Chi t ni ’ na a , zi ss C i p Li)59 S e e i nter ali a h t r ag u ta’s fe pp. 1 0 8 116 har , p i kj1 6 8 and co m are M arat h S i mrfi ya Ba p. 47. ( l F l i)60 S ee p. 68 S e e a so o r r e st ' s S e ect ons p. 2 2 . . (61 ) P 98. . ( ) ViJ6 2 V at V lo . X See . . st a , pp . 4 4 , 1 1 6 -9. , (6 3) S ee C h i t ni ' s S hahu p. 9; se e too VJ V i st ara .. s IX k LV lo . p 3 2. . Gupt é ’s Bho nslé Ba har p. 4 e t te r s, d )Me mo ran a &c . LiC ( K. I S aug raha p. 362 ; MR . .. hi t ni ’ fe o f S hahu t he Y o ung e r pp . 1 0 1 -2 , w he re ss d i p i d p i lt he ffe rent ract c e o f t he o ld U aya ur fam y i n i i l d i l la c ert a n matt e r o f ce r e mo n a i s re fer r e t o. I t w b d d p i lb e r e me m e r e , t hat t he U aya ur fam y we re t he ld j p l G(o e st o f t he Ra ut c ans S e e D r ant fl' V lo . I , u, l i l ip . 2 7) and t hat t hey were t he o n y fam y w h c h had p i d d i inot erm tte a aught e r o f t he r s t o mar ry nt o i l l I d it he fam yof t he g reat M o g hu ( S. e e . Elphi nsto ne’s n a, C l pby o we l , p p. 4 80-506 7, and co m are V J. V i st ara IX lV lo . . Bp 2 9 , er nxe r' s Trav e s p . 1 26 n D owso n’s Elli VIIott l , pp. 1 9 5 -6 . ., . V o
fi LS oci al Mi fe 1 7: a l' d slztr a . zar although it p c dsro ee on t he assumption o f t he fact as already established, rather indicate s th t g t dit B r sa Gagébhatt a, t he rea Pan o f e na e , whose services w ere put in requisition for t he installati on c o i smere had some con ne , siderations o f po licy put to him be fore he was persu da ed to j oin in those ceremonie s . (64) They had also to strain a point, hw en as a preliminary to the i nstal l at i on t he , thread ceremony essential for a Kshatriya, was perfor med on Shivéji at a time when he w as forty-six or fift y years old and had already had t wo so ns— an irregularity, which lsoa was, we are told, ex pressly assented to by all t he Brahm san and P dan its . (6 5) How t he Brahmans and Pandits worked their way to this dec i s i on none o f o ur , authorities states. Further, it is remarkable that on ne of those authorities y han w ere mentions the performance of t he thread ceremony upon any of t he membe rs o f ily c pt o esjS h i vai ’ fam , ex e t he n who were s installed on the gadi, (6 6) and then that XI II i(64) VJ V i st ara, V o l p, . 2 0 2 . S e e t he h st o ry o f .. . i i i l K(t he Ch t n s fam y )K P L S pp . 6 -8 and ayast ha .. . k A d i iBP rabh unchi a har p p. 1 0 - 1 . cco r ng t o a wr t e r k p p Gi n t he Juana P r a ash ne ws a e r o f Po o na, b d p d ihat ta use ag a t he ar g ume nt fro m e x e e ncy t o r e co n i l p pl b i d ic e t he eo e t o what was e ng o ne. N o aut ho r t y d i i ii s quo t e fo r t h s ve r s o n o f t he affa r. XII I)( 6 5 See V J. V i star a V lo . p 32 0. . . . i d C i i(6 6 ) R ajaram’s i s ment o ne by M R h tn s, . . t hre a Vi XIII dV J .. Sambha i 's st at a, V o l ( j, p. 2 4 8. .
