Encyclopedia of the Ottoman Empire

["torical context of revelation. According to Sunni legal ibn Saud family 261 tradition, although earlier generations of scholars could form independent interpretations of the Quran, con- riors moved into Iraq where they defeated the warriors temporary scholars must instead rely on the sunna, the of the Shammar confederacy, the Bedouin tribal alliance legal traditions handed down to them. Muslim reform- that controlled the desert of what is today western Iraq. ers of the late 19th century, such as Muhammad Abduh, In 1798, alarmed by the success of the Wahhabis, B\u00fcy\u00fck would draw on ibn Abd al-Wahhab\u2019s sanction of the S\u00fcleyman, the governor of Baghdad, mounted a force process of ijtihad to promote their own agenda in the of Janissaries and tribal allies to invade al-Ahsa; the Salafiyya, or reformist movement, as it would allow expedition ended with a military stalemate and a truce. them to exercise independent judgment in advocating In1801, in a dramatic break with that truce, Abd al-Aziz far-reaching reforms of their society. However, they did ordered his tribesmen to attack the Shii holy cities of not necessarily adopt his other more radical readings of Najaf and Karbala. Karbala was sacked, and many Shii Islamic doctrine such as the use of takfir. civilians were massacred. In 1803, in retaliation for this attack, a Shii assassinated Abd al-Aziz. Abd al-Aziz was Ibn Abd al-Wahhab\u2019s attitudes toward tribal practices succeeded by his son, Saud, who pursued the campaign of the Bedouins\u2014such as their methods of administer- of Wahhabi military expansion, seizing both Mecca ing justice and their veneration of local saints, which he and Medina and raiding into Syria. Once in Mecca, the deemed un-Islamic\u2014got him in trouble in Uyayna. He Wahhabis prevented Ottoman Muslims from performing was forced to seek refuge in al-Diriyyah, near Riyadh, the hajj, but allowed Muslims from other states to do so. which was controlled by Muhammad ibn Saud. The two Faced with the unraveling of Ottoman control along its men formed an alliance, cemented by marriage, which desert frontier with Arabia and the loss of prestige that their descendants would maintain down to the present. came with the disruption of the hajj by the Wahhabis, When Muhammad ibn Saud died in 1765 his son Abd the Ottoman sultan Mahmud II (r. 1808\u201339) requested al-Aziz, whom ibn Abd al-Wahhab had mentored, suc- the governor of Egypt, Mehmed Ali, to act. Mehmed Ali ceeded his father as the political head of the movement designated his son, Tosun, to take charge of the Egyptian they called Muwahhidun, while ibn Abd al-Wahhab force in 1811; he had recaptured Mecca by 1812. In 1816 remained its spiritual authority. It was that separation Mehmed Ali removed Tosun for not pursuing his oppo- of religious and political authority by the two clans that nents into the Najd and replaced him with another son, provided resiliency for the movement in times of politi- Ibrahim Pasha. In 1818 Ibrahim Pasha penetrated the cal crisis. Najd and took the Wahhabi capital of al-Diriyyah. Flush with victory, Ibrahim sent the captured Wahhabi leader, Bruce Masters Abdullah, the son of Saud, to Istanbul, and destroyed See also ibn Saud family. the town of al-Diriyyah. Further reading: Aleksei Vasil\u2019ev, The History of Saudi Arabia (New York: New York University Press, 2000). In 1824, when it looked as if the fortunes of the House of ibn Saud were in tatters, Turki, a cousin of Saud, ibn Saud family The ibn Saud family that rules the seized the leadership of the clan and the Wahhabi move- Kingdom of Saudi Arabia today also founded the dynasty ment, reviving the ideological motivation of the move- to which the kingdom owes its name. The inception of ment and capturing the oasis town of Riyadh that would this kingdom may be traced back to the relationship henceforth serve as the dynasty\u2019s capital. Turki was able between Muhammad ibn Saud and the Muslim reformer to restore Wahhabi rule to the entire Najd and al-Ahsa Muhammad ibn Abd al-Wahhab in the 18th century, region, but he was unable to advance into the Hejaz. With when ibn Saud provided shelter to ibn Abd al-Wahhab. Turki\u2019s death in 1865, rivalry within the clan weakened The two men formed an alliance in which the descen- the Wahhabis\u2019 hold over their territories. Aware of the dants of Muhammad ibn Saud would serve as the politi- quarrels, the Ottomans sought to end the power of the cal leaders of a movement whose religious ideology ibn Saud dynasty. They landed an army on the Persian would adhere to the teachings of Muhammad ibn Abd Gulf and were able to retake parts of al-Ahsa province in al-Wahhab; the movement, known as Muwahhidun, 1871. Another Bedouin clan, that of ibn Rashid, began to was more commonly called the Wahhabis or Wah- contest the monopoly of power held by the House of ibn habism by outsiders. With the death of Muhammad ibn Saud over the Arab tribes of the Najd and eventually dis- Saud in 1765, the political leadership of the movement lodged the clan of ibn Saud from Riyadh. passed to his son, Abd al-Aziz. Abd al-Aziz captured Riyadh in 1773; he held all of the Najd by 1785 and the The fortunes of the dynasty revived in 1902 when entire Persian Gulf region of al-Ahsa by 1790. Having Abd al-Aziz ibn Saud, at the age of 20 and reportedly secured central and eastern Arabia, the Wahhabi war- with only 40 men, retook Riyadh in a daring raid. Abd al-Aziz was able to rally some of the tribes that had for- merly acknowledged the leadership of the House of Saud and wage a campaign against the House of ibn Rashid.","262 Ibrahim I seriously disordered Ibrahim\u2019s health, both mentally and physically. As all Murad\u2019s sons died before adulthood, They, in turn, called on the Ottoman government for Ibrahim was the only other male member of the dynasty, support. The Ottomans supplied ibn Rashid with a large but despite that, Ibrahim seems never to have anticipated force that initially broke the charge of the Wahhabi war- the possibility of succeeding his brother who, by 1640, riors in the summer of 1904. But the Wahhabi tribesmen was terminally ill. When the grand vizier Kemanke\u015f rallied and in a second battle that same summer, they Kara Mustafa Pasha sent Ibrahim the news of Murad IV\u2019s decisively defeated the expeditionary force. death and invited him to the throne, Ibrahim did not believe him; rather, Ibrahim thought it was a trick to kill Abd al-Aziz consolidated Wahhabi rule in the Najd him like his unfortunate brothers. Only after being con- but decided that, if the movement were to be success- vinced by Mustafa Pasha and his mother, as well as per- ful, it would need a vanguard of ideologically committed sonally examining his deceased brother\u2019s body, did he warriors. In 1910 he set about establishing the Ikhwan, or willingly sit on the throne. Brethren. These were specially selected young men from various tribes. Once selected, the former nomads were For the first time since S\u00fcleyman I (r. 1520\u201366) suc- settled in permanent sites in oases in the desert where ceeded his father Selim I (r. 1512\u201320) in 1520, there was they were taught both Wahhabi ideology and agriculture. no rival prince who could claim the Ottoman throne. The first of these settlements was established in 1912. By Although Ibrahim\u2019s succession was relatively smooth, he the outbreak of World War I, the settlements included was now the only male in the royal household, but with thousands of men who were ideologically committed to no sons to guarantee the continuation of the dynasty. the Wahhabi movement. These formed the shock troops Luckily for the House of Osman, he did not fail to pro- of the House of Saud. After the war, Abd al-Aziz would duce heirs, fathering nine sons, three of whom\u2014Mehmed use them to conquer most of the Arabian Peninsula, for- IV (r. 1648\u201387), S\u00fcleyman II (r. 1687\u201391), and Ahmed II mally establishing his kingdom in 1934. (r. 1691\u201395)\u2014would eventually assume the sultanate. As Ibrahim prevented the dynasty\u2019s bloodline from becom- Bruce Masters ing extinct, he has often been referred to as the \u201csecond Further reading: Leslie McLoughlin, Ibn Saud: Founder founder of the Ottoman dynasty.\u201d Despite the apparent of a Kingdom (New York: St. Martin\u2019s Press, 1993); John stability of Sultan Ibrahim\u2019s place on the throne, however, Sabini, Armies in the Sand: The Struggle for Mecca and he could not escape the intrigues of factional politics that Medina (New York: Thames and Hudson, 1981). had plagued the sultanate since the time of Sel\u0131m II (r. 1566\u201374). In 1648 Ibrahim was dethroned and then mur- Ibrahim I (b. 1615\u2013d. 1648) (r. 1640\u20131648) Ottoman dered in the palace, the second Ottoman regicide in less sultan and caliph Ibrahim I was one of three sons of than 30 years. Sultan Ahmed I (r. 1603\u201317) and his mother was K\u00f6sem Mahpeyker Sultan, Ahmed\u2019s favorite concubine. Ibrahim In retrospect, it can be seen that the first four years was born, raised, and educated in the imperial harem of Ibrahim\u2019s reign provided a stable administration for in Istanbul. His childhood and youth coincided with a the empire, thanks to his decision to keep in office his period of multiple crises that shook the Ottoman dynasty brother\u2019s able grand vizier, Kemanke\u015f Kara Mustafa and its imperial traditions. His mentally ill uncle, Sultan Pasha, who continued the economic and political reforms Mustafa I (r. 1617\u201318; 1622\u201323), was dethroned twice, begun under Murad IV. These provided economic relief first in 1618 and again in 1623. In between, Ibrahim wit- to Istanbul and the provinces, which had suffered eco- nessed the chaotic developments that resulted in the first nomically from the expensive campaigns mounted by the regicide in Ottoman history as his older brother, Sultan Ottomans against the Safavids of Iran in the late 1630s. Osman II (r. 1618\u201322), was murdered in 1622. Another As part of these reforms Mustafa Pasha ordered a new tax older brother, Murad IV (r. 1623\u201340), was enthroned survey, reduced the numbers of Janissaries and cavalry- in 1623, but Sultan Murad\u2019s early reign was marked by men, stabilized the currency, and required that payments political turmoil and intense factionalism, both in the into and withdrawals from the treasury be made in coin- capital and in the countryside. After Murad IV managed age. He also issued a detailed price code (narh defteri) to consolidate his power and declared his \u201cpersonal rule\u201d for the markets and restored the authority of the impe- in 1632, he used severe and bloody measures to stabilize rial government over disobedient provincial governors. the politics of the empire until his death in 1640. Addressing the most intractable problem of the period, Mustafa Pasha significantly reduced the number of those These events left deep marks on young Ibrahim, who who received salaries from the treasury without any ser- remained in close confinement in the Topkap\u0131 Palace. vice to the state. As Murad IV ordered the executions of his brothers, first Bayezid and S\u00fcleyman in 1632, then Kas\u0131m in 1637, Although Ibrahim left day-to-day matters in the Ibrahim became more and more concerned that he was hands of his ministers, he kept a close eye on politics and next in line to be executed. This anxiety seems to have","administration and regularly asked for written reports Ibrahim I 263 (telhis) from his grand vizier. Ibrahim\u2019s replies to these reports, in his own handwriting, show that, contrary to captured the fortress of Candia (Iraklion), a quick victory the popular understanding, Ibrahim had a good educa- that made the new grand vizier jealous and worried as his tion and tried to keep a firm grip on the task of ruling power was now challenged by the same faction that had the empire. He often traveled in disguise, inspecting the toppled Kara Mustafa Pasha. Sultanzade Mehmed Pasha markets of the capital, and then ordered his grand vizier immediately tried to undermine Yusuf Pasha\u2019s posi- to correct the irregularities he observed. But like his tion by criticizing the admiral for mishandling the siege father and brothers, Ibrahim was ready to listen to the and for bringing the sultan so little booty. Ibrahim first entreaties of his royal favorites who had become indis- listened to the arguments presented by the two pashas, pensable actors in court politics as intermediaries for the then removed Mehmed Pasha from the grand vizierate in sultan. With Ibrahim\u2019s enthronement, K\u00f6sem Sultan, as December 1645. While Yusuf Pasha was favored in this the queen mother (valide sultan) and supervisor of the conflict, he was soon to learn the bitter fact that Ibrahim\u2019s imperial harem, began again to exercise the power that favor was not lasting: When he refused a sultanic order she had lost during Murad IV\u2019s rule. to lead another campaign on Crete, Ibrahim had him executed in January 1646 for disobedience. Mustafa Pasha was well aware of these threats to his standing. At the beginning, the grand vizier managed to Ibrahim was plagued by chronic headaches and eliminate a favorite of Ibrahim, Silahdar Mustafa Pasha, by physical exhaustion; his health became so unstable making the sultan appoint him to a distant province and around this time that he chose to spend more time with then, upon some trumped-up charges, persuading Ibrahim his consorts in the harem and distanced himself from the to order his execution. This execution led to a deterioration business of ruling, giving his female favorites opportuni- in the relationship between the grand vizier and K\u00f6sem Sul- ties to manipulate him to their own advantage. Ibrahim tan, who had been planning to marry her granddaughter, elevated eight of his concubines to the favored posi- Kaya Sultan, to Silahdar. Also, the grand vizier\u2019s compre- tion of haseki (royal consort), granting each a rich royal hensive reforms inevitably created some opposition, espe- demesne. He legally married his concubine Telli Haseki, cially among the provincial governors whose fortunes were an almost unprecedented step. Ibrahim developed new directly affected. The governor of Aleppo, Nasuhpa\u015fazade habits of ostentatious consumption, such as an obses- H\u00fcseyin Pasha, revolted in 1642\u201343, but was soon defeated sive interest in sable fur, for the purchase of which he and killed by the powers in Istanbul. imposed heavy taxes on his ministers and provincial gov- ernors. Combined with a war economy and a Venetian However, by 1644, the grand vizier\u2019s standing was blockade of the Dardanelles that created scarcities in the threatened by a much more powerful faction, which was capital, Ibrahim\u2019s behavior fueled the growing unrest in effectively controlling all appointments and dismiss- the capital and the country. als, enriching its members by bribes in the process. This party included Ibrahim\u2019s male favorites, Cinci Hoca, By 1647 the grand vizier Salih Pasha, together with Silahdar Yusuf Agha, Sultanzade Mehmed Pasha, and his K\u00f6sem Sultan and the \u015feyh\u00fclislam, Abd\u00fcrrahim female favorite, \u015eekerpare Hatun, apparently with K\u00f6sem Efendi, plotted to dethrone the sultan and replace him Sultan standing behind them. Although the grand vizier with one of his sons, but their plot did not succeed. Salih once again succeeded in appointing a potential rival, this Pasha was executed and K\u00f6sem Sultan faced a short exile time Sultanzade Mehmed Pasha, to the governorship of from the harem. In the provinces a coalition of governors Damascus, thus physically distancing him from the sul- and subprovincial governors, led by Varvar Ali Pasha, tan, Mustafa Pasha failed to outmaneuver Cinci Hoca, the governor of Sivas, launched a major rebellion against who was a charlatan reputedly able to cure the sultan\u2019s ill the sultan and his corrupt new grand vizier, Hezarpare health, and Yusuf Agha, who was both Ibrahim\u2019s sword- Ahmed Pasha. In May 1648 the rebel army was crushed bearer and his son-in-law. In February 1644, Ibrahim near Ankara, and Ali Pasha was executed. ordered the execution of the grand vizier who had served him so well. Sultanzade Mehmed Pasha was then called By the summer of 1648 all factions in Istanbul, back from Damascus to assume the position of grand including the sultan\u2019s elite soldiers, the Janissaries, were vizier. After the death of Kara Mustafa Pasha, political united against Ibrahim and his favorites. For them, the instability and factionalism marked the remaining years removal of the sultan was a necessity; after receiving a of Ibrahim\u2019s reign. legal and religious approval for their decisions from the \u015feyh\u00fclislam, they took action. On August 8, 1648, Hezar- In the summer of 1645, the war with Venice over pare Ahmed Pasha was killed. Ibrahim was deposed Crete began. Ibrahim promoted his favorite Yusuf Agha and locked in a room in the palace while his eldest son to the rank of pasha and appointed him grand admiral of Mehmed, who was only seven years old, was enthroned. the Ottoman fleet. By the end of the summer, Yusuf Pasha Ten days later, Ibrahim was strangled, as it was feared that his partisans might restore him to the throne. This second Ottoman regicide did not bring the tranquil-","264 Ibrahim Pasha During his eight years as governor in Syria, Ibrahim Pasha introduced a number of innovations that had already ity desired by the empire. Factional politics and power been tested by his father in Egypt. These included grant- struggles continued, as did the Ottoman crisis of the 17th ing greater freedoms to the non-Muslim population of the century. region, establishing government monopolies, direct taxa- tion, and military conscription. The Muslim population G\u00fcnhan B\u00f6rek\u00e7i resented these innovations and, starting in 1834, rebellions Further reading: Leslie Peirce, The Imperial Harem: broke out throughout the country. This led the Ottomans Women and Sovereignty in the Ottoman Empire (Oxford: to believe that they could retake their lost provinces, and Oxford University Press, 1993); Colin Imber, The Ottoman Mahmud sent a reorganized army toward Syria. Ibrahim Empire, 1300\u20131650: The Structure of Power (New York: Pal- once again demonstrated his tactical skills and destroyed grave Macmillan, 2002); Caroline Finkel, Osman\u2019s Dream: the Ottoman army in the Battle of Nezip in June 1839. The Story of the Ottoman Empire, 1300\u20131923 (London: John Murray, 2005), 223\u2013235; M. Tayyip G\u00f6kbilgin, \u201cIbra- Despite the victory the Druzes and Maronites, him,\u201d in Encyclopaedia of Islam, 2nd ed., vol. 3 (Leiden: important Lebanese religious groups, rose in rebellion Brill, 1960\u2013), 983. the following year. The revolt was partly a result of the efforts of Ottoman and British agents to foment an upris- Ibrahim Pasha (b. 1789\u2013d. 1848) Egyptian gener- ing, but it also arose out of a fear that conscription would al Ibrahim Pasha was the commander of the Egyptian soon be applied in Lebanon. British warships shelled Bei- army in Greece and Syria and the eldest son of Egypt\u2019s rut and landed Ottoman troops there. Faced with a for- strongman Mehmed Ali. He was a teenager when his midable alliance of both external and internal forces, the father brought him to Cairo in 1805 and installed him as Egyptian occupation of Syria came to an abrupt end as commander of the city\u2019s citadel. In 1807, he was promoted Ibrahim surrendered to the British in 1840. In July 1848, to the post of treasurer of the province of Egypt. After his when Mehmed Ali\u2019s advanced age left him unable to rule, brother Tosun died in 1816, Ibrahim took control of the Ibrahim succeeded him as governor of Egypt. He died Egyptian army and defeated the Wahhabis, the militant soon after, however, and was succeeded by his nephew followers of Muhammad ibn Abd al-Wahhab in Arabia. Abbas Hilmi. He then supervised the transformation of the Egyptian army to one that was manned by conscripted peasants Bruce Masters and trained by foreign military advisers. in 1824 that army Further reading: Khaled Fahmy, All the Pasha\u2019s Men: was dispatched first to Crete and then to the Morea on the Mehmed Ali, His Army, and the Making of Modern Egypt Greek mainland to support the Ottoman sultan\u2019s attempt (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1997). to suppress the rebellion in Greece. The success of the Egyptian army caused alarm in Great Britain and France, ihtisab and muhtesib (ihtisap and muhtasip) Ihti- as the populations of both nations strongly supported the sab literally means \u201cto call someone to account\u201d or \u201cto Greek insurgents, and their governments had decided that carry out responsibility.\u201d In Islamic legal theory, the role independence for Greece was in their national interests. of ihtisab was to produce a set of controls, drawn from They dispatched fleets to Greece, where they defeated the either customary law or religious law (sharia), that were Ottoman-Egyptian fleet at Navarino in 1827. That victory intended to govern social, religious, and economic life led Mehmed Ali to call on Ibrahim to withdraw his troops and to reform those individuals who did not obey the and return to Egypt. rules through warnings and punishment. The principal enforcers of ihtisab were called muhtesibs. Mehmed Ali next ordered his son to invade Syria in November 1831, ostensibly to repatriate the thousands of The concept of ihtisab was first articulated during the Egyptian peasants who had fled there to avoid conscrip- lifetime of the Prophet Muhammad and was extensively tion. This was an open break with his former allies, the applied in the Muslim states that succeeded him. Out of Ottomans, and signaled Mehmed Ali\u2019s ambitions to top- the theory emerged an institution that was charged with ple the Ottoman dynasty. Ibrahim laid siege to the for- some of the duties that in other societies might be del- midable walled city of Acre, which fell on May 27, 1832. egated to civil or religious authorities. As originally con- Ibrahim then proceeded to occupy Damascus. After ceived, the office of ihtisab was a religious institution defeating an Ottoman army that had been dispatched to designed to promote social peace and order through the stop him near the Syrian city of Homs, Ibrahim moved enforcement of decency and the prevention of evil. As into Anatolia and delivered another decisive defeat to a political institution, it developed and matured in the the Ottoman forces outside the city of Konya on July 29, Abbasid Caliphate (750\u20131258). 1832. With sure defeat facing him, Sultan Mahmud II (r. 1808\u201339) agreed to a truce that recognized Ibrahim as The chief officials of this institution were the muh- the governor of the Syrian provinces. tesibs, often translated into English as \u201cmarket inspector,\u201d","who could be found in every major city of the empire. illustrated manuscripts and miniature paintings 265 In general, the muhtesib was responsible for punishing and reforming those who acted against Islamic law. His embellish manuscripts as luxury items for the sultan and duties varied widely. He ensured that Muslims attended other high-status patrons. Friday prayer; he could establish a Muslim community wherever there were more than 40 believers; and he was Miniature painting was one of a number of related responsible for admonishing and punishing those who artistic traditions known collectively as the \u201carts of the openly broke the fast during Ramadan, drank alcohol book.\u201d These traditional crafts included hat (callig- or played forbidden musical instruments, and widows raphy\u2014the most esteemed of the arts of the book), who remarried before Islamic law allowed them to do nak\u015f (painting and ornamental design), tezhip (illu- so. As Ottoman government officials appointed by the mination), ebru (paper marbling), and cilt (bookbind- sultan, the muhtesib inspected schools, warned or pun- ing). The Ottomans learned the practice of maintaining ished teachers who beat students without cause, banned an imperial scriptorium for the production of luxury the sale of strategic war materials and equipment to for- books from the courts of the Islamic dynasties that eigners, and controlled the workings of the marketplace, preceded and rivaled them: the Ilkhanid Mongols, the including pricing and quality. In addition to observing Karakoyunlu (the \u201cBlack Sheep\u201d Turkoman dynasty markets and shops, he monitored ethical and religious whose territory spanned western Iran, Iraq, and the behavior. These duties included ensuring that measuring Caucasus), the Akkoyunlu (the \u201cWhite Sheep,\u201d a rival and weighing equipment were accurate, that tradesmen Turkoman dynasty to the Karakoyunlu centered in were paying their debts, and that people were obeying the northwestern Iran and eastern Anatolia), the Timu- rules that banned gambling. He tested doctors\u2019 skills and rids (in Persia and Central Asia), and the Mamluk imams\u2019 leadership during prayer, punished those who Empire (in the Arab world). Persia provided the model overburdened pack animals or dressed inappropriately, of courtly culture for the Ottoman sultans, and Persian and made people provide for the needs of poor travelers influence was particularly strong in shaping the literary in cities where there were no inns. Additionally, the muh- and artistic tastes of the Ottoman court. The Ottomans tesib enforced building codes, maintained the order and learned miniature painting and the arts of the book cleanliness of streets, and collected some taxes. from contact with Persian and Turkoman dynasties, whose waning sent master miniaturists westward in Despite such broad authority, muhtesibs could not search of employment in the Ottoman court. act arbitrarily for fear of being relieved of their duties and punished by their supervisors. A muhtesib\u2019s qualifi- Yet despite this strong Persian influence, the art of cations were specific. He had to be a free adult Muslim miniature painting developed in new directions under male, wise, just, clever, and knowledgeable. In the Otto- Ottoman patronage, producing distinctively Ottoman man Empire, muhtesibs usually acquired their position styles, themes, and preferences. Contact with artists by bidding on the post. The winner, provided he met the and genres from Europe, the Balkans, and the Mediter- required conditions, was appointed as muhtesib for a year ranean resulted in uniquely Ottoman fusions of eastern by the sultan. Muhtesibs chose their assistants from vari- and western traditions, particularly in the areas of por- ous professions. These assistants had to be meticulous traiture and topographical representation. Ottoman min- in the performance of their duties and had to meet high iature painting is also distinguished by its emphasis on standards for their personal behavior. historical realism. Whereas in the Persian tradition atten- tion is lavished on legendary kings and heroes, mythical Salih Aynural creatures, wonders of creation, paradisiacal gardens, and Further reading: Suraiya Faroqhi, Towns and Towns- courtly entertainments, the Ottomans preferred docu- men of Ottoman Anatolia: Trade, Crafts and Food Production mentary representations of their own imperial history. in an Urban Setting, 1520\u20131650 (Cambridge: Cambridge The finest Ottoman miniatures, produced in the mid- University Press, 1984). and late 16th century, illustrate historical narratives and represent real places, persons, and events. illustrated manuscripts and miniature paintings Miniature painting is a courtly art form in the Islamic THE NAKKA\u015eHANE AND METHODS OF world, developed to a high degree of sophistication PRODUCTION among the late medieval Turco-Persian dynasties of Iran, Iraq, Central Asia, and Anatolia. In the court cultures of The principal site of luxury manuscript production in the Islamic world\u2014particularly those who, like the Otto- the Ottoman Empire was the imperial scriptorium, or mans, drew their ideals of courtly culture from Persian nakka\u015fhane, founded by Mehmed II (r. 1444\u201346; 1451\u2013 models\u2014miniature painting was used to illustrate and 81) after the conquest of Constantinople and located just outside the walls of the Topkap\u0131 Palace in Istan- bul\u2014although artists linked to the imperial nakka\u015fhane might also work out of smaller workshops located else- where in the city. Craftsmen linked to this workshop were","266 illustrated manuscripts and miniature paintings THE BEGINNINGS OF OTTOMAN MINIATURE PAINTING UNDER MEHMED II trained in one or more of the arts of the book through a system of apprenticeship. Masters of nak\u015f were called Miniature painting began to gain importance in the Otto- nakka\u015f, a term sometimes translated as \u201cpainter\u201d or man court toward the middle of the 15th century, during \u201cminiaturist\u201d although in fact the nakka\u015f could be called the reign of Mehmed II. Mehmed\u2019s interest in paint- upon to produce sketches or designs for use in a wide ing is well documented. This interest arose in part from variety of media, including geometrical, floral, and fig- a desire to emulate the courtly cultures of Persia, where ural designs used in stone and wood carving, metalwork, the production of luxury manuscripts was an important ceramics, textiles, and the painting of interior architec- dimension of royal patronage, but also from Mehmed\u2019s tural surfaces. Miniature paintings, however, were always understanding of the visual arts as a means to reaffirm produced in paint (normally made of pigment blended and perpetuate his own image as a world conqueror and with albumen) on paper. imperial sovereign. Mehmed identified himself with the legendary conquerors of past eras, particularly Alexan- Not all the master painters of the Ottoman court der the Great, and one of the earliest surviving examples were trained locally. From the time of the founding of of an illustrated Ottoman manuscript is an illustrated the imperial scriptorium until well into the 16th cen- copy of the Iskendername (Book of Alexander)\u2014a cel- tury, the most influential masters were those who ebration of the conquests and feats of Alexander by the came to Istanbul\u2014either voluntarily or by conscrip- 14th-century Anatolian poet Ahmedi. Mehmed\u2019s Iskend- tion\u2014from the courts of Timurid Herat (Afghanistan) ername was produced in the middle of the 15th century and Samarkand (Uzbekistan), the Turkoman courts of in Edirne, the seat of Ottoman power prior to Mehmed\u2019s Shiraz (in northwestern Iran) and Baghdad (Iraq), or conquest of Istanbul in 1453. This and a small number of from Safavid Tabriz (western Iran). Masters seeking similar manuscripts provide evidence for the existence of work also arrived from the Balkans, Hungary, Central a scriptorium in the Ottoman palace at Edirne. Asia, and the Arab world. These masters trained new generations of Ottoman miniaturists, contributing to After the conquest of Istanbul and the transfer of the the emergence of an Ottoman synthesis of eastern and seat of Ottoman power to that city, Mehmed founded western styles and techniques in the second half of the a larger imperial scriptorium in the vicinity of the new 16th century. Topkap\u0131 Palace complex. Patronage of the arts was an important part of Mehmed\u2019s imperial vision, as he Thanks to surviving payroll records, textual descrip- sought to lay claim to Istanbul by making the city once tions, and even depictions in Ottoman miniatures of again a center for artistic production and exchange. Art- the activities of the imperial scriptorium, the process by ists, architects, and craftsmen were brought to Istanbul which luxury illustrated manuscripts were produced is from all over the Ottoman Empire and beyond, includ- well understood. Having won a commission, the author ing artists from Persia, Central Asia, the Balkans, Italy, of the manuscript worked with the imperial scripto- and northern Europe. Mehmed was keenly interested rium to assemble a team that would include a chief cal- in European art; he was particularly drawn to the Euro- ligrapher, an illuminator, and a nakka\u015f. The author then pean tradition of commissioning medals and portraits, worked closely with the chief nakka\u015f to design the illus- in which he saw a new way of perpetuating his own tration program for the project. The chief nakka\u015f took image. To this end, Mehmed invited renowned Italian the lead in designing the miniatures, but the paintings artists to visit his court, where they executed works for themselves were almost always produced by a team of him and shared their expertise with locally based paint- artists working under his direction. The Ottoman impe- ers and craftsmen. During a visit to Istanbul in 1477\u201378 rial nakka\u015fhane included painters who specialized in the Venetian artist Costanzo da Ferrara designed a medal executing certain parts of the image, so one person might featuring a bust portrait of Mehmed. Shortly thereafter, paint the landscape and vegetation, another the clothed in 1479\u201381, the Venetian painter Gentile Bellini took up figures, another the faces, and another the animals or residence at Mehmed\u2019s court, during which time he exe- architectural details of the scene. The collaborative cuted his famous portrait of the aging sultan. nature of miniature painting in the Ottoman imperial scriptorium defies western European notions of artis- The power of these images\u2014together with the tic authorship, making it difficult to ascribe most Otto- opportunity to study with Italian masters and, not least, man miniature paintings to the creative vision of a single Mehmed\u2019s active patronage\u2014awakened an interest in artist. Nonetheless, the identities of some of the most portraiture among Ottoman miniaturists and their important Ottoman miniaturists are known to us. The patrons. Soon portraits of the sultans began to be incor- style of these masters is so distinctive, and the artistic porated into the repertoire of the imperial nakka\u015fhane, collaboration they forged with their teams of illustrators and Ottoman miniaturists such as Nakka\u015f Sinan Bey and so tight, that their artistic vision is revealed through the many hands executing it.","his student Ahmed \u015eiblizade began to specialize in this illustrated manuscripts and miniature paintings 267 style of painting. In their portraits, these artists made use of such European techniques as shading and perspective nakka\u015fhane, and its impact would be felt for decades to learned from the Italian masters, thus introducing new come. These artists brought with them the highly deco- techniques as well as new themes into Ottoman paint- rative style of Tabriz, distinguished by its rich textures ing. Portraiture ultimately became an enduring feature of and intricately detailed treatment of surfaces. Western Ottoman miniature painting and even permeated more techniques of shading and perspective, introduced to traditional miniature compositions, where the faces of the Ottoman nakka\u015fhane by European artists during individuals came to be far more individuated and expres- the reign of Mehmed II, were absent from this tradition, sive than in the older Persian tradition. in which space is represented two-dimensionally. The intermingling of these diverse traditions in the Ottoman DEVELOPMENTS OF THE LATE 15TH AND nakka\u015fhane led to the emergence of distinctively Otto- EARLY 16TH CENTURIES man styles of painting in the mid- and late 16th century. Mehmed\u2019s successors Bayezid II (r. 1481\u20131512), Selim A further influence on Ottoman miniature paint- I (r. 1512\u201320), and S\u00fcleyman I (r. 1520\u201366) witnessed ing during this period was connected to the rise of the the development and assimilation of his artistic legacy. Ottomans as a maritime power. Increased involvement In addition to the new interest in portraiture and physi- in both seafaring trade and naval warfare in the Medi- ognomy, Mehmed\u2019s enthusiasm for commemorating and terranean brought the Ottomans into close contact with glorifying the Ottoman dynasty through the art of paint- Mediterranean cartography, including portolan charts, ing persisted under Bayezid, Selim, and S\u00fcleyman, all of nautical atlases, and gazetteers containing bird\u2019s-eye whom commissioned illustrated works of Ottoman his- views of coastal cities and islands. The first evidence of tory. No longer did the sultans turn to depictions of the Ottoman use of nautical maps and siege plans comes fabulous exploits of Alexander the Great or other legend- from this period, and although initially such images were ary heroes of the past when they wished to portray them- produced for practical rather than decorative uses, they selves as world conquerors. By now the Ottomans had soon permeated the world of book art as the idea of pro- emerged as a world-conquering force in their own right, ducing luxury presentation copies of atlases (designed and preferred to commemorate their own dynastic his- not for practical use but as collector\u2019s items) or illustrated tory. The role of painting in Ottoman historiography and histories took hold. self-representation became increasingly important in the 16th century, and the historiographical quality of Otto- The two most important examples of the influence man miniature painting eventually developed into one of of cartography on Ottoman miniature painting were both its most important characteristics. produced during the early years of S\u00fcleyman\u2019s reign: the Kitab-i bahriye (Book of seafaring, 1521 and 1526) of The reign of Selim witnessed a dramatic new Piri Reis and the Beyan-i menazi-i sefer-i Irakeyn-i Sul- development in the history of the Ottoman imperial tan S\u00fcleyman han (Description of the stages of the Iraqi nakka\u015fhane: an influx of Persian talent from Iran. In 1514 campaign of Sultan S\u00fcleyman, hereafter Beyan-i menazil, Selim defeated the Safavid army at \u00c7ald\u0131ran, in eastern 1537, Istanbul University Library T.5964) of Matrak\u00e7\u0131 Anatolia, and occupied the Safavid capital at Tabriz, in Nasuh. The Kitab-i bahriye, produced in two versions in western Iran. Although Selim was not ultimately able 1521 and 1526, was a nautical atlas designed as a presen- to hold Tabriz, he did manage to conscript a significant tation copy for S\u00fcleyman complete with painted views number of painters and artists there and bring them to of cities and coastlines of the Mediterranean in the style Istanbul. of European gazetteers. The Kitab-i bahriye went on to become one of the most frequently reproduced books in Persian painting had long been the principal influ- the history of Ottoman luxury manuscript production, ence on the Ottoman miniature tradition, and from the with over 30 copies being produced over the course of start the Ottoman nakka\u015fhane had included Persian- the 16th and 17th centuries. The idea of incorporating trained masters moving from one court to the next with topographic imagery into the illustrated manuscript tra- the changing fortunes of dynasties. Masters trained in dition was carried even farther by Matrak\u00e7\u0131 Nasuh who, Timurid Herat and Samarkand, in the Karakoyunlu upon the commission of S\u00fcleyman, produced the lavishly courts of Shiraz and Baghdad, and in the Akkoyunlu illustrated Beyan-i menazil in 1537 to commemorate courts at Diyarbak\u0131r (southeastern Anatolia), Bagh- S\u00fcleyman\u2019s 1534\u201335 campaign to the eastern frontier\u2014a dad, and Mardin (southeastern Anatolia), had all made campaign that resulted in the extension of the Ottoman their way to Ottoman Istanbul, bringing with them vari- frontiers into Mesopotamia. The miniatures contained ous styles of Persian miniature painting. Nevertheless, in the Beyan-i menazil, which were designed by Matrak\u00e7\u0131 the arrival of the masters from Tabriz was the single Nasuh on the basis of firsthand observation and executed biggest influx of talent in the history of the Ottoman in collaboration with the imperial nakka\u015fhane, are fig- ureless topographic paintings depicting the stages of the","268 illustrated manuscripts and miniature paintings the Shah-nama of Firdawsi were frequently produced in court scriptoria of Iran and Central Asia. The Ottomans campaign along the route to the frontier and then along adapted this genre to their interest in contemporary his- the newly extended frontier itself. They are clearly influ- tory, using it to narrate the exploits not of legendary enced by city views contained in contemporary Euro- rulers of the past but of those of the Ottoman dynasty. pean and Mediterranean atlases and gazetteers, and yet The \u015fehnameci was charged with authoring these histo- in both visual style and method of production they are ries\u2014many of which, like Firdawsi\u2019s original, were com- very much a part of the miniature painting tradition. The posed in Persian verse\u2014and collaborating with teams of use of such topographical imagery to illustrate a work of master calligraphers, miniaturists, and illuminators from contemporary history clearly resonated with the Otto- the imperial nakka\u015fhane to transform the resulting com- man court: Supported by the patronage of S\u00fcleyman and positions into luxury manuscripts destined for the pal- his grand vizier R\u00fcstem Pasha, Matrak\u00e7\u0131 Nasuh went ace libraries. The three most important \u015fehnamecis for on to produce at least three more similarly illustrated the history of Ottoman miniature painting are Fethul- volumes describing the campaigns of Bayezid II, Selim lah Arif \u00c7elebi, or Arifi, who occupied the post between I, and S\u00fcleyman I, and his style was widely imitated in approximately 1540 and 1561; Seyyid Lokman, who historiographical miniature painting of the mid- and late served between 1569 and 1595; and Talikizade, who suc- 16th century. ceeded Lokman and served in the final years of the 16th century. The works of the historiographical studio of the Meanwhile, in the area of portraiture, a similarly \u015fehnameci\u2014most of which were produced as a single copy innovative synthesis of eastern and western styles was for the palace collections\u2014are among the finest examples being forged by a naval officer and amateur painter of Ottoman miniature painting and book art. named Haydar Reis (d. 1572), who painted under the pseudonym of Nigari. Unusually, Nigari did not illustrate Some time around the year 1540 \u015fehnameci Arifi manuscripts but rather produced loose-leaf portraits, was appointed and charged with producing a series of including both bust and full-length portraits. Nigari\u2019s five illustrated histories of the Ottoman dynasty in Per- portraits employ techniques of shading clearly learned sian verse. Three of these manuscripts survive, the most from western European art, and his figures are always important of which is the S\u00fcleymanname (Book of S\u00fcl- set against a dark background. The figures are posed in eyman), which was completed in 1558 and contains 69 styles evocative of both the Islamic miniature painting full-folio miniatures (Topkap\u0131 Palace Library H. 1517). tradition and western-style portraiture\u2014and indeed, Although we do not know the names of the artists who Nigari not only represented Ottoman figures but also worked on this manuscript, it is clearly a collaborative Europeans, including bust portraits of Francis I of France work of the highest quality from the imperial nakka\u015fhane. and Holy Roman Emperor Charles V. The contribution of miniaturists from a variety of dif- ferent backgrounds is evident in the work. For example, THE ZENITH OF OTTOMAN architectural details are sometimes rendered in the two- MINIATURE PAINTING dimensional style of Tabriz and sometimes in perspec- tival view, as was common among artists trained in the The period of Ottoman history spanned by the reigns western Ottoman lands. On occasion both styles are of S\u00fcleyman I, Selim II (r. 1566\u201374), and Murad III (r. found in the same composition. Similarly, some paintings 1574\u201395) represents the zenith of Ottoman miniature render landscape in the Persian style, which bears traces painting. During this time, the influences of the late 15th of Chinese influence, while other landscapes hint at the and early 16th centuries\u2014the encounters with western influence of western European-style city views. European portraiture, the growing emphasis on historio- graphical painting, the impact of Mediterranean nautical The most prolific Ottoman \u015fehnameci was Seyyid cartography, and the enduring influence of the Persian Lokman, whose career spanned the reigns of S\u00fcleyman I, legacy\u2014began to crystallize into distinctively Ottoman Selim II, and Murad III. Lokman\u2019s principal collaborator styles and genres. At the same time, the wealth brought in the imperial nakka\u015fhane was Nakka\u015f Osman, whose by military conquest (during S\u00fcleyman\u2019s reign in par- career was as long and as prolific as Lokman\u2019s own and ticular) and political stability in Istanbul fueled a cultural who is generally regarded as the greatest master of Otto- efflorescence that extended to every area of the arts. man miniature painting. Nakka\u015f Osman worked with Lokman to design the illustration programs for Lokman\u2019s With regard to miniature painting, the most impor- histories of the Ottoman dynasty and oversaw their exe- tant development of the mid- and late 16th century was cution by a team of artists assembled from the imperial the creation of the post of \u015fehnameci, or official court his- scriptorium. The manuscripts were lavishly illustrated, torian. The \u015fehnameci was literally a \u201cwriter of \u015fehnames,\u201d some containing over 200 illustrated folios and numerous or \u201cbooks of kings.\u201d The original Shah-nama (Book of double-folio images. Osman\u2019s control of the design and kings) was a famous work by the Persian poet Firdawsi (933\u20131025) that narrated the lives of legendary Persian kings and heroes. In later centuries, illustrated copies of","execution of the miniatures was such that even though illustrated manuscripts and miniature paintings 269 the works were produced collaboratively his authorship is readily discernible to the trained eye. Osman\u2019s style ter illustrator known as Nakka\u015f Hasan. Hasan was not eschewed the heavy ornamentation of the Persian tradi- a member of the palace scriptorium but is nonetheless tion and focused instead on historical realism, with care- regarded as one of the most important miniaturists of his ful attention to detail in the representation of places and day. His collaboration with Talikizade lasted only a few scenes. Landscape imagery in some of his works recalls years but resulted in the production of several important the influence of maritime cartography and the city views works, including two describing events in the life of Sul- of Matrak\u00e7\u0131 Nasuh\u2014including instances of figureless city tan Mehmed III, the E\u011fri fetihnamesi (Book of victory at views. Osman\u2019s miniatures also testify to the assimila- E\u011fri, 1596\u201397, Topkap\u0131 Palace Museum Library H. 1609) tion of the art of portraiture into traditional miniatures. and the \u015eehname-i Sultan Mehmed-i salis (Book of kings The faces of historical personages in his work (including of Mehmed III, Istanbul Museum of Turkish and Islamic in a few instances the artist himself) are not only readily Arts MS. 1965). Their final collaboration is an undated identifiable but also remarkably expressive. late 16th-century work about the lives of the Ottoman sultans that appears to be modeled on Lokman\u2019s H\u00fcner- Lokman\u2019s early collaborations with Nakka\u015f Osman name (Topkap\u0131 Palace Library A. 3592). Nakka\u015f Hasan\u2019s consisted of works relating the lives and exploits of work demonstrates some of the same hallmarks of Otto- recent Ottoman sultans: the Zafername (Book of victory, man miniature painting as Nakka\u015f Osman\u2019s\u2014mastery of 1579, Chester Beatty Library, Dublin), relating the final historical realism, the use of city views, and an awareness years of the reign of S\u00fcleyman I; the \u015eehname-i Selim of the art of portraiture\u2014but with a distinctive color pal- han (Book of kings of Sultan Selim, 1581, Topkap\u0131 Palace ette including vivid reds, greens, and yellows. Museum Library H. 3595), concerning the reign of Selim II; the two-volume \u015eehin\u015fehname (Book of the king of DEVELOPMENTS IN THE kings, 1581, Istanbul University Library F. 1404 and 1597, 17TH AND 18TH CENTURIES Topkap\u0131 Palace Museum Library B. 200), about the early years of the reign of Murad III; and the Surname-i h\u00fcma- The 17th century witnessed a shift away from illus- yun (Book of imperial festivities, 1588, Topkap\u0131 Palace trated works of court historiography. The office of Museum Library H. 1344), describing the lavish public the \u015fehnameci was revived briefly under Osman II (r. celebrations surrounding the circumcision of Murad III\u2019s 1618\u201322), whose court historian Nadiri collaborated son Mehmed. with the most famous painter of the day, Ahmed Nak\u015fi, to produce the \u015eehname-i Nadiri (Nadiri\u2019s book of kings, In the 1580s, Seyyid Lokman and Nakka\u015f Osman Topkap\u0131 Palace Library H. 1124). Nak\u015fi also executed a took on two monumental commissions that offered over- masterful series of portraits for an illustrated translation views of Ottoman history: the Z\u00fcbdet\u00fc\u2019t-tevarih (The of a famous biographical work of the previous century, cream of histories, 1583, Istanbul Museum of Turkish and Ta\u015fk\u00f6pr\u00fczade\u2019s \u015eaka\u2019iku\u2019n-numaniye fi ulema-i develeti\u2019l- Islamic Art MS. 1973) and the two-volume H\u00fcnername Osmaniyye (The undying peonies of the Ottoman (Book of feats, 1585 and 1588, Topkap\u0131 Palace Museum ulema), Topkap\u0131 Palace Library H. 1263). In addition to Library H. 1523 and H. 1524). Because these commis- portraiture, Nak\u015fi is known for his use of perspective and sions dealt with earlier eras of Ottoman history whose his vivid color palette. visual and material culture was less familiar to either the author or the miniaturist, Lokman and Nakka\u015f Osman However, as the age of great territorial conquests undertook additional research into the dress and appear- came to an end in the 17th century, so did the literary ance of past Ottoman sultans. The results of this research and painterly genre of the Ottoman \u015fehname, which was were presented in 1579 in an illustrated manuscript that largely premised on the commemoration and celebration contains some of the finest examples of Ottoman portrai- of conquest. In the second half of the 16th century the ture, the K\u0131yafet\u2019\u00fcl\u2019insaniyye fi \u015femail-i Osmaniyye (Gen- focus of the imperial scriptorium (which, like the palace, eral appearances and dispositions of the Ottomans). The moved for much of this period to Edirne) shifted toward K\u0131yafet\u2019\u00fcl\u2019insaniyye quickly became a popular manuscript the production of dynastic genealogies, or silsilename. in court circles, and numerous copies were produced in These genealogies, illustrated with portraits, traced the subsequent decades by Nakka\u015f Osman\u2019s assistants and Ottoman lineage back through the prophets as far as students. Adam. The most famous painter of this era was Musavvir H\u00fcseyin, who created portraits for such genealogies. In the final years of the 16th century Sultan Mehmed III dismissed Lokman and appointed a new poet, Tali- The last great flourish of Ottoman miniature paint- kizade Mehmed, to the post of \u015fehnameci. Talikizade ing came in the early 18th century with the career of the lacked Lokman\u2019s skill and versatility as a poet, but he painter Abd\u00fclcelil \u00c7elebi (d. 1732\u201333), better known by was able to recruit into his studio a distinguished mas- his cognomen Levni, which means \u201cthe colorful.\u201d Levni created portraits for Ottoman genealogies and albums, but his most famous works by far are the paintings that","270\u2002 \u2002 illustrated manuscripts in the Topkap\u0131 Palace Museum Approximately 600 books and albums contain miniatures illustrate the Surname-i Vehbi (Vehbi\u2019s book of festivities, illustrating scientific, historic, religious, and literary sub- Topkap\u0131 Palace A. 3593), authored by the poet Vehbi, jects. The collection includes 60 copies of the Shah-nama which celebrates the public festivities held in connec- (The book of kings) by the Persian poet Firdawsi and 85 tion with the circumcision of the sons of Ahmed III (r. copies of the Khamsa (The book of five poems) by the 1703\u20131730) in the year 1720. Levni, who is believed to Persian poet Nizami. This vast and diverse collection is a have trained with Musavvir H\u00fcseyin, uses pastel tones direct result of Ottoman military exploits. Various archival and emphasizes the human figures in his composition at documents show that many of these artifacts entered the the expense of scenery, reflecting his training in the art palace treasury as spoils of war following the capture of of portraiture. The Surname-i Vehbi was copied twice in the Safavid capital, Tabriz, by the Ottoman Sultan Selim the following decade, probably by artists in Levni\u2019s circle. I (r. 1512\u201320) in 1514 and of the Mamluk capital, Cairo, It is the last example of an illustrated manuscript com- in 1517. The collection of manuscripts acquired by the missioned for the Ottoman imperial treasury. From the sultans over the centuries and kept in the palace treasury middle of the 18th century onward, the Ottomans came consists of the finest masterpieces of the Islamic world, increasingly under the influence of western painting illustrated by the most celebrated artists of their time. As styles, and compositions on canvas designed for display a result, the Topkap\u0131 Palace Museum Library today pos- overtook once and for all the older and more intimate sesses an unparalleled collection of Islamic miniatures. tradition of miniature painting with its narrative empha- sis on the lives and conquests of the sultans. Seljuk Manuscripts The earliest manuscripts in the collection illustrated with Kathryn Ebel miniatures are of Seljuk origin. These, for the most part, Further reading: Esin At\u0131l, Levni and the Surname: The are from Seljuk states in Iraq and Anatolia. Cities such Story of an Eighteenth-Century Ottoman Festival (Istanbul: as Konya and Diyarbak\u0131r in Anatolia and Mosul and Ko\u00e7bank, 1999); Esin At\u0131l, S\u00fcleymanname: The Illustrated Baghdad in Iraq were major centers for the arts during History of S\u00fcleyman the Magnificent (Washington: National this period. This group of manuscripts consists of sci- Gallery of Art and New York: H.N. Abrams, 1986); Serpil entific and literary works. The most important in terms Ba\u011fc\u0131, Filiz \u00c7a\u011fman, G\u00fcnsel Renda, and Zeren Tan\u0131nd\u0131, of Seljuk figurative style is Varka and G\u00fcl\u015fah, produced Osmanl\u0131 Resim Sanat\u0131 (Ankara: Ministry of Culture and in Konya in the 13th century and illustrated by Abd al- Tourism, 2006); Filiz \u00c7a\u011fman, \u201cOttoman Miniature Paint- Mumin of Hoy. Among the scientific works is an Arabic ing,\u201d in Ottoman Civilization, vol. 2, edited by Halil \u0130nalc\u0131k translation of De materia medica, a treatise on the phar- and G\u00fcnsel Renda (Ankara: Ministry of Culture and Tour- macological properties of plants by the Anatolian Greek ism, 2002), 893\u2013931; Kathryn Ebel, \u201cRepresentations of the physician Dioscorides. It was illustrated in 1228 by Abd Frontier in Ottoman Town Views of the Sixteenth Century.