288 ifS aetal L e i n M alzd r d slltr a. rp i The l tisu r se. e xp ana on o f i t all is con p getai ned i n a assa in K A Sabhasad 's .. i ys thL fe. He sa at Gégébhatta (72 ) was much pleased with the splendid reception given him by Shivéji itand was he who sug gested that while a Musalman Padsha sat thro e theon the n and had chlzatr a or , umbrella indicative of sovereignty, (73) it pr per th twas not o a S hivép , who had achiev ed what he had, should not adopt the formal ensigns of kingship. (74) A nd it was when this suggestion was accepted yb Shivap , and or la f determined ou, that i t ma A bh ’ ha’lza zs became necessary to look into the origin of the family, and t o promulgate that Shivaji by i thwas K shat Taking the whole br a ’ nya. evidence together, it looks like a case of a more or less deliberate manipulation of facts and religious rules, in aid of a foreg one conclusion adopted for a purely political purpose. (7s) C i p pp G)( 7 2 h t r agu t a ( p. 9 5) a ears t o say t hat aga b ihat t a had co me o f hi s j. o wn mo t o n to se e S hi va i . i i i GThe o t he r aut hor t e s po nt t he o t he r w ya . b i d l k phat ta i s sa aga t o hav e go t a a h o f r u e e s as a p C i i F i lresent . S ee h tn s ( )am y 0, . 6 KP IS. .. . )( 7 3 S ee S co t t ’s D e cc an, V o l I pp. 81, 93, 2 1 0, . , p l d2 88, 3 5 1 , 3 70-6 The assage at p. 3 5 1 sho u be dno t e p Vand co m ar e O vi ng t o n’s oyage t o S ur at p. 3 1 5. P . ( 74 ) 30 d ji s stat e t o hav e be e n ' r at he r l k e e n (7 5 ) S hi vajt d pjh i s M un a, o r t hr ea c e re mo ny, a er b ia o ut g et t ng
fGlea m’ng s r om Ill ani tfzd mC l/ ' 28 9 zr o c es. O f similar manipulations, or of more Open and direct violations of religious rules of greater or less importance, t he document s before us afford sundry other examples. O ne of the earliest occurred in connection with the arrangements for the accommoda tion o f heSambhéji, w n Shi vaji , after the flight from Delhi, was obliged, in order t o disembarrass himself of all impediments, to leave the young prince behind him It ap . pears that some of A ur angz é b ’ people s suspected that t he boy was not as pretend , the Br hed, a so n of a man K éshi pant , in whose charge he w as A nd in order to . ile c t irs n e he suSpici ons, Kashipant was obliged to accept their challenge, and to eat out o f the same dish as Sambhéji . The Brahman made the offence as light as he could make it , by taking a quantity o f parched and flatten d C i p Limfo r e. Se e h t rag u a' fe , p. 8 4 . I n t h e V . ts Vi XII I idJ be . s t at a V o l p, . 2 0 2 , i t i s sa t hat . . d d p k i d dco nsult e all and sun ry u o n t hat and n re l d i[t i s a so st at e m at t e r s . [S e e M arat h samrajva k GBa har p. 47 , and acc o unt o f Baha S alt eh upt e (K. i b i)P l S .. . p. 8 t hat at o ne t me S hi vajt , aft e r e ng (t aug h t t he G yat r t mant ra )C m I‘ at S av i t ur & c . i l i l l iwas g o ng i n to r t he r e g u ar Brahman ca fe i n ( C ip r e fe r e nc e t o t he K sh at r tya o mb at e S r i S va K ) b l l l dav ya, cant o I sr. 50 But h e su s e q ue nt y a o we , l ih i mse f t o be d ns~uad e d fr o m t h s by h i s o ffi c e r s. d lH e t he n o r d e re t hat no mean e mp o yme nt was it o be g ve n t o Brah mans, and dma e lse ve ra he i l l Gt r ans fe r s ac co r d ng y S e e a so ll fl' , V o l I r ant . , u p. 266 ; F o r re st ’ S e le c uo ns, V lo . I p. 25 1 . , s 19
290 S oczal s e m M a lzd r d slztr a . c d rice ( 76) (P 012! ) mixed with curds on a plantain leaf for the purpose of eati ng pr cin t he of A é b ’ mynni d o ns. esen e urangz s These men made a favourable report t o the Emperor, and Sambhaji was v dsa e . But one o f Shiv ap ' biographers, Chitragupta, says that s the Brahman Késhipant secretly performed penance tfor wha he had done. ( 78) It 18 t o he remarked, that Sambhaji is stated by t he same writer t o vha e been dressed lik e C p E lli VII(76) o m ar e D o wso n' s ott, V o l , p. 2 85 ; . lS ee a so I bi d . V o l. I p. 9; V J V i star a, V o l X . , . . . . p . 200. F b O i l I I) (( 7 7 d isays or e s, r e nt a M e mo i r s, V lo . , p. 4 9) t hat in his ays a Br ahman m ght no t e at i d p p l pl io ut o f t nne c o e r v e sse s, but had t o use ant a n l &eave s, c. O i i b( 78) P 7 5. t he r aut ho r i t e s say not h ng a o ut . p i ppany enance . Th s t e st o f d t ni ng t o ge t h e r a e ar s b l ppl i d H it o have e en fr eque nt y a e i n M ar at hi st o ry. L i j I IS ee i nter ali a i i I I I GA2 ; s at c M . R C h i t ni s ’ fe o f Raaram , . s R e searc he s, V lo . , p. 1 37 ; r ant II l l C l I d IIfi' u, V lo . m, p. 39 ; Ma c o ' ent r a n ra, V o l . s L ip p. 1 3 1 , 1 4 9 ; be si d e s, C h i t rag upt a’s , fe, p . 6 2 ; i j kG aik avad's Kai fiyat p. 6 ; M arat h S é mra ya Ba har, IXkB Bp. 3 2 ; V J V i st ara, V lo . . p p. 3 1 -2 , 70 ; V o l X . . . , p . 2 0 2 ; G upt é ’s ho nslé a h ar , p p. 9 , 2 0, 3 1 . F o r i i i d d i d i it wo cur o us nc ent s co nne c t e w t h n ng t o get he r , kse e Ho lk ar ’ Kai fiyat p. 4; Gupté ’s Bho nslé Ba har , s i kp 3 1. . A w r t e r i n t he J nana P ra ash o t P oo na j dsays t hat w he n R é firam and h i s at t e n ant s we r e i b p plmo v ng a o ut t he c o unt ry, A u r ang z é b ’ e o e o nc e s d i d ie nco unt ere t he m ; and i n o r d e r t o avo t he r pi isus c o ns, M arat has, P rabh us, and Brahmans all sat d i i i lkd o wn t og et he r t o nne r i n o ne ro w w t h s en l I i dc o t he s o u have no t see n t h s st at e i n any o f . p bl i dt he u she Bak hars.
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