\u201d al-Jabbar for the library of Abu al-Fadail Muhammed, Imago Mundi 60, no. 1 (2008): 1\u201322; Selmin Kangal, ed., The ruler of Diyarbak\u0131r and Mosul. Another is Kitab fi marifat Sultan\u2019s Portrait: Picturing the House of Osman, trans. Mary al-hiyal al-handasiyya (A book on the knowledge of tricks Priscilla I\u015f\u0131n (Istanbul: \u0130\u015fbank, 2000); Svatopluk Soucek, Piri and engineering) by al-Jaziri, an engineer working at the Reis and Turkish Mapmaking after Columbus (London: Nour Artukid court who wrote and illustrated the book in 1206 Foundation in association with Azimuth and Oxford Uni- at the request of the Artukid emir Nasr al-Din Mahmud. versity Press, 1992); H\u00fcseyin Yurdayd\u0131n, ed., Beyan-i Men- azil-i Sefer-i Irakeyn-i Sultan S\u00fcleyman Han, Nasuh\u00fc\u2019s-Silahi Mongol (Ilkhanid and Jalayrid) (Matrak\u00e7\u0131 Nasuh) (Ankara: T\u00fcrk Tarih Kurumu, 1976). Manuscripts illustrated manuscripts in the Topkap\u0131 Palace Muse- The Mongols took Baghdad in 1258, putting an end to the um\u2003 Manuscripts at the Topkap\u0131 Palace Museum form Abbasid Caliphate. This invasion laid the foundations one of the most important collections of Islamic art in for the western Mongol state of the Ilkhanids, who con- the world. There are approximately 14,000 manuscripts, verted to Islam. Under the Mongols, works of history and containing around 18,000 miniature paintings. The paint- religion as well as epic tales were illustrated with minia- ings represent the finest examples of a wide variety of tures whose realistic approach derived from the picto- schools and styles (see illustrated manuscripts and rial traditions of Central Asia and East Asia. Of the three miniature painting) originating from a vast geographi- Mongol manuscripts in the Topkap\u0131 Palace collection, two cal area and spanning many centuries. The books and are copies of a history of the world titled Jami al-tawarikh albums illustrated with miniature paintings and draw- (A gathering of histories) written by a team of authors ings include works by Seljuk, Mongol (Ilkhanid), Timu- under the vizier Rashid al-Din on the orders of the Ilkha- rid, Uzbek, Karakoyunlu (\u201cBlack Sheep\u201d) and Akkoyunlu nid ruler Ghazan Khan (1271\u20131304), and the third is a (\u201cWhite Sheep\u201d) Turkoman, Safavid, and Ottoman court copy of the Garshafsnama (The book of ancient princes). artists, and form the most valuable part of the collection.","With the collapse of the Mongol Empire in the mid- illustrated manuscripts in the Topkap\u0131 Palace Museum\u2002 \u2002 271 14th century, the Jalayrids, also of Mongol origin, took books are copies of the Shah-nama and Khamsa pro- control of much of the empire and conquered western duced in Shiraz and Baghdad under the patronage of Iran and Iraq. Under them, the Tabriz (Iran) and Bagh- Sultan Pir Budak. The most important manuscripts illus- dad schools of illustration rose to the fore. In particular trated by Karakoyunlu artists include the miniatures of the reigns of Sultan Uways and Sultan Ahmed are notable the Khamsa-i Nizami, Khamsa-i Husraw, Shah-nama-i for miniature painting. Shams al-Din, a student of 14th- Firdawsi, and a geographical work, Terjuma-i mesalik century painter Ahmed Musa, worked at the court of va\u2019l-mamalik. These miniatures are significant for reflect- Sultan Uways and illustrated the Shah-nama of Firdawsi. ing not only Timurid Herat and Shiraz style but some Another important painter of the period was Abd al- motifs that foreshadow the Akkoyunlu style as well. Hayy, a student of Shams al-Din. A miniature from this Under the Akkoyunlu sultans Halil and Yakub miniature period collected in the album of Safavid prince Bahram painting in Shiraz and Tabriz reached new heights. Mirza, the brother of Shah Tahmasp I, bears a legend stating that it is the work of Abd al-Hayy, and this min- Safavid Manuscripts iature has all the characteristics of the late Jalayrid and The Topkap\u0131 collection also contains around 200 illus- early Timurid court style. trated Safavid manuscripts and albums on literature, religion, and history, although copies of the Shah-nama Timurid Manuscripts of Firdawsi and the Khamsa of Nizami outnumber all When the famed warlord Timur invaded Iran at the end the rest. These are artifacts of the Safavid Empire (see of the l4th century and captured famous centers of art Iran), established by Shah Ismail I (r. 1501\u201324) when he including Tabriz, Shiraz (Iran), and Baghdad, his capital defeated the Akkoyunlus in 1501 and took Tabriz, which at Samarkand (Uzbekistan) developed into a major center lasted until the Afghan invasion of 1722. The extremely for artistic activity. Following the death of Timur in 1405, fine miniatures included in the Safavid manuscripts were miniature painting developed rapidly under the patron- produced in contemporary centers of art such as Shiraz, age of Timurid sultans in their capitals Herat (Afghani- Isfahan, Tabriz, and Kazvin. When Shah Ismail con- stan) and Shiraz. Today there are around 20 Timurid quered Herat, he brought the famous miniaturist Bihzad manuscripts in the Topkap\u0131 collection. Most of these are and other artists to Tabriz, resulting in an upsurge in copies of the Khamsa; the others consist of various lit- quality from the Tabriz school, especially during the erary, religious, historical, and scientific works. These reign of his successor Shah Tahmasp I (r. 1524\u201376). Some collections are illustrated with miniatures in the charac- of the most outstanding works of the period are the Yusuf teristic style of their respective periods. u Zulayha (Joseph and Suleika), and the albums of Shah Tahmasp and Bahram Mirza, which represent the finest Those from Herat include some beautiful historical albums produced anywhere in the Islamic world. and literary manuscripts illustrated with miniatures pro- duced at studios employing celebrated calligraphers, writ- From contemporary sources we learn that most of ers, and painters during the reigns of Shahruh, Baysungur, these manuscripts arrived in Istanbul during the Ottoman- and Husayn Baykara. Manuscripts such as Kulliyat-i tarikh Safavid wars, which commenced in 1578 and continued (The complete history), Kalila wa Dimna (Tales of Kalila off and on until the early 17th century. Close friendships and Dimna), Khamsa, Hasht bihesht (Eight paradises), forged by military commanders, envoys, and statesmen Divan-i Husayni (Collected works of Husayni), and Humay with writers and poets of this time resulted in the trans- u Humayun (Prince Humay and Princess Humayun) are portation of many valuable books from Iran to the Otto- the most important works of the palace collection. man capital. Various sources also note that envoys sent by Safavid rulers brought illustrated manuscripts as gifts for The finest work of the collection, however, was pro- the Ottoman sultans Selim II (r. 1566\u201374) and Murad III duced during the reign of Sultan Husayn Baykara at stu- (r. 1574\u20131595). It was also customary for Ottoman mili- dios employing such famous artists and writers as the tary commanders, state officials, and governors to present poet Jami, the calligrapher Sultan Ali Mashadi, and the gifts to the sultan, and during the Ottoman-Safavid wars miniature painters Agha Mirak, Qas\u0131m Ali, and, above we find records of gifts of books that they had purchased all, Bihzad, the master artist in the Islamic world of this or acquired as trophies. Another source of new books for period. the palace collection was the estates of high-ranking gov- ernment officials, whose property devolved to the state Turkoman Karakoyunlu and upon their death if they had no heirs. Akkoyunlu Manuscripts Ottoman Manuscripts Approximately 50 manuscripts illustrated by Turkoman The hundreds of Ottoman manuscripts in the collection, Karakoyunlu and Akkoyunlu painters form another on the other hand, were produced in the palace studios important category in the collection. Most of these","272\u2002 \u2002 illustrated manuscripts in the Topkap\u0131 Palace Museum II (r. 1566\u201374) and Murad III (r. 1574\u201395), Turkish min- for the Ottoman sultans, who were almost all deeply iature painting and the other arts of the book reached interested in the arts. No Ottoman manuscripts predat- their zenith. Many of the works of this period in the pal- ing the conquest of Constantinople in 1453 have ace collection belong to the genre represented notably by survived, although sources reveal the existence of an art the H\u00fcnername (The book of feats) and \u015eehin\u015fehname studio at the palace in Edirne. The collection contains (The book of the king of kings). They depict victories of a copy of the Kulliyat-\u0131 Katibi (Complete works of Kat- the Ottoman army, the justice of the sultan, diverse social ibi) produced at Edirne Palace. The portraits of Sultan activities, the sultan\u2019s skill at hunting, audiences given to Mehmed II (r. 1444\u201346; 1451\u201381) made by local artists ambassadors, and memorable events of the era. In many are also found in the palace collection. cases these were written by the famous court annalist Seyyid Lokman and illustrated by Nakka\u015f Osman. Surviving manuscripts and written sources show that Sultan Bayezid II (r. 1481\u20131512) was interested in The most important manuscript dating from the the authors and poets of the Ottoman Empire and other reign of Selim II is an account of the Szigetv\u00e1r campaign, Islamic states and acted as patron to many poets. The the last campaign of S\u00fcleyman I, who died of natu- collection includes illustrated manuscripts such as the ral causes just before the successful siege of the town of Khamsa-i H\u00fcsrev Dihlevi, H\u00fcsrev u \u015eirin (Khosrow and Szigetv\u00e1r on the Hungarian border in 1566. Of all the Shirin), and \u015eehname-i Melik \u00dcmmi. A work entitled Ottoman sultans, Murad III stands out for his love of Mant\u0131ku\u2019t-tayr (Conference of the birds), produced at the books and the arts of the book. During his reign, the court studio during the reign of Sultan Selim I (r. 1512\u2013 celebrated painter Nakka\u015f Osman and his team painted 20), is important because it reveals the stylistic influence miniatures in the palace design studio for numerous his- exerted by artists the sultan brought from Tabriz after its torical books, the \u015eehname-i Selim han, two volumes of conquest. the H\u00fcnername, and the Z\u00fcbdet\u00fc\u2019t-tevarih (The cream of histories). Two other masterpieces of the same period The collection contains items in the decorative style also illustrated by Nakka\u015f Osman are the \u015eemailname, used mainly in literary works that developed under the consisting of descriptions of all the Ottoman sultans from influence of Islamic schools of miniature painting during Osman I to Murad III (r. 1574\u20131595), and the Surname- the reign of S\u00fcleyman I (the Magnificent) (r. 1520\u20131566). i h\u00fcmayun (The book of imperial festivities) with its These are copies of the Divan-\u0131 Nevai, Khamsa-i Nevai, hundreds of miniatures, including some of the most out- Arifi\u2019s Guy u chawgan (The ball and the polo stick), and standing examples of classical Ottoman painting. Other Selimname (Book of Selim). This was a period of exten- works prepared by the court artists of this period are sive innovations, among the most fascinating examples Nusretname and Kitab-i Genjine-i Feth-i Genje (describ- of which are the history books of Matrak\u00e7\u0131 Nasuh. Begun ing the Azerbaijan campaign of Ferhat Pasha in 1588). at the request of S\u00fcleyman I, the texts are illustrated by Nasuh in several parts with topographic representations The reign of Mehmed III (r. 1595\u20131603) saw an even of fortified towns. The illustrated manuscripts by Nasuh greater output of miniature painting at the court studios preserved in the Topkap\u0131 Palace collections include the where another famous painter, Nakka\u015f Hasan, and his Tarih-i Sultan Bayezid (History of Sultan Bayezid) and assistants illustrated books about the sultan\u2019s victories, Tarih-i feth-i \u015eiklo\u015f ve Estergon ve \u0130stolni Belgrad (History such as E\u011fri fetihnamesi (Book of victory at E\u011fri) and of the conquest of Sikl\u00f3s, Esztergom and Sz\u00e9kesfeh\u00e9rv\u00e1r). \u015eehname-i Al-i Osman (Book of kings of the house of Another interesting group contains books describing the Osman); books on religious subjects, such as Siyer-i Nebi Muslim holy cities of Mecca and Medina and the cus- (The life of the Prophet); and simple romances. toms and practices of the pilgrimage or hajj. The illustra- tions in these texts reveal a unique style from this period. During the reign of Ahmed I (r. 1603\u201317), Turkish One of the palace albums contains portraits of S\u00fcleyman miniatures appear in works of a different kind, notably the Magnificent, Selim II, and Hayreddin Pasha (see Bar- books produced by Kalender Pasha, a vizier and master of barossa brothers) by Haydar Reis, a portraitist who the art of vassale (decoration using colored paper), such worked under the cognomen of Nigari. The most impor- as his Falname (Book of fortunetelling) and the Ahmed I tant work of the period, and indeed of the entire collec- album illustrated with miniatures of single genre figures tion, however, is the S\u00fcleymanname (Book of S\u00fcleyman), associated with the palace. Despite its brevity, the reign written by court annalist Arifi. of Osman II (r. 1618\u201322) was the most prolific in terms of 17th-century Ottoman miniature painting. The min- The Classical Period iatures in \u015eehname-i Nadiri (Nadiri\u2019s book of kings) and In the second half of the l6th century Turkish miniature those in a biographical work called \u015eaka\u2019iku\u2019n-numaniye painting emerged as an art in its own right, unencum- fi ulema-i devleti\u2019l-Osmaniyye (The undying peonies of bered by the traditions of other cultures. During this the Ottoman ulema) were completed by court artists, the time, the Classical Period under the patronage of Selim most famous of whom was Nak\u015fi.","The last flowering of Ottoman miniature paint- imperial ideology 273 ing occurred in the first half of the 18th century during the reign of Ahmed III (r. 1703\u201330), with artists such as Mongol invasion that left few political structures intact Levni and Abdullah Buhari leaving their mark on this the east of Nile, the Ottomans found themselves on period. Foremost among the paintings by Levni, whose practically equal footing with every other dynasty in the work was extremely influential, are the 137 miniatures Islamic world. Concomitantly, their advances against in the Surname-i Vehbi (Vehbi\u2019s book of festivities), an the shrinking Byzantine territories, then known as the account of the celebrations for the sons of Ahmed III by Roman Empire, gradually established the Ottomans as the poet Vehbi. Other major works of the period were the rightful successors to the Romans. Furthermore, also illustrated by Levni, such as an album depicting men because of their location at the crossroads of maritime and women of the period in the dress of various classes trade they were able to forge propitious relations with and callings, and a genealogical album containing por- major powers of the Mediterranean basin such as Genoa traits of the Ottoman sultans. The pieces from this period and Venice. Thus their skills in state-building, helped follow the conventions of traditional Ottoman miniature by the favorable circumstances of location and timing, painting and aspire to three-dimensional form through transformed their self-perception, leading them to per- detail, while non-Muslim Ottoman artists of the period cieve themselves as moral leaders of significant grandeur. tended to follow Western aesthetic norms. Towards the second half of the century Western influence steadily Bolstered by a steady stream of conquests, this sense increased throughout all the painters of the empire until of grandeur became an undistinguishable part of impe- Ottoman miniature painting was entirely superseded by rial Ottoman self-image that stayed in effect until the works of a Western character. end of the empire. Accompanying this was a ghazi (see ghaza) or Ottoman warrior ethos formed out of the Zeynep Atba\u015f Ottoman ruler\u2019s leadership in protecting and extending the realm of Islam against that of the infidels. Even when ilmiye See ulema. the conquests ended, Ottoman rulers retained the title ghazi (referring to their role as defenders and expanders iltizam See tax farming. of the realm of Islam) as their most praiseworthy honor- ific and were frequently reminded by religious reformers imperial ideology The Ottoman state grew out of a to act as such. small tribe without inheriting any major claim of imperial legitimacy. Rather, the imperial ideology of the Ottomans By the 16th century, the Ottoman dynasty had took shape through their own historical experience and become a self-legitimating institution that manifested interaction with a variety of political traditions. Founded itself in a venerated genealogy and something verging on at the frontier of the Islamic world and expanded toward a cult of ancestors. As part of this genealogical obsession, both Muslim and Christian lands, the Ottoman Empire the Ottomans sought to further legitimize their power came to rule over a people embracing diverse faiths and by crafting a noble genealogy suitable to their imperial ethnic communities. Ottoman imperial ideology formed visions. The Ottomans lacked any connection to the two out of, and reflected, this diverse heritage of the lands it most prestigious lineages in the post-Mongolian Islamic ruled. Ottoman rulers viewed themselves as the rightful world, those of the Prophet Muhammad and Genghis successors to past empires that once ruled the lands they Khan (r. 1206\u201327, the founder of the Mongol Empire). To conquered, including those of Alexander the Great, the remedy this, Ottoman literati\u2014especially in the 15th and Byzantines, the Abbasids, and even the kingdom of Solo- early 16th centuries\u2014busied themselves crafting impres- mon. Drawing on Byzantine, Iranian, Arab, and Turkic sive genealogical connections for their forbears. As a imperial traditions, they appropriated existing imperial result the Oghuz genealogy came to be an official exposi- titles such as caesar, padishah, sultan, khan, and caliph. tion of Ottoman lineage showing that the Ottoman rulers were the descendants of Oghuz Khan, who was also iden- Much of what may be identified as imperial ideol- tified as the biblical Japhet or in some expositions as the ogy in the 16th century was shaped by the experience Quranic Alexander the two-horned. Presenting Oghuz of the Ottomans during their early history. The pecu- Khan as a believer who is praised in the Quran made the liar conditions of the Ottoman principality turned them Ottoman genealogy superior to that of Genghis Khan. into a major player with more power than their military However, this genealogy gradually lost its appeal toward strength should have warranted, a fact that profoundly the end of the 16th century and was replaced by the self- affected their self-perception. Rising in the wake of the justifying lineage of the Ottoman sultans starting with the founder of the principality, Osman I (d. 1324). With a sense of triumphalism, the Ottoman lineage itself came to be considered superior to any other contemporary noble lineage. Dynastic historians, geomancers, chancellors, mystics, political thinkers and apologetics of the 16th","274 imperial ideology ate institutionalized following the Prophet\u2019s death and continued through the Umayyad and Abbasid dynasties. century gave imperial ideology a new and powerful twist, The mystical conception of the caliphate regarded the emphasizing the uniqueness of the Ottoman dynasty and reigning caliph as God\u2019s deputy on earth. Using the title the empire. By comparing the Ottoman dynasty to other with both associations, the Ottoman rulers viewed them- great dynasties, historians accorded the crown title to selves both as God\u2019s deputies on earth and as successors the Ottomans in their grandeur and righteousness. With to the Prophet Muhammad\u2019s political leadership. Akin to the claim of having materialized the most perfect form this authority and unique to Ottoman rulers was the jeal- of political union promoted in Greco-Islamic political ously guarded title of Khadim al-Haramayn al-Sharifayn theory, the Ottoman ruler was declared to be a just ruler or \u201cServant of the Two Noble Sanctuaries,\u201d referring to and his domains \u201cvirtuous cities.\u201d Further, certain Otto- their custodianship over the Islamic holy cities of Mecca man rulers were perceived as \u201cruler of both temporal and and Medina. With their sovereignty extending also over spiritual worlds,\u201d \u201crenewer of religion\u201d (m\u00fcceddid), \u201cpole Jerusalem, their control of the three principal pilgrimage of the universe\u201d (kutb), and \u201cthe awaited savior\u201d (mehdi). sites of Islam gave the Ottoman rulers unsurpassed pres- Esoteric interpretations showed the Ottoman lineage as tige over other Muslim dynasties as well as responsibility the chosen one foretold in the Quran and by the Prophet. for the Muslim community in general. For unlike other religious or secular titles, which were subject to dispute As inherited from Turco-Mongolian steppe tradi- and challenge because of their abstractness, the Ottoman tions, the right to rule was vested in the dynastic family protectorate over these holy cities made their rulership where all members were equally qualified to succeed. more tangible and therefore implied a superiority over, The royal blood was considered sacred and shedding and loyalty from, all Muslims. the blood of members of the dynastic family was strictly avoided. Thus when fratricide was practiced, Ottoman Although the early Ottoman ruling elite may have princes were strangled. Rulership was believed to be a been somewhat eclectic in faith and more accommodat- grace from God and the ruler was considered to be God\u2019s ing of different strands of Islam, as the state grew, they choice. Conceptions of divine appointment inherited grew more conscious of Islamic orthodoxy. In line with from three major imperial and religious traditions fused the prescriptions of sunni Islam, upholding religion together in the Ottoman ideology and created a broad in public life and applying the sharia became primary basis for the ruler\u2019s legitimacy. Accordingly, the Ottoman objectives of the dynasty as well as the very foundation of ruler was conceived to have received \u201cfortune\u201d (kut) as in its legitimacy. Stipulated by prevailing notions of legiti- the Turco-Mongolian tradition, \u201cdivine light\u201d (farr) as in macy, in principle, all actions of the government had to the Persian tradition, and \u201cgood turn of fortune\u201d (devlet) be in conformity with the precepts of Islam. The ancient as in the Islamic tradition. During the first three centu- Iranian maxim, also attributed to the Prophet, that reli- ries of the Ottoman dynasty, almost all successions took gion and state are twins, came to be a consensual and for- place through violent struggles among the candidates, mulaic expression of this relationship. Because religion with the expectation that only the most competent and and government were inextricably intertwined, religious the recipient of God\u2019s favor would win. In later centuries, controversies had a tendency to turn into political prob- because of increasing public outcry and extensive insti- lems, and vice versa. Thus the Ottoman ruler came to tutionalization, fratricide was largely abandoned and the enjoy both political and religious power, a status best for- principle of primogeniture typically prevailed. mulated in a statement from a 17th-century law book by jurist Hezarfen H\u00fcseyin: \u201cThe leader of the religion alone By the time Ottomans came into power in the early is the grand mufti. The leader of the state alone is the 14th century, the concept of the caliphate had already grand vizier. The leader of both is the victorious ruler.\u201d lost its exclusive meaning as the universal leadership of the Muslim community. Although the Ottomans adopted Political developments of the 16th century led the the title of caliph from the beginnings of the 15th century, Ottoman ruling elite to further refine their religious iden- it was used more consciously after 1517 when the empire tity and incorporate it into the imperial ideology. The incorporated much of the Arabic-speaking Islamic world. rise of the Safavid dynasty in the east, with its claim of By unifying the central lands of the Islamic world and superiority, relentless propaganda in favor of Shia Islam, becoming its largest and most powerful organization, the and ambitions to expand, challenged both the unity and Ottomans found that they were the supreme rulers of, the legitimacy of the Ottoman Empire. To counter this and spokespersons for, the entire Islamic world. A novel threat, the Ottomans considered themselves champions development resulting from this position was the fusion of Sunni Islam and redefined their rulership on the basis of the hitherto distinct juristic and mystical conceptions of a distinctly Sunni theory of government. of the caliphate. The juristic conception of the caliph- ate referred to the successors of Muhammad in political Amidst this complexity, it was justice that gained a terms as the universal leaders of the Muslim commu- prominent place in political discourse and became the nity, a concept that also embraced the historical caliph-","single most important governing principle of Ottoman imperial ideology 275 imperial ideology. In its official expositions, the empire\u2019s subjects were considered a trust from God and it was idea of the imperial ideology in this period ruled that the sultan\u2019s foremost responsibility to protect them and as long as laws, conventions, and institutions that were dispense justice. Ottoman rulers thus believed that they believed to be genuinely Ottoman were maintained, the needed to be harsher in their treatment of the ruling elite empire would last forever. During this period the histori- in order to protect the ruled from mistreatment. Both the cal sultans\u2014Mehmed II (r. 1444\u201346; 1451\u201381), Selim I continuity of the state and God\u2019s favor toward the sultan (r. 1512\u201320), and S\u00fcleyman I (r. 1520\u201366)\u2014were per- were thought to be dependent on the sultan\u2019s observance ceived as the ultimate role models, and institutions and of justice. Injustice was the most frequently cited reason laws established during their reigns were regarded as to dethrone sultans in the 17th and 18th centuries. Otto- genuinely Ottoman, to be preserved as benchmarks for man society was considered to have formed out of four later reforms. In the meantime, political power accorded main classes that comprised men of sword, men of pen, to individual sultans decreased while bureaucratic insti- men of agriculture and husbandry, and men of crafts and tutions such as the military, the government adminis- trade. Keeping these classes in their respective spheres tration, and religious functionaries impressed their own was thought to be the foundation of imperial justice. identities and visions onto the imperial ideology. The notion of \u201ceternal state\u201d (devlet-i ebed m\u00fcddet), a lauda- As part of this overarching concept of just rule, the tory phrase that conventionally referred to God\u2019s perma- Ottoman state from its very beginnings seems to have nent grace for the ruler in political discourse, evolved to been no stranger to the idea of ruling by law. According mean the continuation of the Ottoman Empire with its to the Turco-Mongolian legacy, the ruler had the right laws and institutions until the \u201cend of days.\u201d Thus the to issue laws and was expected to abide by them unless sacredness of Ottoman institutions and traditions sur- he abolished or replaced them. Ottoman chronicles and passed those of individual sultans who continued to writers of advice literature often accorded the highest receive their legitimacy from their noble lineage and the esteem to the rulers who passed just laws and observed idea of divine appointment. the existing ones while severely criticizing outright vio- lations of law. By the mid-16th century, the concept of By the 19th century, traditional forms of legitimacy \u201cancient law\u201d (kanun-i kadim) came to enjoy a constitu- needed to be inflected to accommodate new develop- tional authority among the ruling elite. This ancient law ments in state and society. While religious and traditional referred to the body of promulgated laws or well-estab- components of imperial ideology were redefined and rein- lished customary practices that were deemed to have vented, modern political ideas and devices were integrated constituted the foundations of the Ottoman state. Secular as well. Imperial ideology in this period, despite its radical laws formed the basis of universal justice throughout the turns at times, encompassed both tradition and moder- empire, while religious communities were accorded the nity at the same time. With the advent of modern means autonomy of applying their own laws. Corporate bodies, of publicity, political symbolism gained a new emphasis such as guilds, could have their internal regulations rec- to shape and promote imperial ideology. This symbol- ognized as laws by the Ottoman ruler. ism was geared to enhance the sultan\u2019s image as well as the legitimacy of the Ottoman state. While such royal cer- In the economic sphere, the Ottomans had three emonies as coronation and sword girding were reinvented main principles: provisionalism, fiscalism, and tradi- to serve dynastic needs of legitimacy, such novel means as tionalism (see economy and economic policy). Provi- a national flag and coat of arms were introduced in order sionalism meant to make goods and services accessible, to give a sense of national unity in a newly emerging ter- ample, and affordable for the empire\u2019s subjects. Under ritorial state. Besides making Islamic doctrines a part of this principle prices were kept under state control, imperial ideology, the Ottoman leadership also adopted exports were discouraged, and imports were encour- secular ideas from Europe to bolster and complement its aged. Fiscalism meant maintaining or increasing the legitimacy. As a result, the caliphate came to be dissociated revenues for the treasury with the aim of bolstering the from the sultanate. While the Ottoman ruler inculcated a state\u2019s financial power. Traditionalism was the mainte- new image as the universal leader of the Islamic world, he nance of ideal structures and balances in the economy also promoted himself as the secular leader of all Ottoman that formed over time but had come to be thought of as subjects exercising his authority in both capacities. Thus immutable. Ottoman authorities, were uneasy with eco- while Islam was more politicized than it had been before, nomic changes and consistently tried to achieve through Ottoman government also grew more secular. reform a return to the economic status quo. Toward the late 18th century reformism weighed in During the 17th and 18th centuries, the imperial as the dominating component of imperial ideology. The ideology of state building and expansionism of previous sense of decline that pervaded the minds of the Otto- centuries proved increasingly untenable. The governing man elite from the late 16th century onward became more acute in the 19th century with closer interaction","276 intelligence were removed to create Ottoman citizenship. The Otto- man dynasty and its history, which had been the basis with Europe. Traditionally, every Ottoman sultan suc- of the legitimacy of the Ottoman state, now became part ceeded with a claim and expectation of a new era of jus- of a common identity of the newly envisioned Ottoman tice. Sultans in this period attempted to turn their reigns nation. into ages of reform. Most of these reforms were modern- izing initiatives intended to update Ottoman law, govern- H\u00fcseyin Y\u0131lmaz ment, and the military either to address contemporary Further reading: Selim Deringil, The Well-Protected needs or to make them comparable to the ones emerged Domains: Ideology and the Legitimation of Power in the in Europe. All these modernizing reforms were promul- Ottoman Empire, 1876\u20131909 (London: I.B. Tauris, 1998); gated for public consumption with an appeal to returning Cornell H. Fleischer, Bureaucrat and Intellectual in the Otto- to past ideals or applying Islamic principles. man Empire: The Historian Mustafa \u00c2li, 1541\u20131600 (Princ- eton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 1986); Colin Imber, As the state appeared to be the chief engine of mod- Ebu\u2019ssu\u2018ud: The Islamic Legal Tradition (Stanford, Calif.: ernization in the 19th century, one key aspect of this Stanford University Press, 1997); Halil \u0130nalc\u0131k, The Ottoman reformist ideology was centralization. But from the late Empire: The Classical Age (London: Phoenix, 1973); Kemal 16th century onward, the Ottoman Empire was gradu- H. Karpat, The Politicization of Islam: Reconstructing Iden- ally decentralizing as imperial institutions turned into tity, State, Faith, and Community in the Late Ottoman State autonomous structures while provinces came to be ruled (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2001). by provincial magnates. Ottoman rulers and the elite observed that this situation was not tenable and made intelligence Following the example of medieval Mus- incessant efforts to regain political power at the cen- lim states and their Seljuk predecessors in Asia Minor, ter. The question of who would control this power led the Ottoman government placed a great emphasis on the to a series of crises between the sultan and ruling elite. collection of information both at home and from abroad. Despite continuous demands from below to share power Mustafa Ali, a prominent Ottoman intellectual and his- and initiate constitutionalism, the underlying impe- torian at the end of the 16th century, contended that \u201cif rial ideology was that political power should be wholly a prospering monarch does not use spies secretly, if the vested in the sultan. In the cases of Mahmud II (r. 1808\u2013 sovereign of the realm does not investigate the condi- 39) and Abd\u00fclhamid II (r. 1876\u20131909), this amounted tions of the state and people, if he contents himself with somewhat to a cult of personality. only questioning and believing his ministers, if he only sporadically commands that his aghas, who are privy to During the 16th century, the concept of the caliph- his secrets, keep him informed, then he forfeits justice for ate was to a large extent limited to domestic concerns himself, integrity for his ministers, awe and dread for his of legitimacy. With the decline of other Muslim politi- army, and peace of mind and comfort for his subjects.\u201d cal powers and the advent of colonialism, however, the Ottoman state increasingly appeared to be the princi- Domestic intelligence was collected by, among oth- pal authority over Muslims around the world. With the ers, the Janissaries, the elite soldiers of the sultan\u2019s contraction of Ottoman borders during the 18th and standing infantry corps. They also acted as the military 19th centuries, the Ottoman ruler maintained his moral police and played an important role in domestic surveil- authority over the Muslim populations outside the physi- lance. Under the supervision of lower-rank Janissary offi- cal boundaries of the empire. During the latter half of cers, agents were sent out in plain clothes to patrol the the 19th century, the caliphate became the core of Pan- markets, bazaars, coffeehouses, and taverns of Istan- Islamism as official ideology. In response to demands bul and other major cities, following which they pre- from outside Muslim communities, and in order to coun- pared daily reports for the grand vizier. Similarly, central ter colonial aggression by European powers, the Ottoman and local Ottoman authorities employed a large number ruler fashioned a new image of himself as the supreme of informers. The division of labor between the provin- authority not only of Ottoman or former Muslim sub- cial and district governors (beylerbeyis and sancakbeyis) jects but of all the Muslims in the world. on the one hand, and the judges (kad\u0131s) on the other, not only balanced the power of local Ottoman officials but While Pan-Islamism governed foreign policy, in the also helped the central government verify the validity of domestic sphere, Ottomanism took shape as the defining incoming information. Incoming intelligence from the component of imperial ideology in the 19th century. It provinces covered a variety of issues that ranged from was envisioned as a universally unifying identity among political issues (insubordination and rebellion of officials the diverse ethnic groups and religious communities in and garrisons, overtaxation, abuse of authority) to reli- the empire. It centered on the dynasty and the sultanate gious and moral ones (heresy, apostasy, religious sectari- rather than the caliphate and aimed to create one nation living in Ottoman territories. Although the society was organized around religious communities in the millet system, inequalities between Muslims and non-Muslims","anism, adultery, prostitution). The range of issues dealt intelligence 277 with in the imperial decrees preserved in the m\u00fchimme (important affairs) registers that contain the outgoing ernment\u2014which knew that European ambassadors in copies of sultanic decrees suggests a considerable degree Istanbul were also engaged in espionage\u2014also tried to of information-based surveillance on the part of the cen- control the flow of information from Istanbul to the vari- tral government and its local agents. ous European capitals. European ambassadors in Istanbul often had to submit their letters to Ottoman officials for The \u201cmapping\u201d of the empire\u2019s subprovinces through prior reading, and their couriers were accompanied by regular land surveys (tahrirs) in the 15th and 16th cen- Ottoman escorts and were under constant surveillance. turies afforded the Ottoman government and its pro- vincial administrators a detailed and comprehensive Ottoman officials in the frontier provinces gathered database regarding the size, composition, and economic intelligence concerning the empire\u2019s neighbors. Gover- conditions of the population. The availability in Istanbul nors and district governors in Ottoman-controlled Hun- of land surveys, provincial law codes (kanunname) that gary, for instance, regularly sent information to Istanbul summarized the main regulations regarding taxation and about Habsburg garrisons, troop concentrations, and taxes, copies of imperial decrees, and a host of financial military campaigns, as well as information about Vienna\u2019s records provided the Istanbul government with \u201clong foreign policy. This included information not only about institutional memory.\u201d their own territory but also about Vienna\u2019s policy with regard to the Porte\u2019s European vassals. These provincial In addition to domestic data gathering and home Ottoman officials employed spies who regularly traveled intelligence, the Ottoman government also collected into or resided in Habsburg Austria. They also collected information about its neighbors and adversaries. Such intelligence from captured Christian soldiers serving in intelligence concerned the enemies\u2019 military and eco- the Habsburg garrisons in Habsburg-controlled Hun- nomic strengths and weaknesses as well as their policy gary, to the north of the area under Ottoman rule. Otto- decisions. In the 16th century at least four levels of Otto- man governors and district governors in eastern Anatolia man information gathering may be discerned: central and Iraq employed spies in Safavid Persia and also mon- intelligence in Istanbul; information gathering by local itored the border to intercept spies and agents sent by the Ottoman authorities, especially along the empire\u2019s fron- Safavids. tiers; intelligence provided by Istanbul\u2019s client or vas- sal states; and espionage and counterespionage carried The client or vassal states of the Porte also provided out by the Sublime Porte\u2019s spies and saboteurs in foreign Istanbul with information about neighboring territo- countries. ries. Ottoman intelligence could rely particularly upon Ragusa, Transylvania, and the Rumanian princi- Sources of Ottoman intelligence in Istanbul included palities of Wallachia and Moldavia. Ragusa obtained the sultan\u2019s Jewish and Christian subjects, as well as information from Spanish, Venetian, and French agents European ambassadors residing in Istanbul. Regarding residing in or passing through the town, as well as from the first group, in the 16th century both Joseph Nas\u00ed (of its extensive commercial contacts in Europe; Ragusa the influential Mendes family, and a confidant of several relied on this network to provide Istanbul with infor- grand viziers) and Don Alvaro Mendes, alias Solomon mation about Italy and about the Austrian and Spanish Abenaes or Ibn Yaish (the brother-in-law of Queen Eliz- Habsburgs. Transylvania sent news about royal Hungary, abeth\u2019s physician) were suspected in Europe for spying ruled by the Habsburgs, and the Danubian Habsburg for the Ottomans. Sultan S\u00fcleyman I (r. 1520\u201366) called monarchy, informing Istanbul about Vienna\u2019s policy Nas\u00ed, who had a vast commercial network in Europe and regarding Hungary and Transylvania, planned and actual employed numerous agents there, \u201cthe true mirror, in Habsburg troop movements, and the conditions of Hun- which he saw all the developments in Christendom and garian and Habsburg garrisons. from which he obtained information about all countries.\u201d The central government in Istanbul also employed its Despite the unilateral nature of European-Ottoman own spies in Europe, who were usually Christians. Such diplomacy and the lack of Ottoman permanent ambas- Ottoman spies were active in Spain, Venice, and the sadors in European capitals until the mid-1830s (follow- Austrian Habsburg lands. Although some of these spies ing the first unsuccessful attempts at the end of the 18th were double agents, others remained loyal to the sultan century), the Ottomans still managed to use diplomacy even at the expense of their lives. and diplomats for collecting information, as the repre- sentatives of competing European governments often The Ottomans also paid special attention to mili- shared information concerning their rivals with the Otto- tary intelligence before and during campaigns. They mans. For instance, the Venetians and the French often employed local road guides (k\u0131lavuz), as well as auxiliary informed the Porte about Vienna\u2019s policy, while the Eng- military forces such as the martolos and voynuks whose lish provided information on Spain. The Ottoman gov- tasks, among other things, involved military intelligence. News, information, and orders between the Ottoman capital and its provinces were transmitted by an elaborate","278 Iran by Civinis Efendi, a foreign adventurer, perhaps of Greek origins. The first professional Ottoman intelligence ser- courier and communications network, called the ulak or vice, the notorious Te\u015fkilat-i Mahsusa (Special Organi- menzilhane system. zation), was established in 1913 by the members of the political group the Committee of the Union and While Ottoman information gathering did not reach Progress. In addition to information gathering, the Spe- the level of sophistication of the Venetian and Spanish cial Organization also carried out military and paramili- intelligence services, it served Ottoman policymakers tary operations during World War I in North Africa, well. Contemporaries were often surprised by how well Egypt, the Caucasus, and Central Asia. Dissolved at the informed the Ottomans were both about major political end of the war, the organization and the \u201caction groups\u201d and military events in Europe and about less important it organized and directed have been accused, especially day-to-day policy decisions. For instance, the Ottomans by Armenians and Greeks, of committing atrocities and were surprisingly quick to learn about the fire in the mass killings. Perhaps because of its reputed activities, Venetian arsenal in September 1569 and about the defeat the history of the organization remains understudied. of the Spanish Armada in 1588. Ottoman intelligence regarding the arsenal fire was of particular importance G\u00e1bor \u00c1goston in that the manipulation of this news proved crucial in Further reading: G\u00e1bor \u00c1goston, \u201cInformation, Ideol- launching the war against the Republic of Saint Mark, ogy, and Limits of Imperial Policy: Ottoman Grand Strategy culminating in the Ottoman conquest of Cyprus, which in the Context of Ottoman-Habsburg Rivalry,\u201d in The Early had been under Venetian rule. As a result of its informa- Modern Ottoman Empire: A Reinterpretation, edited by Vir- tion-gathering activities and its road and communica- ginia Aksan and Daniel Goffman (Cambridge: Cambridge tions network, the Ottoman Empire of the 16th century University Press, 2007); N. H. Biegman, \u201cRagusan Spying remained an integral part of European politics and infor- for the Ottoman Empire: Some 16th-century Documents mation flow. Juan de Vega, the viceroy of Sicily, stated from the State Archive at Dubrovnik.\u201d Belleten 27, no. 106 in 1557 that the Ottomans were as quick as the Spanish (1963): 237\u201355; V. L. M\u00e9nage, \u201cThe Mission of an Otto- government in receiving information about events in the man Secret Agent in France in 1486.\u201d Journal of the Royal Spanish and Italian Mediterranean. Asiatic Society (1965): 112\u2013132; Philip Hendrick Stoddard, \u201cThe Ottoman Government and the Arabs, 1911\u20131918: A The reorganization of Ottoman diplomacy at the Preliminary Study of the Te\u015fkilat-i Mahsusa\u201d (Ph.D. diss., end of the 18th century, an integral part of the mod- Princeton University, 1963); A. Nuri Yurdusev, ed., Ottoman ernization program of Sultan Selim III (r. 1789\u20131807), Diplomacy: Conventional or Unconventional (Basingstoke, known as the Nizam-i Cedid, marked an important UK: Palgrave Macmillan, 2004). milestone in the history of Ottoman intelligence gath- ering. The transition from unilateral (or nonrecipro- Iran (Islamic Republic of Iran, Persia) Iran is one of cal) diplomacy to reciprocal diplomacy, that is to say, the largest countries in southwest Asia bordering Arme- the establishment of permanent or resident embassies nia, Azerbaijan, Turkmenistan, and the Caspian Sea abroad at the end of the 18th century and especially on the north; Afghanistan and Pakistan on the east; the from the early 1830s, greatly enhanced Ottoman infor- Persian Gulf and the Gulf of Oman on the south; and mation-gathering capabilities. Ottoman diplomats who Turkey and Iraq on the west. The country\u2019s name was served in Europe came primarily from the Translation changed from Persia to Iran in 1935 and to the Islamic Office (Terceme Odas\u0131), established in 1821 after the Republic of Iran after the Islamic Revolution of 1979. The outbreak of the Greek War of Independence, when term Persia derives from the Hellenized name Parsa, or the Ottoman government lost its faith in the Phanariot Persis, of one province (present-day Fars) in southwest- Greek translators who had dominated the foreign rela- ern Iran, and of the Indo-European people by the same tions offices since the early 1660s. Many of the officials name who migrated to this region about 1000 b.c.e. The who served in the translation office, such as Mehmed name was popularized by the ancient Greeks who met Emin \u00c2l\u00ee Pasha and Fuad Pasha, had become leading the Persians of the Achaemenian dynasty (sixth to fourth politicians during the Tanzimat reform era (1839\u201376) centuries b.c.e.). Locals, however, prefer the name Iran and placed great emphasis on information and intel- (\u201cthe Land of the Aryans\u201d), and in 1935 the Iranian gov- ligence, as did Sultan Abd\u00fclhamid II (r. 1876\u20131909). ernment requested that foreigners use the name Iran for Abd\u00fclhamid was known for his keen interest in news the country instead of Persia. However, Persia had by that regarding world affairs. His domestic spy network was time become an established name, and the two names are legendary, and rumor had it that he paid one half of his used interchangeably, especially when referring to pre- people to spy on the other half. 20th-century Iran. The first Ottoman secret police was founded under Sultan Abd\u00fclmecid (r. 1839\u201361) on the recommenda- tion of the English ambassador Stratford Canning; it was established by Mustafa Re\u015fid Pasha and was headed","For the Ottomans, Iran was important for several Iran 279 reasons. First and foremost, under the Safavid dynasty (1501\u20131736), it was a major rival that challenged Otto- depended, the caliphs started to import Turkish slave sol- man rule in eastern Anatolia and Iraq. The clash diers (mamluks) as imperial guards. This decision had between the Sunni Ottomans and Shii Safavids had sig- momentous consequences, for Turkish slave soldiers and nificant political, territorial, and religious repercussions. the institution of military slavery were to play major Turkoman and Kurdish tribes managed to play the two roles in the history of the Islamic Middle East for the empires against one another and establish themselves next millennium. It also opened the way for the Turkic along the mountainous frontier regions with conse- people who would dominate the history of Iran and the quences that are felt even today. Ottoman-Safavid wars Islamic heartlands for centuries to come. limited both empires\u2019 freedom of action against their other rivals\u2014in the Ottomans\u2019 case against Habsburg With the weakening of the Abbasid Caliphate, local Spain and Austria and their allies, in the case of the Iranian dynasties ruled over much of Persia in the 9th Safavids against the Uzbeks, Afghans, and Mughal India. and 10th centuries. Of these, the Samanids, whose origi- Thus Ottoman-Safavid rivalry had significant impact on nal base was in Bukhara and Samarkand in present-day politics in Europe and Asia. The border between present- Uzbekistan, were the most important. Samanid admin- day Turkey and Iran is also the result of the Ottoman- istration, itself a blend of Sassanid, Islamic, and Central Safavid rivalry and goes back to the mid-16th century. Asian administrative practices, served as a model for Prior to the Safavids, the administrative and military many future Islamic empires. In the mid-10th century practices of the various Persian and Turkish empires that the Persian Buyid dynasty, which followed the moderate ruled Iran, especially that of the Samanids (819\u20131005) Ismaili or Twelver persuasion of Shia Islam, conquered and the Seljuk Turks (1038\u20131194), served as models for the Abbasid capital Baghdad and soon extended its rule subsequent Islamic empires, including the Ottomans. over western Persia, while in eastern Iran the Turkish Ghaznavids established themselves. In the 19th century both the Ottoman Empire and Qajar Iran (1796\u20131925) faced challenges, including Rus- A century later, both were overthrown by the Seljuk sian expansion, the political and economic influence of Turks (see Seljuks), who portrayed themselves as libera- the leading European empires, and the need for mili- tors of the Sunni Abbasid caliphs from the Shia Buyids. tary, administrative, and economic reforms. Largely due Although Seljuk rule gave impetus to the Turkification of to these pressing foreign and domestic problems, in the Persia, one should note that the process had started ear- 19th century relations between the Ottomans and the lier and would accelerate after the Seljuks. More impor- Qajars were less hostile than under the Safavids, and tant was the Seljuk legacy with regard to central and there were no major wars (except for the 1820\u201323 war) provincial government and the land tenure system that or border changes. supported the Seljuk army and administration. This land regime was known as iqta, a land grant system through BEFORE THE SAFAVIDS which the Seljuk government remunerated its adminis- trators and troops. The institution would, under different The territory of present-day Iran was the site of ancient names, survive in Persia into the Qajar era. It would also settlements that go back some 6,000 years. The province reappear, in the form of the timar system, in the empire of Parsa was the cradle of two great Persian empires, the of the Ottomans. Achaemenid (559\u2013331 b.c.e.), which in the sixth and fifth centuries b.c.e. extended from India to the Balkans The Mongol invasion of Persia by Genghis Khan (r. and Egypt, and the Sassanid (224\u2013651 c.e.), which in the 1206\u201327) after 1219 brought devastation to the country third century c.e. comprised territories from well beyond and caused the greatest upheaval in the history of Iran the Indus valley in the east to eastern Turkey and the since the Arab conquest. Genghis Khan\u2019s successors, Arabian Peninsula in the west. the Ilkhanid Mongols, ruled Persia from the mid-13th through the mid-14th centuries. While their rule was In the mid-seventh century the Sassanid Empire initially very destructive, later Ilkhanid rule benefited was conquered by the Arabs and Islam was introduced Persia. The Ilkhanids relied on Persian administrators in into Persia. Both the Umayyad caliphs (661\u2013750) and governing and, after Mahmud Ghazan\u2019s (r. 1295\u20131304) the rulers of the Abbasid Caliphate (750\u20131250) bor- conversion to Islam, their capitals of Tabriz and Maragha rowed heavily from the Sassanids in terms of military in northwestern Iran became flourishing Islamic cultural organization, logistics, tactics, provincial and imperial centers. administration, court culture, and manners. The Abbasid revolution that overthrew the Umayyads in 750 started By the late 13th century the empire of the Ilkhanids in northeastern Persia (Khorasan). To counterbalance was divided into local states, and Iran was reunited again the Khorasani army upon which early Abbasid rule only by Timur (r. 1370\u20131405), founder of the Timu- rid Empire based in Transoxania (territories beyond the Oxus\/Amu Darya River in Uzbekistan), who was of Mongol origin and Turkish in speech. He waged wars","280 Iran Iraq, which controlled the Euphrates and Tigris rivers and thus controlled regional and international trade. In as far as India in the east and Ottoman Anatolia in the the 1555 Treaty of Amasya Shah Tahmasp I (r. 1524\u201376) west, where he defeated the Ottoman sultan Bayezid I (r. acknowledged recent Ottoman conquests in Iraq, and 1389\u20131402) at the Battle of Ankara, causing a tempo- Baghdad remained in Ottoman hands until 1918 except rary dissolution of the Ottoman state. Timur soon incor- for the short period of 1623\u201338, when the Safavids held porated into his vast empire all the lands once under the city. Following Sultan Murad IV\u2019s (r. 1623\u201340) Ilkhanid rule. reconquest of Baghdad, the Treaty of Zuhab (1639) restored the 1555 borders, which were to remain essen- Although his campaigns and plunders were as disas- tially unchanged until World War I. trous as those of Genghis Khan, certain Persian cit- ies profited from his patronage, and architecture and After these Ottoman conquests, the Safavid court in decorative arts in Tabriz, Shiraz, and Herat (in pres- Tabriz was dangerously close to the Ottomans. Thus in ent-day Afghanistan) flourished, as did Persian minia- 1548 the Safavid capital was transferred first to Qazvin ture painting. His empire survived for another century, (south-southeast of Tabriz) and in 1598 further south to but by the early 16th century it was absorbed into new Isfahan. The transfer was a strategic decision but it also emerging empires that would define the fate of Persia signaled the gradual evolution of the nascent Safavid and its neighbors in the following two to three centuries. state, which still resembled the pre-Safavid Turkoman Timur\u2019s base in Transoxania was incorporated into the states of Persia\u2014above all the Akkoyunlu (\u201cWhite Shaybanid Uzbek Empire; his lands in Anatolia, Syria, Sheep\u201d) Empire of Shah Ismail\u2019s maternal grandfather, and Iraq were conquered by the Ottomans; in Persia, the Uzun Hasan (r. 1453\u201378)\u2014into a Persian empire whose Safavid dynasty was established. One of Timur\u2019s descen- capital now lay well within the borders of Persia. dants, Zahir al-Din Babur (r. 1483\u20131530), established the Indian Timurid, or Mughal, Empire that would rule most Apart from the Ottomans, the Safavids repeat- of India until 1858. edly waged wars against the Shaybanid Uzbeks, who had replaced the Timurids as rulers of Transoxania at UNDER THE SAFAVIDS the beginning of the 16th century. In 1510 Shah Ismail defeated and killed the founder of the Shaybanid state, The Safavid dynasty was established by Shah Ismail I Muhammad Shaybani (b. 1451\u2013d. 1510), but the Uzbeks (r. 1501\u201324); it ruled Persia from 1501 until 1736, when habitually invaded Persia\u2019s northeastern provinces when the last Safavid ruler, Shah Abbas III (r. 1732\u201336), was Safavid forces were occupied against the Ottomans at deposed, although effective Safavid rule ended in 1722 the opposite end of their empire. The Uzbek threat dis- with the Afghan invasion of Persia. Shah Ismail\u2019s empire appeared, albeit only temporarily, at the end of the 16th represented a serious challenge to the Ottomans. For century, which coincided with the long reign of the last the Turkomans and Kurds living in Ottoman Anatolia, great Safavid ruler, Shah Abbas I (r. 1587\u20131629), who the Safavid system of government, which resembled a restored Persia\u2019s international standing and reformed its nomadic tribal confederation, seemed more desirable government and military. After he recaptured his east- than the centralized Ottoman rule that threatened the ern provinces (Khorasan and Sistan) from the Uzbeks, nomads\u2019 very way of life. Following Shah Ismail\u2019s deci- in 1603 Abbas launched vigorous campaigns against sion to make Shia Islam Persia\u2019s official state religion, the Ottomans, whose forces were fighting in Hungary the shah\u2019s agents embarked on a major proselytization against the Austrian Habsburgs. Abbas not only recon- and propaganda campaign in Anatolia, winning many quered all the territories he had been forced to hand to their cause in the eastern provinces of the Ottoman over to the Ottomans as a result of a humiliating treaty Empire among the Turkoman nomads. The Ottomans in 1590 (including Georgia, Azerbaijan, and Shirvan), he called Shah Ismail\u2019s Turkoman followers in Anatolia also captured Baghdad and Diyarbak\u0131r, albeit only tem- by the same name they used for the Safavids: K\u0131z\u0131lba\u015f porarily. Abbas\u2019s military achievements notwithstand- (Redheads), after their red headgear. Pro-Safavid K\u0131z\u0131lba\u015f ing, his dynastic policy proved harmful in the long run. rebellions in Anatolia in 1511\u201312 showed the seriousness It relegated the princes to long years of seclusion in the of the Safavid threat. harem, depriving them of vital administrative and mili- tary skills that former princes had gained while serving Sultan Selim I\u2019s (r. 1512\u201320) victory over Shah Ismail as provincial governors. Still, the Safavid system pro- in 1514 at the Battle of \u00c7ald\u0131ran in eastern Turkey and duced some able ministers and one more remarkable the subsequent Ottoman expansion into Azerbaijan and ruler, Shah Abbas\u2019s namesake and great-grandson, Shah Iraq had major consequences, for it led to the readjust- Abbas II (r. 1642\u201366). ment of the Ottoman-Safavid frontier. At \u00c7ald\u0131ran, the Safavids lost eastern Anatolia to the Ottomans, and in Natural disasters, famine, and the anti-Sunni policy 1534 and 1548 Sultan S\u00fcleyman I (r. 1520\u201366) tempo- of the ineffective and oppressive late Safavid governments rarily captured the Safavid capital Tabriz. In 1534 the sul- tan also conquered Baghdad, the most important city in","caused much unrest and rebellion, especially in Afghani- Iran 281 stan, where the majority of the shah\u2019s subjects remained Sunnis. In 1722 the Sunni Afghans, led by the chief of the Russia\u2019s advance in Iran. The Ottomans proceeded with Ghalzai tribe based in Kandahar, captured the Safavid their conquests, and by 1730 they controlled Georgia, capital Isfahan and dethroned the inept Shah Husayn (r. Armenia, Azerbaijan, Kermanshah, Hamadan, and parts 1694\u20131722), terminating effective Safavid rule in Persia. of Dagestan. THE TROUBLED 18TH CENTURY The short-lived Afghan rule in Persia was ended in The chaos created by the Afghan invasion of Persia pre- 1729 when Nadir Khan of the Turkoman Afshar tribe sented the Ottomans and Russians a golden opportunity overthrew the second Afghan shah. As his adopted for territorial expansion at the expense of Iran. Under name, Tahmasp-Quli (the Slave of Tahmasp) indicated, Peter the Great (r. 1689\u20131725), Russia renewed its pol- Nadir Khan initially acted on behalf of the nominal Safa- icy of seeking access to the Black and Caspian Seas and vid shah, Tahmasp II (r. 1722\u201332). In 1736, however, he in 1722\u201323 occupied Derbend (in southeast Dagestan deposed the last Safavid ruler, the infant Shah Abbas III on the Caspian Sea) and Baku (capital of present-day (r. 1732\u201336), and forced the notables of Persia to accept Azerbaijan). Although the French volunteered to medi- him as their new ruler under the name Nadir Shah (r. ate between Russia and the Ottomans (so that the latter 1736\u201347), thus inaugurating the rule of the Afsharid would be free to fight against France\u2019s rival, Austria, dynasty (1736\u201395) in Persia. in Europe), the Ottomans decided that the most effi- cient way to stop the Russians was to occupy western Ottoman expansion proved ephemeral as they lost Iran. When Istanbul declared war on Iran, Tahmasp the conquered lands to Nadir Khan in the early 1730s. Mirza, son of the deposed Safavid shah, sought help The Ottoman-Persian treaty of 1736 restored the borders from Russia. In return for Russian military assistance, established by the 1639 Treaty of Zuhab. In the preceding Persia ceded Derbend and Baku, along with the north- year the Russians, whose forces by then were fighting in ern Persian provinces of Gilan, Mazandaran, and Asta- Poland and were preparing for a military conflict with the rabad (1723) to Russia. The Ottomans captured several Ottomans (see Russo-Ottoman Wars), had returned to of Iran\u2019s western provinces, and with French mediation Nadir the lands they occupied. Having recaptured north- St. Petersburg and Istanbul partitioned western and ern and western Iran, Nadir Shah turned against Persia\u2019s northern Iran in the 1724 Treaty of Istanbul. Russia kept traditional enemy in the northeast, the Uzbeks, as well as the provinces ceded to it in 1723, while Istanbul received against the Afghans and Mughal India. large territories in what is now Armenia and northwest- ern Iran (including Tabriz, the former Safavid capital). Hostilities with the Ottomans were renewed in 1740 The death of Peter the Great in 1725, however, cut short in the Caucasus and northern Iraq, but Nadir\u2019s con- quests (Mosul and Kirkuk in Iraq) were short-lived, and Map of Iran published in 1729 by I\u02d9brahim M\u00fcteferrika. he also had to abandon his demands that the Ottomans (Photo by Fikret Saricaog\u02d8lu) accept his moderate Shia Islam as the fifth school of Sunni Islam. In return, in the 1746 treaty, the Ottomans acknowledged Iran as a fellow Muslim empire, which was a radical departure from previous Ottoman policy that often branded Iran as a mortal enemy made up of Shia heretics. Following the death of Nadir Shah in 1747 his suc- cessors lost control over much of Persia and pulled back to Khorasan, which they held until the end of the cen- tury. With the loss of central power, warlords and tribal chiefs emerged as local rulers, which is hardly surprising in a country where more than half the population was made up of nomad tribespeople as late as the early 19th century. One of these warlords, Muhammad Karim Khan of the Zand tribe, managed to extend his control over much of the country from his base in Shiraz (southern Persia). Although Karim Khan (r. 1750\u201379)\u2014who never took the title of shah but ruled as wakil or regent of the nominal Safavid shah Ismail III\u2014 abstained from mili- tary ventures, he did take Basra, the important port city in southern Iraq, from the Ottomans for a brief period (1776\u201379). Karim Khan\u2019s death was again followed by renewed power struggles within his family until the Zands were overthrown by the Qajars in 1796.","282 Iraq under the Safavids (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1980). THE 19TH CENTURY AND BEYOND Iraq (Turk.: Irak) Iraq did not exist as a political According to some researchers the Turkoman Qajars entity during the Ottoman imperial period, although the entered Iran with H\u00fcleg\u00fc (r. 1256\u201365), grandson of same name was used to designate the central section of Genghis Khan and founder of the Mongol Ilkhanid what is now Iraq. During the Ottoman era, the area that dynasty of Persia, while others maintain that they were has become Iraq was divided into three provinces, each part of the Turkomans who lived in Anatolia in the 15th named for and centered in what are today the country\u2019s century and migrated into Persia (Azerbaijan region) largest cities: Baghdad, Basra, and Mosul. There was only at the end of that century. Under the Safavids the also a fourth province, Shahrizor, located in the moun- Qajars were one of the most important K\u0131z\u0131lba\u015f tribes. tains of Iraqi Kurdistan. Iraq had served as the heart- Surviving the upheaval after the fall of the Safavids in land of the Abbasid Caliphate, which, from the ninth their homeland in northwestern Persia, their leader through the 11th centuries, ruled much of the Muslim Agha Muhammad Khan (r. 1779\u201397) defeated the last world from Baghdad. With the destruction of Baghdad Zand ruler in 1796. Although Agha Muhammad Khan, in 1258 and the end of the Abbasid Caliphate, Iraq\u2019s irri- who had transferred the capital to Tehran in 1786, was gation-based agriculture began to fall into disrepair, and killed the next year, his successors gradually gained con- in the centuries of political anarchy that followed, vari- trol over much of Persia and inaugurated a new epoch in ous tribal confederations of Kurds, Arabs, and Turkom- Iranian history. The Qajar era was characterized by the ans battled for dominance. Most of the area accrued to struggle to defend Iran against foreign\u2014primarily Rus- the Ottoman Empire during the reign of S\u00fcleyman I (r. sian and English\u2014political and economic dominance, 1520\u201366), although the Ottomans and their archrivals and by the military and administrative reforms designed of the Safavid dynasty frequently struggled for control to strengthen Iran in light of these foreign threats. of the country and parts of the territory were sometimes under Safavid rule. While Iran was less successful in these reforms than the Ottomans or Mehmed Ali in Egypt, unlike the Otto- During the 19th century, two important social trends mans, Iran managed to preserve most of its former lands. occurred in what would become Iraq that have had far- However, after being defeated in two wars against Rus- reaching effects on the country\u2019s present social and reli- sia, Iran was forced to relinquish claims to the territories gious culture. The first was the rapid tribalization of the north of the Araks River, ceding what is now Arme- rural population. There had always been Bedouins on nia and Azerbaijan to Russia in the treaties of Gulistan the desert fringes of the large plain watered by the Tigris (1813) and Turkmanchai (1828). The Araks river forms and Euphrates rivers, but as scant resources limited the the present-day border between Iran on the one hand, ability of the Ottoman governors to control the move- and Armenia and Azerbaijan on the other. The Qajars ment of the tribes, Bedouin tribesmen settled in the agri- were similarly unsuccessful in their attempts to reclaim cultural lands, either driving out the peasant cultivators Herat, a long-contested territory in western Afghani- or absorbing them into their tribes. The result was that stan, which in 1857 became part of British-controlled by the beginning of the 19th century, almost the entire Afghanistan. rural population maintained a tribal structure, with Arabs in the south and Kurds in the north. This frame- As in the Ottoman Empire, the constitutional move- work was unique to Iraq; elsewhere in the Arab prov- ment gained pace at the turn of the century, and Muzaffer inces of the empire, few peasants had tribal affiliations. al-Din Shah (r. 1896\u20131907) proclaimed the constitution When the Ottomans attempted land reform after 1868, in 1906. The next year Russia and Great Britain divided the tribal sheikhs became the predominant landowners Iran into Russian and British spheres of influence, and of the country as the peasants deferred to their author- despite Iran\u2019s declaration of neutrality in World War ity and did not seek to register land in their own names. I, the two empires waged war on Iran\u2019s territory. After This strengthened the economic as well as political hold World War I Reza Shah Pahlavi, a leader of a Cossack of the sheikhs over their tribesmen. The other important brigade who, in 1925, seized power and founded Iran\u2019s development was the shift of many of these tribesmen last dynasty, the Pahlavis (1925\u201379), embarked on an from Sunni Islam to Shia Islam. This was the result ambitious project of westernization and modernization of a concerted missionary effort on the part of the Shii that had many similarities to those carried out by Kemal clergy in the holy cities of Najaf and Karbala who were Atat\u00fcrk, founder of the Republic of Turkey. faced with the threat of Wahhabi tribesmen, the militant followers of Muhammad ibn Abd al-Wahhab who fre- G\u00e1bor \u00c1goston See also Abbas I. Further reading: David Morgan, Medieval Persia, 1040\u2013 1797 (London: Longman, 1988); Robert Olson, The Siege of Mosul and Ottoman-Persian Relations, 1718\u20131743 (Bloom- ington: Indiana University Press, 1975); Roger Savory, Iran","quently attacked the Shia as \u201cunbelievers.\u201d The mission- Ismail, Khedive 283 ary effort was thus designed to win the Wahhabi tribes as allies. The long-term effects of these two trends has been This photo of Ismail shows him wearing the Tanzimat era that the majority of the Arabic-speaking peasants in what fez and frock coat and the medals he had received from the would become Iraq are both tribally organized and prac- Ottoman sultans. Although he acted independently in his role ticing Shii Muslims. of Egyptian head of state, this photo demonstrates that sym- bolically he was still a subject of the Ottoman sultan. (Library Great Britain viewed southern Iraq with increas- of Congress) ing interest after oil was discovered in neighboring Iran in 1908. In addition, they sought to protect the growing The most important modernization project of Ismail\u2019s trade between the region and British colonial India, see- reign was the opening of the Suez Canal. Starting in ing this as vital to India\u2019s economy. British forces occupied 1854, Ferdinand de Lesseps, a Frenchman, had pushed a the city of Basra in November 1914 after the outbreak project to build a monumental canal at Suez that would of World War I. A British expeditionary force moved link the Mediterranean to the Red Sea, thereby halving the toward Baghdad in October 1915 but was stalled by stiff sea voyage from western Europe to India. But the project Ottoman resistance. The British column surrendered on was not realized until Ismail became governor of Egypt; April 29, 1916 at Kut el Amara, a city on the bank of the he agreed to the plan, and construction of the canal began Tigris River that today is known simply as al-Kut. The in 1866. It was finished in 1869, and to mark the occasion, officers were taken to Istanbul to wait out the war, but Ismail made a grand tour of Europe\u2019s capitals. Upon his the enlisted men simply disappeared, and no account return, the opening of the canal was marked in Cairo by has been given of their fate. A year later, a second British festivities that included the premier of Giuseppe Verdi\u2019s advance succeeded in taking Baghdad. The Sykes-Picot opera Aida in the grand Western-style Cairo Opera House Agreement of 1916 awarded Britain direct control over that had been built for the occasion. Basra and Baghdad, as well as a \u201czone of influence\u201d over most of the rest of southern and central Iraq. The status of Ismail introduced a number of reforms as he hoped the northern province of Mosul remained contested until that modernizing the country\u2019s institutions and infra- after the war. Iraq was established as a kingdom under structure would enable Egypt to effectively resist West- British protection in 1922, its borders drawn by an agree- ern political domination. In 1866 he inaugurated an ment between Great Britain and France. In 1932 the king- assembly of deputies made up of delegates indirectly dom gained full independence and was admitted to the elected by representatives from the country\u2019s main cit- League of Nations. ies and also\u2014more importantly\u2014from its villages. Although this was solely a consultative body, it gave Bruce Masters Further reading: Stephen Longrigg, Four Centuries of Modern Iraq (Oxford: Clarendon, 1925); William Polk, Understanding Iraq: The Whole Sweep of Iraqi History, from Genghis Khan\u2019s Mongol to the Ottoman Turks (New York: Harper Collins, 2005). Islam See Shia Islam; Sufism; Sunni Islam. Ismail, Khedive (b. 1830\u2013d. 1895) (r. 1863\u20131879) khedive of Egypt Ismail ruled Egypt first as its gover- nor (vali) and then as khedive from 1863 until he was deposed in 1879 in favor of his son, Muhammad Taw- fiq. The son of Ibrahim Pasha and the grandson of Mehmed Ali, the military ruler of Egypt from 1805 until 1849, Ismail has been characterized by historians as a dynamic ruler who wanted to push Egypt along the path of modernization begun by his grandfather. The major challenge to Mehmed Ali\u2019s ambitions had been the Ottoman sultan. For Ismail, it was the French and the British, both of whom had ambitions for Egypt in their imperial schemes.","284 Ismail I Ismail I (Shah Ismail, Ismail Safavi) (b. 1487\u2013d.1524) (r. 1501\u20131524) shah and founder of the Safavid dynasty voice to popular politics for the first time in Egypt\u2019s his- who restored Persia as a sovereign state and established tory. Other reforms followed, including a law to grant Shia Islam as an official state religion Ismail is known peasants full ownership of their lands in 1872, which as the founder of the Safavid dynasty that ruled Persia, Ismail felt would improve the country\u2019s agricultural pro- or Iran, from 1501 through 1736. He is credited with ductivity. Ismail\u2019s plan for modernization also included restoring sovereignty over Persia\u2019s heartlands for the first a kind of Egyptian colonial expansion. At his orders, time since the Arab conquest in the mid-seventh cen- Egyptian forces pushed further into what is today Sudan, tury. The other major change associated with Ismail is beyond the Arabic-speaking zone into the tropical Afri- his decision to make the Imami or \u201cTwelver\u201d rite of Shia can south of the country. This substantially increased Islam\u2014the largest and most tolerant subdivision within the territories Ismail controlled but it also laid the foun- that religion, whose followers believe that the 12th imam dation for future conflicts between northern and south- (Muhammad al-Mahdi) who went into occultation in ern Sudan. Attempts to add Ethiopian territory to his the ninth century c.e. will return in the future\u2014the offi- domains were less successful. cial state religion of his country. By instituting Shiism as the state religion Ismail distinguished his country from But all Ismail\u2019s plans for modernization were expensive, Persia\u2019s neighbors and rivals, the Ottomans and the Shay- and under his governance, Egypt became deeply indebted banid Uzbeks, who both followed Sunni Islam. These to foreign creditors, as the agreements to build the Suez fundamental changes provided the territorial and reli- Canal had invested Egyptian resources without guarantee- gious foundations of present-day Iran. In addition, the ing the country a sufficient return of the profits that the rivalry of Ismail and his successors with the Ottomans canal generated. In 1876, faced with growing pressure to over eastern Anatolia, Azerbaijan, and parts of Iraq had repay those debts, Ismail established a body whose mem- international ramifications because the Safavids often bership represented Egypt\u2019s four largest creditor nations: engaged Ottoman armies and resources, limiting Istan- Great Britain, France, Austria, and Italy. Its job was to orga- bul\u2019s ability to act against the Habsburgs in the Mediter- nize the servicing of the national debt. This was not suf- ranean and Hungary and thus altering power relations ficient for the bondholders, however, and they insisted on in Europe in the 16th and 17th centuries. the appointment of a British and French controller, known as the Dual Control, to supervise the collection of the state\u2019s The basis of the Safavid dynasty and state was the revenues and all expenditures by the government of Egypt. Safaviyya religious order, a Sunni order based in Ardabil, With that, fiscal control of his country effectively slipped northwestern Iran, which was named after the order\u2019s out of Ismail\u2019s hands. The pressure up to that point had founder, Sheikh Safi al-Din Ishaq (1253\u20131334). In 1494 come from private Western banks, but in 1878, the govern- Ismail inherited the leadership of the order when Ali, ments of Great Britain and France demanded reform and his brother and the head of the order, was killed by the control over Egypt\u2019s financial affairs. Akkoyunlu (\u201cWhite Sheep\u201d) Turkomans. Originally a Turkoman tribal confederation that followed Sunni The European interventions were unpopular in Islam and was based in Diyarbak\u0131r in eastern Turkey, the Egypt, where the press reported each new develop- Akkoyunlus had offered refuge to the Safaviyya broth- ment in bold headlines. In an attempt to gain public erhood against their common enemy, the Karakoyunlu support at the expense of the Europeans, Ismail sought (\u201cBlack Sheep\u201d) Turkomans who ruled in Azerbaijan and to broaden the powers of the assembly of delegates. Iraq. By defeating the Karakoyunlus, the Akkoyunlu sul- This created a diplomatic standoff with the Europeans tan Uzun Hasan (r. 1453\u201378) transformed his Turkoman that Ismail could not possibly win. The British and the confederation into an Islamic empire that controlled French pondered whether they should intervene mili- eastern Anatolia, Azerbaijan, Iraq, and western Iran from tarily or seek to oust Ismail by appealing to the Otto- the capital Tabriz, and maintained amicable relations man sultan\u2019s nominal authority over Egypt. In the end, with the Safaviyya order. Uzun Hasan married his sister they chose the latter course. Their pressure brought an to Ismail\u2019s paternal grandfather, Sheikh Junayd (d. 1460), order from Istanbul deposing Ismail in June 1879. His and married his daughter to Ismail\u2019s father, Sheikh Hay- son, Muhammad Tawfiq, took over as khedive; Ismail dar (d. 1488). Uzun Hasan\u2019s son Yakub (r. 1478\u201390), how- was exiled to Naples, where he lived until his death in ever, perceived the militant Safaviyya order, which had 1895. The turmoil generated by the financial crisis in tens of thousands of supporters among his Turkoman Egypt did not end, however, and three years later, Brit- subjects, as a major threat to his rule; for this reason, he ain occupied the country. killed Ali. Bruce Masters After the death of his brother, Ismail was given asy- Further reading: F. Robert Hunter, \u201cEgypt under the lum by the local Shii ruler of Gilan, on the Caspian coast. Successors of Muhammad Ali,\u201d in The Cambridge History of Modern Egypt, vol. 2, edited by M. W. Daly (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1998), 180\u201397.","Ismail thus spent his formative years in a Shia environ- Ismail I 285 ment; the religious practice of his grandfather and father, a kind of popular Islam, also contained elements of Shi- religion\u201d (Shia Islam) and return to the faith of his fore- ism. Sources credit Ismail\u2019s father, Haydar, with introduc- fathers (Sunni Islam). To bring these demands home, the ing the twelve-tasseled red hat (taj) that honored the 12 Shaybanids raided territories under Safavid control as far Shia leaders (imams), after which the Safavids and their as Kirman to the south of Tehran. Many persecuted Sun- Turkoman followers were called K\u0131z\u0131lba\u015f, \u201cRedheads\u201d in nis in Persia saw in Muhammad Shaybani their savior, Turkish. which Shah Ismail could not ignore. After exchanging several heated letters, in which the opponents declared By 1501, aided by his K\u0131z\u0131lba\u015f followers, Ismail one another heretic, the two rulers met at the Battle of defeated the Akkoyunlus and captured Tabriz, which he Merv (in Turkmenistan) in 1510, where Shah Ismail made the capital of his nascent Safavid state. Ismail pre- defeated and killed Muhammad Shaybani. sented himself as both ruler (shah) and the long-awaited Mahdi, the prophesied savior of Islam. He had coins This Safavid victory had two major consequences. minted in his name in Tabriz, a common sign of sover- Although the Shaybanid Empire did not collapse imme- eignty, and began the conversion of the majority Sunni diately following Muhammad Shaybani\u2019s death\u2014it population of Persia to Shia Islam. The forced conversion lasted until the end of the 16th century, as did rivalries was carried out with resolve and often with brutality, and between the Safavids and the Shaybanids\u2014the Uzbek- lasted for generations. Shah Ismail relied on leading Shia Safavid border was now settled along the Oxus (pres- theologians from the areas of present-day Iraq and Leba- ent-day Amu Darya) River, and the temporary respite non and on those Sunni religious learned men (ulema) of hostilities enabled Shah Ismail to turn against his who were willing to change their religion for career Ottoman enemy. To signal his intentions, Shah Ismail advancement in the new state. had Muhammad Shaybani\u2019s skull made into a wine cup, covered with gold, and sent it to the Ottoman sul- In 1503 Ismail defeated another Akkoyunlu army tan Bayezid II (r. 1481\u20131512). The other major conse- in western Persia, adding that region to his domains. quence of Muhammad Shaybani\u2019s death was that Zahir In 1507 he extended his rule into the Akkoyunlu heart- al-Din Babur (r. 1483\u20131530), the last important Timurid land in eastern Anatolia, capturing Diyarbak\u0131r. With ruler, tried to recover Transoxania from the Shaybanids. this, his domains reached the Ottoman Empire\u2019s eastern However, when he was defeated, he turned to the east, frontiers. At this point Ismail appeared to be the heir conquering northern India, where he and his successors to the Akkoyunlu Turkoman empire of his maternal established the Indian Mughal Empire that would rule grandfather, Uzun Hasan. From Tabriz, the traditional most of India until 1858. Turkoman capital on the western fringes of Persia proper, he coveted the loyalty of the Turkoman tribes of eastern Shah Ismail\u2019s Safavid Empire represented a consid- Anatolia and Azerbaijan. The Turkoman tribes made erable challenge to the Ottomans. The Safavid system of up the bulk of his army, and the language of administra- government, which resembled that of a nomadic tribal tion of his state was Turkish. However, regional rivalries confederation, appealed to the Turkoman and Kurdish with his two Sunni enemies, the Shaybanids in the east tribes in eastern Anatolia. It seemed a desirable alterna- and northeast and the Ottoman Turks in the west, soon tive to the more centralized Ottoman rule that jeopar- transformed Ismail\u2019s initially Turkoman state into a Per- dized the nomads\u2019 very way of life, property, and social sian empire. structure. Thus the Safavids threatened to deprive Istanbul of valuable territories, economic resources, and The Shaybanids, or Shaybani Uzbeks (\u00d6zbeks), were manpower. Shah Ismail also undermined the legitimacy descendant of Shiban (Shayban), grandson of Genghis of the House of Osman through his religious and politi- Khan (d. 1227) and younger brother of Batu (d. 1255), the cal propaganda in eastern Anatolia. In 1501\u201302 Sul- founder of the Golden Horde that ruled southern Russia tan Bayezid II tried to deal with Turkoman resistance until the 16th century. By 1500 Muhammad Shaybani (b. against Ottoman bureaucracy and Sunni orthodoxy 1451\u2013d. 1510), a descendant of Shiban, conquered Tran- through the mass resettlement of K\u0131z\u0131lba\u015f Turkomans soxania (present-day Uzbekistan, parts of Turkmenistan into southern Greece. However, the ineffectiveness of and Kazakhstan) from the Timurids, who had ruled his methods can be seen in the large Turkoman upris- these lands from the 1370s, and established his court in ing of 1511, led by a holy man known as \u015eahkulu (Slave the old Timurid capital, Samarkand. Muhammad Shay- of the Shah). Bayezid\u2019s inability to deal with the prob- bani was now ready to challenge Shah Ismail\u2019s rule. He lem ultimately led to his deposition by his son Selim I demanded that coins be minted and that the hutbe (Fri- (r. 1512\u201320). day sermon) be read in his name, suggesting that Shah Ismail should accept him as his overlord. Muhammad Sultan Selim\u2019s accession to the Ottoman throne in Shaybani also insisted that the shah abandon his \u201cfalse 1512 marked a radical change in Ottoman-Safavid rela- tions. The new sultan made his political goals clear when he ordered the execution of thousands of those who had","286 Istanbul Black Sea to the Sea of Marmara. Istanbul is one of the many names of the city. The word Istanbul is derived from participated in the 1511 \u015eahkulu revolts or were sus- the colloquial Greek eis tin polin, \u201cto the city\u201d; Originally, pected K\u0131z\u0131lba\u015f. Selim also launched a full-scale cam- the name Istanbul referred only to the walled city and paign against Shah Ismail in 1514. The two armies met on excluded all suburbs (including Galata, \u00dcsk\u00fcdar, Ey\u00fcp). August 23 at the Battle of \u00c7ald\u0131ran (Chaldiran), northeast To describe the whole city, the Ottomans continued using of Lake Van in eastern Turkey. The battle, which ended the Byzantine name Constantinople (Kostantiniyye), with an Ottoman victory, is usually presented in history along with a number of metaphorical terms: Deraliyye books as an example of the effectiveness of firearms tech- (Sublime Gate), Dersaadet (Gate of Felicity), Asitane-i nology. Whereas the victorious Ottomans employed some Saadet (Threshold of Felicity), or the short-lived Islambol 12,000 Janissary infantry musketeers and 500 cannon, (City of Islam or Plenty of Islam) in the 18th century. For the Safavids, who had previously used firearms, had none the duration of Ottoman rule, western sources continued at this battle, the shah\u2019s army consisting mainly of light to refer to the city as Constantinople, reserving the name cavalry archers. While Ottoman firearms undoubtedly Stamboul for the walled city. With the collapse of the proved crucial, the fact that the Ottoman cannons were Ottoman Empire and the establishment of the Republic of chained together, thus reducing the effect of the Safavid Turkey, all previous names were abandoned and Istanbul cavalry charges, and the Ottomans\u2019 numerical superiority came to designate the entire city. Today the use of the (100,000 men versus 80,000 Safavid troops) also played name Constantinople to describe the Ottoman capital, important roles in the outcome. However, Selim was although historically accurate, is often deemed politically unable to exploit his victory. Although the sultan pursued incorrect by Turkish historians and by most Turks. Ismail as far as Tabriz, Ismail managed to escape. More- over, Selim\u2019s troops refused to winter in Persia, forcing the Founded in the mid-seventh century b.c.e. as a Greek sultan to return to Anatolia and abandon his plan to con- colony, Byzantium became the center of Roman imperial tinue his anti-Safavid campaign in the Spring. power in 324 c.e. when Emperor Constantine (r. 324\u2013337) moved the capital of the empire from embattled Rome to The Battle of \u00c7ald\u0131ran resulted in a major readjust- Byzantium; the city was renamed after him in 330. The ment of the Ottoman-Safavid frontier. Shah Ismail lost capital of the Eastern Roman or Byzantine Empire after eastern Anatolia to the Ottomans, and with it the most 395, Constantinople reached its pinnacle under Justinian important recruiting ground for his Turkoman army. (r. 527\u201365). Subsequently the city successfully resisted a Following \u00c7ald\u0131ran, Ismail embarked on a major restruc- number of assaults \u2014 the Huns in 558, the Avars in 626, turing of his army, establishing artillery corps and mus- the Arabs in 673\u201377, 717\u201318, and 941, the Bulgars in 813 ket-bearing infantry troops to counter both his Ottoman \u2014but finally fell into the hands of the crusaders in 1204. enemies and his own remaining Turkoman cavalry. With Although the Byzantines were able to recapture the city these changes Shah Ismail transformed his country from in 1261, their empire had been weakened by the Great a Torkoman state into a Persian empire, whose heart- Schism of 1054 (the separation of the churches of Latin land was now in Iran. Since the shah\u2019s court in Tebriz lay Rome and Greek Constantinople), the economic and com- within the action-radius of his Ottoman enemy, it would mercial encroachment of Venice and Genoa, and the be transferred to Qazvin in the middle of the century. steady advance of Turkic Muslim power in Anatolia. In the remaining 10 years of his rule after \u00c7ald\u0131ran, By the end of the 14th century Constantinople was Shah Ismail did not lead his army personally, and his facing the imminent threat of falling into the hands of claims of divinity was somewhat weakened by the defeat. the Ottomans, whose rapid territorial expansion in the However, he managed to lay the foundations of a new Balkans and western Anatolia had completely encircled state that survived until the early decades of the 18th cen- the few territories left to the Byzantine Empire. The tury, posing a threat for the Ottomans time and again. Ottoman sultan Bayezid I (r. 1389\u20131402) blockaded the city in 1397 in preparation of a final siege, but was G\u00e1bor \u00c1goston forced to abandon his plans when he was defeated by Further reading: Mansura Haidar, Central Asia in the Timur in 1402. Bayezid\u2019s son Musa launched two unsuc- Sixteenth Century (New Delhi: Manohar, 2002); David Mor- cessful assaults against the city in 1411 and 1412; Murad gan, Medieval Persia, 1040\u20131797 (London: Longman, 1988); II (r. 1421\u201344; 1446\u201351) laid siege to Constantinople in Roger Savory, Iran under the Safavids (Cambridge: Cam- 1422 but was forced to withdraw just as the city was on bridge University Press, 1980). the brink of falling as a result of the revolt of one of his brothers in Anatolia. Unable to mobilize western support Istanbul (Byzantium; Constantinople) Istanbul, the for the defense of his empire, Byzantine emperor John capital of the Ottoman Empire after 1453, is today the VIII (r. 1425\u201348) went as far as agreeing to the unifica- largest city in Turkey (approximate population tion of the two churches under papal leadership in 1439, 12,000,000), located at the southeastern tip of Europe and set on both shores of the Bosporus Straits linking the","but refrained from officially proclaiming this union in Istanbul 287 Constantinople for fear of the consequences of anti-Latin feelings among his subjects. ion of the Prophet who fell during the Arab siege in the seventh century, was a typical example of this quest for THE CONQUEST OF CONSTANTINOPLE legitimacy. Bayezid also systematically converted a num- ber of churches into mosques. Yet at the same time, the The fate of Byzantine Constantinople was sealed by the sultan\u2019s imperial design involved the preservation or cre- young Mehmed II (r. 1444\u201346; 1451\u201381). Immediately ation of a number of non-Muslim institutions, such as upon his accession to the throne, Mehmed II started plan- the Greek Orthodox Patriarchate (see Greek Orthodox ning a siege, amassing troops, acquiring modern artillery Church), which was reinstated immediately after the to use against the formidable walls of the city, bringing conquest. This policy was consistent with efforts to demo- together a fleet to support the army, building the fortress graphically revive Constantinople, which had lost much of Rumeli Hisar\u0131 on the Bosporus to organize the block- of its population to massacres, enslavement, and flight. ade of the city, and signing treaties with neighboring With this in mind, the sultan interrupted the traditional powers, including the Genoese colony of Galata (see con- three-day plunder after only one day, freed his own share quest of Constantinople). By then Constantinople of captives, invited those who had fled the city to return was reduced to a mere shadow of its past glory: in a half- and invited all his subjects to settle in Constantinople. deserted city of some 40,000 inhabitants, the emperor Yet despite incentives, the response was insufficient, and Constantine XI (r. 1448\u201353) could count on fewer than the state resorted to forced migrations and deportations 10,000 men to oppose a well-equipped Ottoman army (s\u00fcrg\u00fcn) to repopulate the city with new settlers from the and navy of more than 60,000. The siege began in early provinces. April 1453, concentrating on the land walls northwest of the city. By mid-May the sultan had a number of ships Demographic revival was accompanied by a mas- hauled overland into the Golden Horn to assist his land sive effort toward economic and urban development. forces. Following a call for surrender on May 23, rejected The central area, up to the shores of the Golden Horn, by the emperor, the final assault was launched on May 29. became the commercial heart of the city, with a num- The city finally fell to the assailants and was subjected to ber of commercial buildings (hans), including the future the traditional three days of plunder. Grand Bazaar, the foundations of which were laid in 1456. The sultan himself led the way, sponsoring much Mehmed II, now dubbed Fatih (the Conqueror), of the building activity, including the bazaar and a major entered Constantinople the following day and made it mosque complex (k\u00fclliye) bearing his name. Members his first order of business to convert Hagia Sophia, the of the ruling class were encouraged to follow his exam- symbol of Christianity in the East, into a mosque. His ple, and the city soon boasted a number of religious and mind set on making Constantinople his new capital, he lay edifices symbolizing the new order. By the end of began planning for the reconstruction and revival of the Mehmed II\u2019s reign, the city included more than 16,000 moribund city. His strategy involved political, ideologi- taxpaying households, corresponding to about 70,000\u2013 cal, demographic, economic, and urban development. 80,000 inhabitants, 40 percent of whom were non-Mus- Politically he aimed at breaking the opposition of his own lims. Clearly, the city had to a large extent recovered from entourage to the transfer of power from Edirne \u2014the the trauma of war and conquest. center of the ghazis or Ottoman warriors\u2014to Constan- tinople, which was viewed as a symbol of autocratic and During the following decades the city witnessed a sedentary power in the tradition of imperial Rome. It took boom, reflecting the growth of Ottoman power. The city him about six years to realize this goal, which involved the had started to attract ever-increasing numbers of settlers purge of ghazi elements and their gradual replacement by from all over the empire and beyond, including Jews a slave (kul) administration. By 1459 the administration expelled from Spain and Portugal. By the mid-16th cen- had been transferred to the city, which had effectively tury, at the height of Ottoman splendor under S\u00fcleyman become the capital of an imperial state. The abandonment I the Magnificent (r. 1520\u201366), Istanbul was considered of the first palace built in the center of the city in favor the greatest city of Europe. Foreign travelers estimated its of the \u201cNew Palace\u201d (today\u2019s Topkap\u0131 Palace), built after population at anywhere between 500,000 and one million, 1462 on the site of the ancient Acropolis, symbolically but it was probably closer to 250,000 inhabitants, already completed the transition to a centralized structure. an impressive figure for the time. A showcase of imperial might, the city was largely used by the sultans, members The political process was coupled with an ideologi- of the dynasty, and the highest officials as a display of cal thrust to legitimize the city as the capital of an Islamic power and status. While supplying the population with empire while preserving a link to the Roman-Byzantine much needed services, each new mosque, school, hospi- tradition. The \u201cdiscovery\u201d of, and erection of a shrine tal, fountain, bath, water adduction system, and commer- over, the alleged remains of Ayyub al-Ansari, a compan- cial building left the personal imprint of its patron on the texture and skyline of the city. Architects commissioned","288 Istanbul the empire. Being a showcase for the empire may have brought advantages to the city, but it also meant that it by the palace and grandees, such as the famed Sinan, was extremely vulnerable to political, social, and eco- contributed to the embellishment and development of nomic instability. The 17th and 18th centuries were the urban landscape. particularly replete with such occurrences: popular rebellions, palace coups, and Janissary insubordina- Over time the social and economic structure of the tion and abuses were staple features of life in Istanbul capital became highly dependent on the state. The heavy well into the first decades of the 19th century. The fact concentration of state-sponsored industrial plants such as that times were harder was also reflected in the drop the arsenal and the cannon foundry, the presence of some in building activity: fewer and smaller constructions of the elite corps of the army such as the Janissaries, the replaced the monumental projects of the 16th century. central role played by the palace and its bureaucracy, and Nevertheless, the 18th century also witnessed the first the thriving activity of the Imperial Treasury, all contrib- signs of modernization, a result of both internal and uted to this development. A parasitic city, Istanbul to a external dynamics. A more hedonistic approach to life, large extent lived off the state and depended on the state\u2019s a greater use of public space, experiments in new artis- capacity to organize, through economic intervention, the tic and architectural styles, the growth of a non-Muslim logistics of provisioning its oversized population with bourgeoisie, greater visibility of court women and gran- a steady flow of commodities from all over the empire. dees, and an increased Western presence and influence The heart of the empire fed on its periphery, greedily were all signs of ongoing transformations of the city\u2019s sucking on its resources; in return, it produced and dis- social and cultural fabric. tributed power in all its forms, political, social, cultural, economic, and financial. THE 19TH CENTURY THE 17TH AND 18TH CENTURIES A strong desire for westernization, combined with the growing ascendancy of Western powers, determined the In the centuries that followed the Ottoman capital maintained much of its character but had to face grow- ing difficulties due to crises and transformations within A tram at Bayezid square near the Grand Bazaar in historic Istanbul, 1930. (Personal collection of G\u00e1bor \u00c1goston)","Istanbul 289","290 Izmir Izmir (Gk.: Smyrna; Turk.: \u0130zmir) Located in western Turkey, at the tip of the Gulf of Izmir on the coast of the direction the city would take in the 19th century. In the Aegean Sea, Izmir is Turkey\u2019s third largest city (with some wake of the Tanzimat reforms, modernization through 3.5 million inhabitants in 2005) and the second largest Western norms came to be seen as the only viable model. port, after Istanbul. It is the capital of Izmir Province. In By the second half of the century, Western architectural Ottoman times, from the 17th century onward, the city styles, urbanism, and municipal organization made their was the most important trading center in western Asia way into the city, while the public came into contact with Minor with an increasingly cosmopolitan population of new, and often imported, commodities and services: Muslim Turks, Ottoman Armenians, Greeks, and Jews, as modern schools, newspapers, theaters, streetcars, pho- well as English, Dutch, French, and Venetian merchants. tographers, department stores, banks, insurance compa- It played a significant role in connecting western Anato- nies, cafes, hotels, and street lighting. lia to the larger economic sphere of the Mediterranean, increasingly dominated by the French and English. Its Modernity and westernization brought new cleav- cosmopolitan inhabitants in the 19th century created a ages to the urban and social fabric of the city. Istanbul thriving cultural life, and Izmir was rightly considered proper, the walled city, came to symbolize tradition and one of the major world centers for publishing. exoticism, while Galata and Pera, transformed by west- ernization, stood for the new international order. Non- Izmir was the site of the oldest human settlements Muslim elites gradually inclined toward the West, while in the Mediterranean world, going back to 4000 b.c.e. or the divide grew between modernist and traditionalist even earlier. By 1500 b.c.e. the region was under the con- factions among the Muslim population. Nationalism trol of the central Anatolian Hittites, whose empire was started penetrating the masses, leading to revolts, mas- destroyed in the 1200s b.c.e. Later, known as Smyrna, sacres, and, eventually, to the shift from Ottomanism to it was an important center in the Greek region of Ionia Islamism and Turkism as the dominant ideologies of the and the probable birthplace of Homer (before 700 b.c.e.). ruling elite. At the turn of the 20th century, Istanbul had In the eighth century b.c.e. the city and its environs fell become one of the most complex and ambiguous cities under Phrygian control. It was captured and destroyed of the world: one million inhabitants, only half of whom by Alyates, king of Lydia (r. 610\u2013560 b.c.e.), but rebuilt were Muslims; the capital of an empire, but entirely sub- by Alexander the Great of Macedonia (r. 336\u2013323 b.c.e.). servient to European politics, trade, and finance; a para- gon of modernity in many ways, yet at the same time In the first century b.c.e. Izmir became part of the deeply entrenched in tradition. Roman Empire and was transformed into a major har- bor and center of trade connecting Asia with Europe. The city hardly survived the shock of World War I. It competed for the title \u201cfirst city of Asia\u201d with Ephesus It avoided falling into Allied hands during the war itself, and Pergamon (present-day Efes and Bergama in western but was eventually occupied in 1918 after the armistice. Turkey). It is also the site for one of the \u201cSeven Churches It was liberated in 1923, following the victory of Kemalist in Asia\u201d mentioned in the biblical book of Revelation. Fol- (see Atat\u00fcrk, Kemal) forces in Anatolia, but immedi- lowing the division of the Roman Empire into two under ately lost its status as a capital to the new political center Emperor Constantine (r. 324\u2013337 c.e.), Izmir and its sur- of the republic, Ankara. Snubbed by the nationalist elites roundings became part of the Eastern Roman, later known of Ankara, Istanbul entered a period of oblivion and iso- as the Byzantine, Empire. The Seljuks captured the city lation from which it made a spectacular comeback after from the Byzantine Empire in the 1070s but held it only the 1950s. briefly before the Byzantines recaptured it (1093). Edhem Eldem During the Byzantine interregnum (1204\u201361), when Further reading: Franz Babinger, Mehmed the Con- the crusaders occupied Constantinople and forced the queror and His Time (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Byzantine emperor to move his government-in-exile Press, 1992); Zeynep \u00c7elik, The Remaking of Istanbul: Por- to Nicea (Iznik), Smyrna flourished as the commercial trait of an Ottoman City in the Nineteenth Century (Berke- center of the empire. In 1261 the Byzantines recaptured ley: University of California Press, 1993); Edhem Eldem, Constantinople but then neglected their defenses in Asia \u201cIstanbul from Imperial to Peripheralized Capital,\u201d in Minor, concentrating instead on their domains in the Edhem Eldem, Daniel Goffman, and Bruce Masters, The Balkans. As a consequence, much of their territory in Ottoman City between East and West: Aleppo, Izmir, and Asia Minor was conquered by the Turkic principalities, Istanbul (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1999), or emirates, that emerged in the late 13th and early 14th 135\u2013206; Bernard Lewis, Istanbul and the Civilization of the centuries in the power vacuum caused by the decline Ottoman Empire (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, of the Seljuks of Rum, the former lords of Anatolia. In 1963); Philip Mansel, Constantinople: City of the World\u2019s about 1328, Smyrna fell to the Ayd\u0131no\u011fullar\u0131 maritime Desire, 1453\u20131924 (London: John Murray, 1995); Steven Turkish principality, based in Ayd\u0131n (south-southeast of Runciman, The Fall of Constantinople (Cambridge: Cam- bridge University Press, 1990).","Izmir 291 Horse carriages in the waterfront district Izmir. (Personal collection of G\u00e1bor \u00c1goston) Izmir), who used the city and its port as their base for thus not encouraged. Izmir\u2019s development was largely due naval raids. to local governments, the city\u2019s European merchants, and the merchants\u2019 local partners in Izmir\u2019s Greek Orthodox, The Ottomans first captured the city in 1389 but Jewish, and Muslim communities. lost it in 1402 when Timur, the founder of the Timurid Empire, defeated the Ottoman sultan Bayezid I (r. 1389\u2013 In the 17th century all these players gained leverage 1402) at the Battle of Ankara and restored recently with regard to the central government when a combina- conquered Ottoman territories to their former lords\u2014in tion of international and domestic factors forced Istan- Izmir\u2019s case, to the Ayd\u0131no\u011fullar\u0131. It was not until 1425 bul to modify its economic policy. In the course of the that Sultan Murad II (r. 1421\u201344; 1446\u201351) recaptured century the military and economic prowess of the Otto- Izmir and made it the center of one of the sancaks (sub- man Empire declined relative to those of their European provinces) of Ayd\u0131n province. opponents and rivals. As a consequence, the commer- cial agreements (capitulations), which had in the past Unlike Ottoman Istanbul or Aleppo, which were been dictated by a militarily much stronger Istanbul to noteworthy symbols of the Ottomans\u2019 Byzantine and the Ottomans\u2019 advantage, gradually became pacts from Islamic heritage and were also important hubs of inter- which western European nations profited more than the national trade, Izmir had no such symbolic or economic Ottomans. Of these, the English and Dutch gained prom- significance for the Ottoman government. When Izmir inence, and through their Indian Ocean spice trade via emerged as a major international trading center by the the Cape of Good Hope rendered ancient trading routes 17th century, in the words of one researcher, it flourished that crossed the Ottoman Empire less profitable, caus- despite, rather than because of, the policy of Istanbul. ing the (temporary) decline of such important Ottoman The Ottoman economic policy of provisionism, which trading centers as Bursa, Aleppo, and Alexandria. focused on satisfying domestic demand (see economy and economic policy), assigned to western Asia Minor At the same time Istanbul also lost its leverage with the role of securing foodstuffs for the bourgeoning Otto- regard to local Ottoman warlords and merchants. When man capital, Istanbul, and the region\u2019s commerce was these merchants and their European partners looked","292 Izmir European powers, England and France, which in turn resulted in significant redistribution of political and eco- for alternative products to compensate for the lost spice nomic leverage among the major foreign and local play- trade, they found it in Ottoman and Persian silk and ers in the empire. The merchants of England and France other local goods (such as grain, dried figs, raisins, cot- enjoyed advantages compared to their rivals (the Dutch ton, and wool) in western Asia Minor. Istanbul, unlike in and Venetians) through the renegotiated capitulations. the 16th century, was no longer in the position to stop They were also able to find an effective working relation- or substantially restrict such trade, and thus western Asia ship with the ayans of western Anatolia, most impor- Minor, and most importantly Izmir, witnessed a remark- tantly with the Karaosmano\u011flus. Since the English and able economic revival and urban growth. French usually traded through middlemen, their favored partners\u2014Ottoman Armenians and Greeks\u2014also gained At the end of the 16th century Izmir was a mod- influence with regard to their local rivals, Ottoman Jews est settlement of some 2,000 people, but by 1640 it had and Muslims. developed into an important trade center with 35,000\u2013 40,000 inhabitants. Most of them were newcomers: Turk- The predominance of the industrialized British ish Muslims from other towns of western Asia Minor economy in the Ottoman Mediterranean in the 19th cen- (such as Manisa and Ayd\u0131n); Armenians from Bursa, tury, combined with the Tanzimat reforms of the Otto- Aleppo, and even Safavid Isfahan; Greeks from the man government that aimed at modernizing the empire\u2019s Aegean Islands and the Morea; Jews from Spain, Portu- armed forces, government, and economy after 1839, gal, Italy, and from such Ottoman towns as Manisa or brought further urban growth and resulted in a more Salonika, despite opposition from Istanbul in the latter cosmopolitan Izmir. The reforms and Istanbul\u2019s suc- two cases; as well as Dutch, English, French, and Vene- cessful recentralization policy led to the decline of local tian merchants from Europe. The latter usually operated notables. Their place was taken by Ottoman Armenians, through their Armenian, Greek, Jewish, and Muslim bro- Greeks, and Jews, who not only led the penetration of the kers. By this time Izmir was the center of a surging com- western Anatolian market with European, mainly British, mercial web in western Asia Minor that produced and industrial goods, but also acted as Istanbul\u2019s proxies in collected food, wool, leather, silk, and other commodities the provinces, including carrying out and financing the for European merchants instead of the Ottoman capital reforms and collecting taxes. as had been the case in the previous century. The non-Muslims of Izmir profited greatly from By the 1660s Izmir was a cosmopolitan trading cen- both growing European trade in the area and the Otto- ter in which Muslims constituted a slim majority of the man reforms. The wealth thus accumulated was invested inhabitants, some 60,000\u201370,000. The Ottoman govern- in new structures: schools, a state hospital (1851), a rail- ment, directed by the experienced grand vizier K\u00f6pr\u00fcl\u00fc road station (1858), and a passport wharf (1880s). Street- Mehmed Pasha (see K\u00f6pr\u00fcl\u00fc family) and at war with car lines and postal and telegraph services also opened. Venice over Crete (1645\u201369), was now determined to Although Izmir was overcrowded, not least because of reattach Izmir and western Asia Minor to Istanbul so that the influx of tens of thousands of immigrants (many of Izmir\u2019s wealth could be taken advantage of by the central whom had been expelled from the newly created nation- treasury. To protect Izmir against a possible attack by the states in the Balkans), periodic fires created new spaces Venetians (who had captured and burned the town in for new construction. The city\u2019s population had swelled 1472), K\u00f6pr\u00fcl\u00fc Mehmed Pasha in 1658\u201359 built a citadel to 200,000 by the 1890s, and to 300,000 after World (Sancakburnu) about halfway between the city and the War I. Karaburnu peninsula to the west of the city. During World War I, the city was captured by Greek In 1688 an earthquake, whose epicenter was beneath forces, and was given to Greece by the Treaty of the newly built citadel, and the accompanying fire S\u00e8vres (1920). However, the Turks rejected the treaty, brought devastation to the city. Some 10,000 to 15,000 and Izmir was recaptured by Mustafa Kemal (known later inhabitants perished, while goods, and several mosques, as Kemal Atat\u00fcrk) on September 9, 1922. Three days churches, and public buildings were destroyed. Thanks later it was destroyed by a fire, the origin of which is still to the joint efforts of foreign merchants and their compa- debated (with Turks and Greeks accusing one another of nies, Ottoman middlemen, wealthy Istanbul families who causing the fire). The Treaty of Lausanne (1923) restored had religious endowments in Izmir, and Muslim notables Izmir to Turkey. In a separate convention Greece and in the region, Izmir was rebuilt within two years. Turkey agreed on a massive population exchange, carried out under League of Nations supervision, as a result of Despite the Ottoman Empire\u2019s military and eco- which Izmir became predominantly a Turkish city. nomic problems in the 18th century, Izmir continued to thrive. While Istanbul was defeated by its old and new G\u00e1bor \u00c1goston foes (Austria and Russia) and lost much of its con- trol in the provinces to local notables or ayans, it also sought military and diplomatic assistance from western","Further reading: Elena Frangakis-Syrett, The Com- Izmir 293 merce of Smyrna in the Eighteenth Century, 1700\u20131820 (Athens: Centre for Asia Minor Studies, 1992); Daniel Goffman, \u201cIzmir: From Village to Colonial Port City,\u201d Goffman, Izmir and the Levantine World, 1550\u20131650 in Edhem Eldem, Daniel Goffman, and Bruce Masters, (Seattle: University of Washington Press, 1990); Daniel The Ottoman City between East and West: Aleppo, Izmir, and Istanbul (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1999).","J Jabal al-Druz Literally meaning the \u201cMountain of the known of al-Jabarti\u2019s life other than a few personal details Druzes,\u201d the Jabal al-Druz is a formerly volcanic region found scattered in his history. Historians speculate that in what is today southern Syria. Before the 19th century, he was born in the early 1750s and died in 1825. Al- the Ottomans frequently used the term to refer to Leba- Jabarti was educated at Al-Azhar and was a respected non. The Syrian region, which has extremely fertile soil, member of Cairo\u2019s religious scholar class, the ulema. His has been settled since antiquity. It is not certain when they work is important for the details it provides concerning became the majority in the area, but many Druzes settled the politics of Mamluk households and his dispassionate there after the civil unrest in Lebanon in 1860. Today, 90 description of the French occupation. Despite its impor- percent of the region\u2019s population is Druze; most of the tance, al-Jabarti\u2019s history was not published in its entirety remainder are Christian. During the occupation of Syria in Egypt until 1880. The author\u2019s highly critical view of in the 1830s by Ibrahim Pasha, son of Egypt\u2019s military Mehmed Ali led publishers to fear that the full text might governor Mehmed Ali, the region became a center of offend Mehmed Ali\u2019s descendants, the khedival family. armed resistance to Egyptian rule. The inhabitants of the region rebelled twice after the Ottomans regained con- Bruce Masters trol of Syria in 1841. The first rebellion came in 1896, Further reading: Shmuel Moreh, trans. and ed., Napo- after attempts to draft young men from the region into leon in Egypt: al-Jabarti\u2019s Chronicle of the French Occupation the Ottoman army. Faced with a fierce guerrilla war, the (Princeton, N.J.: Markus Wiener, 1993). Ottomans finally agreed not to conscript Druzes. A longer rebellion in 1909\u201310 finally ended when the Ottomans Jacobites (Syrian Orthodox) The origins of Jacobite tricked the Druze leaders into coming to Damascus for Christians lie in the theological debates over the nature supposed peace talks, then executed them. That quelled of Christ in the fifth century c.e. The dominant tradition the Druzes temporarily but did not win their loyalty for in Christianity, embraced by the Roman Catholic and the Ottoman sultan. The region was later the center of Orthodox churches, held that Christ was one person in Syria\u2019s revolt against French occupation in 1925. two natures, that he was both human and divine at the same time. Many Christians in Syria, however, argued Bruce Masters that the two natures were so commingled as to become only the divine. At the Council of Chalcedon in 451, the al-Jabarti, Abd al-Rahman (d. 1825) Egyptian histo- dominant churches condemned this belief as the Mono- rian Abd al-Rahman al-Jabarti was Ottoman Egypt\u2019s physite (one nature) heresy. The ruling of the council greatest historian. His principal work is a four-volume grouped the Jacobites with the Armenian Apostolic history that chronicles the history of 18th-century Egypt Church excommunicating both groups as heretical. (the last century of Ottoman rule there), its occupation by the French (1798\u20131801), and the rise of Mehmed Ali, Historians believe that the Church was named after the military ruler of Egypt from 1805 until 1849. Little is Jacob Baraddai, a monk who helped revive the sect in the 294","aftermath of the Chalcedon Council. In the 19th century, Janbulad Ali Pasha 295 however, the hierarchy of the Jacobites claimed earlier origins for their name. Some said that it derived from The traditionalists were able to retain the loyalty of Jacob the biblical patriarch, while others said it came the rural Jacobites, although by the start of the 19th cen- from St. James the Great, one form of whose name in tury Roman Catholic missions in the city of Mosul suc- Syriac is Yaqub. In the Ottoman period, the community ceeded in converting some among the villagers in the was generally referred to in both Ottoman and Arabic plains surrounding the city. Most Christians in the city of sources as \u201cSuryani,\u201d or Syrian, and most European trav- Mosul itself, whether originally Jacobites or Nestorians, elers to the region simply called them Syrians. were also by that time Uniate Catholics, or members of Eastern-rite churches that came to accept the authority of The Byzantines, as mainstream Orthodox Christian the pope. Protestants from Britain and the United States believers, persecuted the Jacobites as heretics. Most of the also started missions in the Mosul region in the 19th community was absorbed into the Arab Muslim state in century and managed to convert some Jacobite villagers the seventh and eighth centuries c.e. The Arab rulers tol- to their own Christian sects. In the Tanzimat reform erated the Jacobites and did not interfere in the Church\u2019s period of the 19th century, the Ottoman government rec- internal affairs. Jacobite Christians helped to translate clas- ognized the patriarch in Dayr Zafaran as the head of the sical Greek science and philosophy texts into Arabic. They \u201cAncient Syrians\u201d and the Catholic patriarch in Aleppo as enjoyed an intellectual flourishing of their own between head of the Syrian Catholic community, thereby creating the 9th and 13th centuries, which produced numerous two separate millets for the Jacobites. theological and historical works written in the Syriac lan- guage. Like the Nestorians, the Jacobites allied them- Bruce Masters selves with the Mongols and to a lesser extent with the Further reading: John Joseph, Muslim-Christian Rela- crusaders as both communities had suffered persecution tions and Inter-Christian Rivalries in the Middle East: The under Muslim rule. As a consequence of those alliances, Case of the Jacobites in an Age of Transition (Albany: State their Muslim neighbors retaliated against the Jacobites for University of New York Press, 1983). what was seen as collaboration with the enemy. Jamal al-Din al-Afghani See al-Afghani, Jamal By the start of the Ottoman period, the Jacobites al-Din. were largely confined to an arc of territory stretching from Mosul north to Diyarbakir. Beyond the boundaries Janbulad Ali Pasha (d. 1610) governor of Aleppo and of that zone, they constituted significant minorities in cit- Kurdish rebel Janbulad Ali Pasha was one of the lead- ies such as Aleppo and Urfa. They could even be found ing rebels against the Ottoman Empire in the early 17th in Damascus. But the official seat of their patriarch (the century, a period marked by numerous revolts that the see) was in the remote monastery of Dayr Zafaran, out- Ottoman court historians labeled the Celali revolts. side of Mardin in present-day Turkey. It was an appropri- The Janbulad family were the hereditary chieftains of ate location as the true heartland of the Jacobites lay not the Kurds who lived in the Jabal Kurd. in the cities but in the dozens of villages that dotted the mountains between Mardin and Midyat, known to the Husayn, Ali\u2019s uncle, had risen to prominence as the Jacobites as Tur Abdin, \u201cthe Mountain of the Faithful.\u201d defender of the city of Aleppo against periodic forays by Throughout this region the Jacobites lived as a minority Janissaries stationed in Damascus attempting to col- amongst the larger Kurdish Muslim population. lect taxes to which they were not entitled. During these incursions the Janissaries\u2014who acted as a law unto them- With the arrival of Roman Catholic missionaries selves\u2014often pillaged villages in the region. In 1603 the throughout the Ottoman Empire in the early 17th cen- governor of Aleppo, Nasuh Pasha, looked on ineffectively tury, a number of Jacobite clergy in the city of Aleppo, from the city\u2019s citadel as the Damascene Janissaries ran- which served as the main center of Roman Catholic mis- sacked the town. Husayn rallied his kinsmen and retainers sionary activity, became Catholic. The patriarchs of the to defend Aleppo and its wealth. In gratitude for his service Jacobite Church opposed their conversion to Catholicism against this unauthorized tax-collecting on the part of the and found allies in the Armenian patriarchs in Istan- Janissaries, Sultan Ahmed I (r. 1603\u201317) elevated Husayn bul, who also faced the defection of Armenian clergy to to the governorship of the province, the first non-Ottoman Catholicism. The Armenian patriarchs appealed to the to be so rewarded. Nasuh Pasha deeply resented the eleva- Ottoman sultans over the course of the second half of the tion of what he considered a non-Ottoman upstart and 17th century. By the start of the 18th century, Ottoman had to be physically removed from the city\u2019s citadel. governors in Aleppo routinely received orders forbidding the sultan\u2019s subjects from receiving the sacraments from In 1605, however, the relationship between the sul- Catholic clergy. But by that time the majority of the Jaco- tan and the Janbulad clan soured when Husayn was bites in the city, approximately 5,000, had followed their called upon to deliver troops for a campaign against Iran. clergy into communion with Rome.","296 Janbulad family Janissaries By the reign of Murad I (r. 1362\u201389) the Ottoman sultans realized that they needed a reliable He arrived late on the battlefield of Urmia, where the and loyal professional military force, independent of the Ottomans had already been defeated. No excuse for his Turkish warrior lords of the frontiers and their tribal lev- absence was found acceptable and he was executed for ies. Such a force was provided by the Janissaries or \u201cnew treason. soldiers\u201d (yeni \u00e7eri). Established in the 1370s, the Janis- sary corps initially served as the sultan\u2019s bodyguard. Ali raised the clan standard in revolt to avenge his However, the corps soon became one of the first standing uncle. Open warfare erupted in northern Syria and Leb- armies in medieval Europe. anon as local chieftains decided whether to stay loyal to the sultan or to back the insurgents. In an attempt to At first the sultan used prisoners of war to create stall this military opposition, Sultan Ahmed appointed his own independent military guard. In the 1380s the Ali as Aleppo\u2019s governor while simultaneously rais- dev\u015firme, or child levy system, was introduced to recruit ing an army to crush him. The armies met in 1607 new soldiers for the corps. Under this system, non-Mus- and the Janbulad forces were defeated. Ali surrendered lim children from lands ruled by the Ottoman Empire soon afterwards and was appointed to a post in remote were taken from their families. They were taught the lan- Wallachia, present-day Romania. (It was a common guage and culture of the Ottomans, converted to Islam, Ottoman practice to buy off an opponent by offering and were given rigorous military training. To avoid the him a post in a province far removed from his base of development of a hereditary military aristocracy that power until he could be dealt with.) Ali\u2019s turn came in could challenge the sultan, Muslims and Turks were 1610 when he was executed in Belgrade on trumped- excluded from the dev\u015firme. The dev\u015firme boys were sub- up charges of treason. He remains a popular folk hero sequently trained as Janissaries and were known as the among the Kurds of Syria, with ballads commemorating sultan\u2019s kuls or slaves. Despite this name, the Janissaries his exploits. were not slaves in the conventional sense; they enjoyed many privileges and were paid for their services. Bruce Masters Further reading: William Griswold, The Great Anato- With the broadening of the pool of recruitment, the lian Rebellion, 1000\u20131020\/1591\u20131611 (Berlin: Klaus Schwarz, initial guard was soon transformed into the ruler\u2019s elite 1983). household infantry. By the Battle of Kosovo in 1389, the Janissary corps numbered some 2,000 men. By the mid- Janbulad family (Jumblat family) The Janbulad fam- 15th century, under Mehmed II (r. 1444\u201346; 1451\u201381), ily were hereditary chieftains of the Kurds who lived in their number had increased to 5,000, and the sultan dou- the Jabal Kurd, a hilly region straddling what is today bled the size of the corps by the end of his reign in 1481. the frontier between Syria and Turkey. With the defeat of By the middle of the 16th century there were some 12,000 Janbulad ali Pasha, who had taken up arms against the Janissaries and 7,700 Janissary novices (acemi o\u011flan) whose Ottoman Sultan Ahmed I, some members of the Janbu- salaries were paid from the central treasury. While the lad family sought refuge with the Druzes in Lebanon. majority of soldiers were stationed in the Janissary barracks The family ultimately rose to prominence in the Druze of Istanbul, substantial contingents also served in frontier territory, becoming major landholders and playing a sig- provinces. For example, in the 1560s, some 3,400 Janissar- nificant role in Lebanese politics. ies were stationed in the province of Buda, which faced the Ottomans\u2019 most serious enemy, Habsburg Austria. In theory, the Druzes do not accept converts, but male members of Janbulad family married local women Initially the Janissary corps was equipped with bows, and became Druze. At the start of the 18th century, the crossbows, and javelins. Under Sultan Murad II (r. Janbulads emerged as one of the leading families in the 1421\u201344, 1446\u201351), they began to use firearms, prob- Shuf Mountains. There they led a political faction that ably matchlock arquebuses. However, it was not until was named after them, the Junblatis; their archrivals around the mid-16th century that most of the Janissar- were members of the Yazbaki faction, led by the Imad ies carried firearms. While the Janissaries numbered family. The Janbulads and the Imads were often in con- 12,000 in the early 1520s, only 3,000 to 4,000 arms-bear- flict for control of the Shuf region in south-central Leb- ing Janissaries participated in the 1523 campaign against anon. Although the Janbulad family never attained the the Egyptian rebels. Murad III (r. 1574\u201395) equipped all title of emir\u2014the ultimate status in the politics of Leba- his Janissaries with a more advanced weapon, the match- non\u2014they often played a major role behind the scenes lock musket, first introduced in the early 16th century by in determining who did receive the title. In the process Spanish soldiers. Well into the 17th century the Janissar- they became one of the leading feudal landlords in the ies used their matchlock muskets, although from the late Druze country and remain a significant political force in 16th century on more and more flintlock muskets were Lebanon today. manufactured in the empire with the Spanish mique- Bruce Masters","let-lock. (see firearms) In addition to their handguns, Janissaries 297 the Janissaries\u2019 traditional weapon, the recurved bow, remained an important and formidable weapon well into tion of the paid Janissaries participated in military cam- the 17th century, although the ratio of bows to muskets paigns, and their performance was usually poor. had changed significantly by the mid-1600s. The life of these Janissaries was far from the regime The Janissaries\u2019 firepower, especially in the early 16th of rigid military discipline that characterized the corps in century, often proved fatal for their adversaries. These its early days. The Janissaries married and settled in cit- elite troops could fire their weapons in a kneeling or ies, established relationships with the civil population, standing position without the need for additional support and were more interested in providing for their families or rest. In battle the Janissaries formed nine consecutive than fighting the enemy. Nevertheless, the Janissaries rows and fired their weapons row by row. They were so jealously guarded their privileges and fiercely opposed effective that most contemporary sources attribute the all military reforms aimed at undermining their status. 1526 Ottoman success against the Hungarians at the Bat- Apart from their diminished military value, they were tle of Moh\u00e1cs to the firepower of the Janissaries rather also unable to execute the other vital functions they per- than to the cannons, in sharp contrast to later historians formed in the 15th and early 16th centuries, when Janis- who credited the victory to the Ottoman artillerymen. saries served in Istanbul and in major provincial capitals as military police, guards, night watchmen, and firefight- Until the early 17th century the Janissaries main- ers. By the latter part of the 16th century corruption tained their firing skills by practicing regularly, usually was endemic; instead of protectors, the Janissaries had twice a week. However, in 1606, the anonymous author become the terror of the cities. During the 1588 Istanbul of The Laws of the Janissaries, was already complaining fire, for instance, instead of fighting the fire, Janissaries about the decline of this practice, noting that the mem- engaged in looting. They also went on rampages when bers of the corps were no longer given powder for the their taverns or coffee shops were closed or their privi- drills and that the soldiers used their allotted wick for leges otherwise threatened. The Janissaries had always their candles and not for their shooting drills. occasionally mutinied, but in the 17th and 18th centuries these rebellions became frequent. Indeed, in one revolt, By the long Hungarian War of 1593\u20131606, the Janis- the Janissaries not only blocked the reforms of Selim III saries seemed to have lost their firepower superiority (r. 1789\u20131807) but also murdered the sultan. By deposing against their Hungarian and Habsburg opponents. Otto- and murdering sultans, the Janissaries ultimately became man chroniclers noticed that the Janissaries could not Ottoman society\u2019s kingmakers, confirmed in the habits of withstand the Habsburg and Hungarian musketeers. In privilege and corruption. 1602, the grand vizier reported from the Hungarian front that \u201cin the field or during a siege we are in a distressed Learning from Selim III\u2019s mistakes, Mahmud II (r. position, because the greater part of the enemy forces are 1808\u201339) carefully prepared his military reforms and infantry armed with muskets, while the majority of our made alliances within Ottoman religious and military forces are horsemen, and we have very few specialists establishments. In 1826, when the Janissaries revolted skilled in the musket.\u201d against his proclaimed reforms, the sultan was ready for them with a loyal modern artillery corps of some 12,000 To counter superior Habsburg firepower, the Otto- men whose cannons destroyed and set aflame the Janis- mans increased the number of arms-bearing Janissar- sary barracks, killing some 6,000 Janissaries. Many more ies. Whereas the Janissaries numbered 12,800 in the late Janissaries were killed in the ensuing manhunt, while 1560s, their number reached 37,600 by 1606 and fluc- those living in provincial cities were killed by the local tuated between 50,000 and 54,000 in the second half of population that rose spontaneously against their tyranny. the 17th century. These increases required widening Known in Ottoman history as the Auspicious Incident, the pool of recruitment, which now included Turks and the destruction of the Janissaries was regarded by the other Muslims, who had previously been barred from long-suffering Ottoman people as a form of liberation the sultan\u2019s elite corps. It also led to a decline in military and it opened the way for substantive military reforms. skill and put an additional burden on the treasury which already faced deficits from the early 1590s. To ease the G\u00e1bor \u00c1goston burden on the treasury, in the 17th century, the Janissar- See also military slavery. ies were allowed to engage in trade and craftsmanship. Further reading: G\u00e1bor \u00c1goston, \u201cOttoman Warfare By the 18th century Janissary service had been radically in Europe, 1453\u20131812,\u201d in European Warfare, 1453\u20131815, transformed and most Janissaries had become craftsmen edited by Jeremy Black (London: Macmillan, 1999), 118\u2013 and shop-owners, privileged with tax-exempt status as 144; Godfrey Goodwin, The Janissaries (London: Saqi a reward for their supposed military service, for which Books, 1997); Gyula K\u00e1ldy-Nagy, \u201cThe First Centuries of they continued to draw pay. In reality, only a small por- the Ottoman Military Organization.\u201d AOH 31 (1977): 147\u2013 183; Rhoads Murphey, Ottoman Warfare, 1500\u20131700 (New Brunswick, N.J.: Rutgers University Press, 1999).","298 Jassy, Treaty of Ottoman Empires would be a key factor in the so-called Eastern Question of the 19th century. Jassy, Treaty of (1792) This treaty, signed in the Mol- davian capital of Jassy (Ia\u015fi) on January 9, 1792, ended Andrew Robarts the Russo-Ottoman War of 1787\u201392. The superiority Further reading: Christopher Duffy, Russia\u2019s Military of Russian military strength, both in the training of their Way to the West: Origins and Nature of Russian Military soldiers and the quality of their officers, was clearly dem- Power, 1700\u20131800 (London: Routledge & Kegan Paul, 1981); onstrated during the course of the war and provided the Alan W. Fisher, The Russian Annexation of the Crimea, Russian Empire with the upper hand during the treaty 1772\u20131783 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, negotiations. 1970); Stanford J. Shaw, Between Old and New: The Otto- man Empire under Sultan Selim III, 1789\u20131807 (Cambridge, In the Treaty of Jassy, the Ottoman Empire con- Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1971). firmed the disastrous Treaty of K\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck Kaynarca (1774) and was forced to recognize Russian suzerainty Jeddah (Jedda; Ar.: Jidda; Turk.: Cedde) During the over the Crimean Peninsula and its hinterland. The Otto- Ottoman period, Jeddah, located on the Red Sea in what man Empire also recognized Georgia in the Caucasus as is today Saudi Arabia, was both the port city for Mecca a protectorate of the Russian Empire. Under diplomatic and the main Ottoman administrative center for western pressure from the British and the Prussians, the Russians Arabia. It also served as Arabia\u2019s main commercial port agreed to withdraw from their occupation of the Danu- and was the only place on the Arabian peninsula where bian principalities of Wallachia and Moldavia. The European merchants were allowed to reside. The city fell Russians also ceded to the Ottoman Empire the key for- to the radical Islamic sect of the Wahhabis in 1803 and tress town of Ismail in the Danubian estuary and Anapa to the Egyptian army in 1812. Direct Ottoman control on the eastern shore of the Black Sea. The Russian of the city did not return until 1840 when an agreement Empire retained its control over \u00d6zi. In the western Black between Mehmed Ali, the military governor of Egypt, Sea coastal area, the Russian-Ottoman boundary was and Sultan Abd\u00fclmecid (r. 1839\u201361)returned the cities moved southwestward from the Bug River to the Dniester of the Hejaz, the western region of Saudi Arabia along River. As a result of the treaty, the Russian Empire came to the Red Sea, to Ottoman suzerainty. border the Ottoman vassal state of Moldavia. In the east, the treaty fixed the Kuban\u2019 River as the boundary between The slave trade was important to Jeddah\u2019s economy the Russian and Ottoman empires in the Caucasus. throughout its history as the city served as a natural transit point between Africa and the Arabian Peninsula. Other provisions of the Treaty of Jassy included a The city\u2019s merchants thus opposed an Ottoman ban full exchange of prisoners of war (excluding those who on the importation of slaves that was imposed in 1855 had voluntarily accepted the citizenship or religion of in response to British pressure on the sultan. The ban their captors), Ottoman guarantees to provide increased resulted in a major anti-Ottoman riot with slave dealers autonomy in the form of political and fiscal privileges to drawing their Bedouin allies into the fray. The deployment the Hospodar rulers of the Danubian principalities, and of Ottoman troops restored order to the city\u2019s streets, and Ottoman promises to protect Russian merchant vessels in the ban on the importation of new slaves remained. the Mediterranean from North African piracy (see cor- sairs and pirates). After Jeddah was returned to Ottoman rule, the European commercial presence in the city increased. The long-term consequences of the Russo-Ottoman This led to another riot in 1858 when a mob attacked War of 1787\u201392 and the Treaty of Jassy were threefold. Europeans and those holding European passports in the First, the clear inferiority of Ottoman military strength city. Many Muslim residents viewed the European com- compared to the Russian military resulted in the first mercial presence as a threat to their economic position. comprehensive and sustained Ottoman efforts, under They were also aware of the expansion of the British and Sultan Selim III (r. 1789\u20131807), to reform the empire\u2019s French empires, which often came at the expense of Mus- military and affiliated support industries along West- lim territory and independence. With tensions building ern lines. Second, the establishment of Russian political between local Muslims and Europeans, a dispute over and military power on the northern shore of the Black the nationality of a ship anchored in Jeddah\u2019s harbor Sea resulted in the buildup of Russian naval installations set off an explosion of anger directed at Europeans and in the Black Sea region and an increase in the Russian those who had European protection. A mob formed on Empire\u2019s ability to intervene, militarily and politically, in June 15, 1858 and 21 Europeans were killed in the fra- the Ottoman Balkans. Third, the British Empire, which cas. The British naval commander on the scene felt that had been a neutral observer of Russian-Ottoman con- Jeddah\u2019s governor had not acted swiftly enough to appre- frontation for most of the 18th century, swung firmly hend those responsible for the death of British subjects; behind the Ottoman Empire as a check against Russian aggression in the Balkans. This switch in the British Empire\u2019s strategic posture with regard to the Russian and","in consequence, the British navy bombarded Jeddah on Jerusalem 299 June 25, 1858. The crisis ended in 1859 with the execu- tion of a number of men whom the Ottoman governor house was a Bedouin. By the end of the 17th century, claimed were responsible for the murders. the three families had intermarried to the point where they merged into a single extended ruling family. Follow- In June 1916, not long after the proclamation of the ing the period of their ascendancy, the governorship of Arab Revolt against the Ottoman Empire by Emir Fay- Jerusalem reverted to men appointed by either the Otto- sal ibn Husayn al-Hashimi, Jeddah fell to the Arab man sultans or their representatives in Damascus. With- army. It was thereafter used as the main British supply out strong locally based military commanders, Jerusalem point for their Arab allies in World War I. was subject to the ayan or local notable families whose political influence was an aspect of many Arab provincial Bruce Masters centers in the 18th century. In Jerusalem the authority Further reading: William Ochsenwald, \u201cThe Jidda Mas- of most of the ayan families, including the Husaynis and sacre of 1858.\u201d Middle Eastern Studies 13 (1977): 314\u201326. Khalidis, stemmed from their status as religious schol- ars (ulema) and their connections to the control of the Jerusalem (Ar.: al-Quds; Heb.: Yerushalayim; Turk.: pious foundations in the city (waqf). K\u00fcd\u00fcs) For most of the Ottoman period, the city of Jerusalem served as the district capital of a subdistrict Although Jerusalem had a modest soap industry and (sancak) within the larger province of Damascus. Until revenue-producing villages in its surrounding region, its the 19th century the city\u2019s population was relatively main source of income was tourism, specifically from small\u2014between 10,000 and 20,000. However, Jerusalem\u2019s Christian and Jewish pilgrims. For Ottoman Christians, religious significance to Islam, Christianity, and Judaism the visit to Jerusalem was the equivalent of the hajj for meant that the city played a larger role in the minds of all Muslims. Balkan Christians who made the pilgrimage the peoples of the Ottoman Empire than its size would often added the honorific hajji (one who has made the warrant. For Sunni Muslims, Jerusalem was the third pilgrimage) to their names. Arab Christians added maq- holiest site after Mecca and Medina as it housed the al- dasi, \u201cone who has been to the Holy Land,\u201d to their given Aqsa Mosque and the Dome of the Rock, the site from names. Although Jews might also arrive in Jerusalem as which the Prophet Muhammad is said to have ascended pilgrims, they often stayed in Jerusalem for longer peri- to heaven on his Night Journey. ods to study with the city\u2019s rabbis. It was also a common belief among Jews in the Middle Ages that those buried In the 1530s Sultan S\u00fcleyman I (r. 1520\u201366), in in Jerusalem would be resurrected first when the Messiah an acknowledgement of the city\u2019s religious importance, returned. Many of the Jews who came to Jerusalem were ordered a number of improvements to its infrastruc- old or infirm. Their support through charity was a major ture. These included the repair of the city\u2019s aqueducts, concern for the Jewish community in Istanbul which the installation of new fountains in various quarters, and took over the maintenance of charitable institutions for the restoration of the city walls, which over the centuries Jews in the city in the 18th century. had fallen into ruin. These walls still stand and encircle what is today known as the Old City. S\u00fcleyman was also A particularly volatile issue was the control of the responsible for refurbishing the city\u2019s most important Church of the Holy Sepulcher, which holds the empty mosque complex, the Dome of the Rock, thus signify- tomb in which Jesus is said to have been buried and ing, in a very public way, the piety of the Ottoman royal which Catholic and Orthodox Christians believe stands house. Further adding to the dynasty\u2019s physical imprint on the site of his crucifixion and resurrection. Through- on the holy city, S\u00fcleyman\u2019s consort, H\u00fcrrem Sultan, paid out the Ottoman period, various Christian sects battled for the construction of a complex that included mosques, one another for the right to maintain and refurbish the schools, hostels for pilgrims, stores, and soup kitchens church, or to build chapels within it. That struggle only for the city\u2019s poor. The complex was known as the Haseki intensified as European powers began to exert pressure Waqf and was financed by revenues from around Pales- on behalf of one group or another. As the Ottomans did tine, including the jizya (tax on adult male non-Mus- not want to appear to favor any one sect, officials in Jeru- lims), and payments made by Christians from nearby salem often had to balance one Christian group against Bethlehem and beyond. another to maintain order. The ongoing dispute over the rights of access to the church was a significant contribut- In the late 16th and 17th centuries the political life ing factor in the Crimean War (1853\u201356). of the city was dominated by three governing families: the Ridwans, Farrukhs, and Turabays. All three house- At the start of the 19th century, Jerusalem consisted holds were founded by military personnel stationed in only of the land enclosed by the city walls that Sultan S\u00fcl- the city. The Ridwans and Farrukhs were of mamluk, or eyman had ordered built, what is today called the Old military slave, origin, while the founder of the Turabay City. In 1840 the city\u2019s population was estimated to con- sist of 4,650 Muslims, 3,350 Christians, and 5,000 Jews. All of these groups lived within the confine of the Old","300 Jesuits could be found only in Kurdistan and a few villages in Galilee (present-day northern Israel). City, which had four main quarters defined by the com- munity that lived within it: Muslim, Christian, Armenian, Linguistically, the Jews of the Empire could be and Jewish. After the period of the Egyptian occupation, divided into four major groups: Romiotes, Sephardim, 1831\u201340, things began to change as the city returned to Ashkenazim, and Arabic-speaking Jews. There were also Ottoman rule. British Protestant missionaries established smaller Jewish communities in Kurdistan who spoke Jerusalem as their main mission station in the Ottoman either Kurdish or Aramaic as well as some in North Empire and started a church to the north of the city walls. Africa who spoke Berber (Tamazight). The Russian government followed suit and built a large complex for its pilgrims to the northwest of the city walls. Romiotes were Greek-speaking descendants of the Jews coming from Europe built suburban neighborhoods Jews who had lived in the former Byzantine Empire. to the west of the city. As the population within the city\u2019s They formed the core Jewish population that the Otto- wall grew, local Muslim and Christian families followed mans encountered in the early centuries as they built their example, building European-style neighborhoods to their empire. Sultan Mehmed II (r. 1444\u201346; 1451\u201381) the northeast and southwest of the Old City. forcibly moved many Romiote Jews from towns in the Balkans and western Anatolia to populate his new capi- During this period, the growing Zionist movement tal in Istanbul after the city\u2019s conquest in 1453. The led to expanded Jewish immigration, which had a major Sephardim and Ashkenazim were immigrants to the impact on the city\u2019s demographic composition. By one Ottoman Empire. The Sephardim, or Sephardic Jews, European estimate, in 1890, the city\u2019s population included were those who had originally lived in either Spain or 9,000 Muslims, 8,000 Christians, and 20,000 Jews. This Portugal and spoke a dialect of Castilian Spanish, called change was not lost on Jerusalem\u2019s Muslims. In the Otto- locally either Ladino or Judezmo. The Ashkenazim, or man Parliament of 1909, representatives of their leading Ashkenazi Jews, were from central and eastern Europe; families were among the first to protest this imbalance as most spoke either German or the Jewish dialect of medi- a threat to their political position and status. eval German known as Yiddish. Despite their different mother tongues, all educated Ottoman Jews would also The issue of further Jewish settlement in the city know Hebrew, which served not only as the language of was temporarily settled with the start of World War I. prayer but also as the language of intellectual life and, in With the outbreak of fighting, the Ottoman government some cases, of commercial correspondence. banned any new immigration into Palestine and ordered the arrest of those Jews who were Russian subjects as JEWISH COMMUNITIES enemy aliens. On December 11, 1917, General Edmund Allenby, head of a British Expeditionary Force accepted Arabic-speaking Jewish communities existed in all the the city\u2019s surrender without resistance. After World War major urban centers of the Arab provinces, with those of I, the League of Nations awarded Palestine to the United Cairo, Aleppo, Damascus, and Baghdad being the larg- Kingdom as a mandated territory with Jerusalem as its est. Baghdad served as a place of refuge for Iranian Jews capital. as Shia Islam, which was the state religion of Iran, was much less tolerant of non-Muslims than was the Sunni Bruce Masters Islam practiced in the Ottoman Empire. By the end of Further reading: Amnon Cohen, Economic Life in Otto- the Ottoman period, Jews constituted the largest single man Jerusalem (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, religious community in the city. During the Ottoman cen- 1989); Oded Peri, Christianity under Islam in Jerusalem turies, Baghdad was a major center of learning for Ara- (Leiden: Brill, 2001); Dror Ze\u2019evi, An Ottoman Century: The bic-speaking Jews, much as Cairo served as the center of District of Jerusalem in the 1600s (Albany: State University learning for Arabic-speaking Muslims. Rabbis trained in of New York Press, 1996). Baghdad were in demand in the cities of both Syria and Egypt. In the late 18th century, Jewish commercial families Jesuits See missionaries. in Baghdad and Basra began to establish ties with agents of the East India Company, the British joint stock company Jews The Ottoman Empire was home to an important that had a monopoly on Britain\u2019s trade with Asia. Jewish diaspora. Although they did not make up a large proportion of the population\u2014probably no more than 1 With the rise of Bombay as a trading center for the percent of the total\u2014there were well-established Jewish company, so many of these families moved their opera- communities in most Ottoman cities. In some cities, such tions to Bombay that Arabic-speaking Jews in India as Jerusalem, Baghdad, and Salonika, Jews formed a came to be called \u201cBaghdadis\u201d regardless of their actual sizeable minority, if not a majority, of the total popula- city of origin. The importance of the Arabic-speaking tion. Rural Jewish communities were rare, however, and Jewish community in Bombay was greatly enhanced with the arrival of David Sassoon as a refugee from the rule of","Jews 301 This photo, taken in the 1870s, shows the courtyard of the house owned by the Jewish merchant family Liniado in Damascus. Locally, it was called the House of the Stambulis as the family had originally come from Istanbul. The children in the photo- graph are wearing a mixture of traditional and western dress that was typical among the urban inhabitants of the late Ottoman Empire. (Photograph by Maison Bonfils, courtesy of the University of Pennsylvania Museum, Philadelphia) Dawud Pasha, the governor of Baghdad (1817\u201331), who mystical tradition of the Kabbalah, had separate quarters was much less tolerant of non-Muslims than his prede- for Jews from Portugal, Cordoba, Castile, Aragon, Hun- cessors. Sassoon founded a merchant dynasty in Bombay gary, Apulia, Seville, and Germany. As the list suggests, that by the end of the 19th century extended to Cal- Jews of Iberian origin (the Sephardim) increasingly found cutta, Singapore, Hong Kong, and Shanghai. Despite the their way to Palestine and probably constituted the major- wealth that some Baghdad Jewish families were able to ity of Jews in Palestine in the 16th and 17th centuries. acquire in the 19th century, British diplomats in Baghdad reported at the end of the century that most of the Jewish Diverse Jewish immigration to Palestine continued population was poor and indeed one put the percentage in the 18th century with an influx of eastern European of Jews who were destitute or beggars at 65 percent. Hasidim (Jewish mystics) following the death in 1760 of revered mystic the Baal Shem Tov. Countless Jewish JEWS IN PALESTINE scholars came to find solace, freedom from persecution, and intellectual community in Palestine. Throughout the Contrasting with the cultural assimilation of most Jews in Ottoman period Jerusalem, Tiberias, and Safed served the empire\u2019s Arab provinces into the wider Arabic-speak- as places where Jewish intellectuals from throughout the ing culture, the Jewish communities in Palestine had diaspora could meet and exchange ideas in a cultural diverse ethnic origins and spoke in many tongues. In the nexus parallel to that provided by Mecca and Medina for 16th century, Safed, a center for the study of the Jewish their Muslim contemporaries.","302 Jews as a teenager to join his aunt Gracia Nas\u00ed Mendes and to enter into the family business (the Mendes family SEPHARDIC JEWS was one of the great banking families of early modern Europe). In 1553, Nas\u00ed\u2019s aunt moved to Istanbul and he Despite the diversity of the Jewish population in the Otto- followed soon after. Both aunt and nephew shed their man Empire, after the 15th century, the Ottoman sultans\u2019 identity as Marranos (Jewish converts to Catholicism), contact with their subject Jewish communities was primar- openly embraced the practice of Judaism, and became ily through connections with the Sephardim. The Sephardic important supporters of Jewish charities and scholarship. Jews were part of a general population movement of Jews In Istanbul, Nas\u00ed quickly became invaluable to the Otto- from the Christian Mediterranean to the Ottoman lands man authorities for his knowledge of the West. In turn, in the aftermath of their expulsion from Spain in 1492. he profited by receiving the right to collect taxes for the They were also the among the most economically dynamic sultans in certain districts as well as trade monopolies groups to move into Ottoman cities in the 16th and 17th over the export of specified commodities. Sultan Selim centuries. Some of the migrants had settled first in the port II (r. 1566\u201374) awarded Nas\u00ed the governorship of Naxos cities of Italy before moving on, and they retained valuable and the Cyclades Islands. This political office carried trade contacts with the larger Sephardic diaspora through- with it the title of sancakbeyi, a title rarely bestowed out the western Mediterranean and beyond, to Amsterdam on a non-Muslim. When he died in 1579, Joseph Nas\u00ed and the New World. Many had been prosperous in their was probably one of the wealthiest men in the Otto- old homelands. No longer able to remain in their country man Empire. Although Nas\u00ed\u2019s career was exceptional, his of origin, they moved to other parts of the world, bringing story is indicative of the ways in which Sephardic Jews with them their movable capital. were able to integrate themselves into their new environ- ment and prosper there. These migrants brought financial experience and skills and\u2014perhaps most importantly for the Otto- The willingness of the sultans to overlook Islamic law mans\u2014an invaluable knowledge of European economic in earlier centuries was tempered in the 17th century by and political affairs. As non-Christians, the Sephardic increasing Islamic conservatism at the court and Otto- Jews were viewed as potential allies, or at least as neu- man Jews suffered as a consequence. After the great fire of trals, by the Ottomans. The sultans, recognizing that this 1660, in which large swathes of Istanbul were destroyed, group would contribute to the empire\u2019s economic wel- Jews in the city were not given permission to rebuild some fare, invited representatives of the community to settle synagogues as Muslim judges ruled that the permission in Ottoman lands and encouraged others to follow suit. they had originally received to build them was illegal. A Most settled in Izmir, Istanbul, and Salonika, although stricter interpretation of Islamic law also played a role in Sephardic Jews eventually made their way to Balkan cit- the outcome of the case of Shabbatai Zvi in which the ies such as Sarajevo and Sofia. Still others found their self-proclaimed Jewish messiah was forced to convert to way to Aleppo, Damascus, and Cairo. Islam or be sentenced to death for treason. The welcome that the Ottoman sultans gave these During most of the Ottoman period there was little Jewish immigrants is evident in the permissions granted friction between Ottoman Jews and their Muslim neigh- to build new synagogues in the cities in which they set- bors. Jewish visitors to the empire often remarked on tled. Islamic law explicitly forbade the building of new Ottoman Jews\u2019 greater freedom to worship and earn a houses of worship by non-Muslims and similar excep- living compared to the restrictions in much of Christian tions were rarely extended to Ottoman Christian com- Europe. Although Jews tended to cluster in neighborhoods munities before the 19th-century Tanzimat reforms. where there was a synagogue, creating predominantly Jew- The impact of the Sephardic Jewish immigration on ish neighborhoods in most Ottoman cities, Ottoman Jews Ottoman urban life was most striking in the city of were not segregated into ghettos by law as they were in Salonika, where by the end of the 16th century Jews much of Europe. Within Jewish communities, rabbis who formed the majority of the city\u2019s population. Many Jew- maintained both schools and religious courts to dispense ish males were employed in Salonika\u2019s woolen industry. Jewish law were the political leaders, and even wealthy Using techniques brought from Spain and Italy, they merchant families tried to stay within the moral and legal supplied most of the cloth used by the imperial army boundaries they set. That did not mean that there were no and palace. The city was also a center of Jewish learning disagreements but rather that the individual Jewish com- and carried the nickname \u201cJerusalem of the East,\u201d even munities tried to manage conflict internally rather than though the city of Jerusalem was itself a part of the Otto- seeking the mediation of Ottoman authorities. Further- man Empire. more, Ottoman Jews resisted attempts to create a religious hierarchy, as was occurring in the various Christian sects. The 16th century is usually considered the golden Significantly, the office of Hahamba\u015f\u0131, or chief rabbi of age of Ottoman Jewish history. Central to the period was the almost mythic career of Joseph Nas\u00ed, perhaps the century\u2019s most successful Jewish immigrant. Born in Portugal in the early 1520s, Nas\u00ed left for Antwerp","the empire, was only instituted in 1835 as a Jewish millet journalism 303 came into official existence. the periods when the tax was collected assiduously offer Relations between Jews and Christians within the historians unique insight into the economic and demo- empire, however, were generally less amicable than those graphic conditions of the Empire\u2019s Christians and Jews. between Jews and Muslims, and many of the anti-Semitic Research has shown, however, that the Ottoman tax reg- outbursts that occurred in the empire were incited by isters of the 18th century are unreliable, as the officers Christians. One example of this was the Damascus Indi- collecting the tax often simply recorded the same num- cent of 1840, when prominent Damascus Jews were ber of payers year after year. arrested and tortured by the authorities after being accused by Christians of murdering a Roman Catholic priest. The tax was not that onerous for individuals in the top two categories of ratepayers, but the amounts assessed The ties between the various Jewish communities for the poor could be a real hardship. Wealthy members of and the Ottoman sultans grew stronger in the 19th cen- both Christian and Jewish communities established chari- tury. As Christian minorities began to articulate nation- table trusts, or waqfs, to help the poor of their communi- alist alternatives to the Ottoman Empire, most Jews ties pay the tax. Some non-Muslims sought creative ways feared that any new states formed would be less liberal to avoid paying the tax. The most common method was and tolerant than Ottoman imperial rule. For example, at to seek employment from the resident European consuls, the start of the Greek War of Independence in 1821, as such employment could exempt the employee from the Greek Christian rebels indiscriminately killed both Mus- tax. Because jizya payments represented an uninterrupted lim and Jewish civilians. The nationalist rhetoric put for- annual inflow of cash that was often needed for war expen- ward by many of the Balkan Christian peoples enshrined ditures, Ottoman officials sought to close any legal loop- Orthodox Christianity as one of the essential elements holes that freed non-Muslims from their obligations. This of national definition and Jews were considered to be included careful scrutiny of the documents of non-Mus- outsiders. At the same time, the schools set up by the lims who claimed exemption by virtue of their employ- Alliance Isra\u00e9lite Universelle, a European Jewish ment with the Europeans. The Ottomans also imposed a philanthropic organization, provided a modern, secu- special travel tax, yave cizye in Ottoman Turkish or \u201cthe lar education that promoted a cosmopolitan rather than jizya on those who strayed,\u201d on those non-Muslims who a national outlook. As a result Ottoman Jews were not claimed that they were not long-term residents, includ- particularly interested in the Zionist project to establish ing even those who were subjects of the Iranian shahs. But a Jewish homeland in Palestine until the collapse of the by 1690 Iranian non-Muslim merchants in the Ottoman Ottoman Empire. At that time, Ottoman Jews began to Empire were exempted from the tax. feel they had been left with few political alternatives. During the Tanzimat period, the Reform Edict (Hatt-i Bruce Masters H\u00fcmayun) of 1856 abolished the jizya as discriminatory. At See also zionism. the same time, the edict made non-Muslims liable to military Further reading: Avigdor Levy, ed., The Jews of the conscription, although it was possible to engage a substitute Ottoman Empire (Princeton, N.J.: Darwin, 1994); Esther or purchase an exemption. The purchasing of exemptions Benbassa and Aron Rodrigue, Sephardi Jewry: A History of was institutionalized in the following year in a tax called the the Judeo-Spanish Community, 14th\u201320th Centuries (Berke- bedel-i askeriye (substitute for military service), which was ley: University of California Press, 2000). levied on all adult non-Muslim males, but this created dis- content on all sides. Although they complained bitterly that jihad See dar al-harb. it was simply the jizya with a new name, significantly, Chris- tians did not ask to be drafted in lieu of payment. Muslims jizya (cizye) Under Islamic law, all non-Muslim men felt that their sons were unfairly carrying the burden of the are required to pay an annual sum to the Muslim com- defense of the empire, while Christians were permitted to munity as a symbol of their status as members of the ahl stay at home and prosper. It was not until 1909 that the Otto- al-dhimma, \u201cpeople of the contract.\u201d In Arabic, this tax man parliament, dominated by the Committee of Union was called the jizya. Under the Hanafi school (interpreta- and Progress, abolished the bedel and made military ser- tion of the law based on the writings of Abu Hanifa, d. vice compulsory for all males, regardless of religion. 767), as practiced in the Ottoman Empire, three levels of taxation were established, depending on the individual Bruce Masters man\u2019s economic status and ability to pay. This was one of See also dhimmi. the few taxes in the Ottoman Empire that was assessed Further reading: Hidemitsu Kuroki, \u201cZimmis in Mid- on an individual basis. The registers of jizya payers from Nineteenth Century Aleppo: An Analysis of Cizye Defteris,\u201d in Essays on Ottoman Civilization (Prague: Academy of Sci- ences of the Czech Republic, 1998), 205\u201348. journalism See newspapers.","K kad\u0131 The term kad\u0131 is derived from the Arabic word cratic processes. However, in periods of weak state con- qada, which means \u201cto judge.\u201d Kad\u0131s have existed since trol, this decentralized system was abused. the earliest days of Islam. Muhammad himself both judged and delegated judicial decisions, and during his Kad\u0131s were the only judges in the Ottoman legal lifetime, judges\u2019 duties included both judicial and admin- system. Their decisions were based upon Ottoman law, istrative tasks. This changed when the second caliph, a combination of dynastic and Islamic law, or sharia. Umar (r. 634\u201344), began assigning distinct positions Islamic jurists established legal regulations within the for these two tasks, distinguishing them as two separate empire. These rules and laws were written in fiqh (Islamic duties. law) books, and amounted to codified law. These texts included the M\u00fclteka, which saw prominent use during The judges of the Ottoman Empire\u2014like judges in the reign of Sultan S\u00fcleyman I (r. 1520\u201366). Judges often previous Islamic states\u2014attended a madrasa, or col- consulted these texts for legal guidance. However, these lege. When they graduated they either entered judicial texts did not amount to a single legal code for the whole posts or became lecturers themselves. Those who chose empire. To counteract this potentially confusing practice, to become judges worked in either Anatolia or Rumelia. the state periodically adopted juridical schools, signifying A judge\u2019s first appointment was marked by a probation- to judges which rules were to be applied. The state also ary period, or m\u00fclazemet, during which the new judge prepared kanunnames (law codes) to address subjects received firsthand training. Later appointments were and problems where Islamic law was not explicit. Judges based on seniority, with the judgeship of Istanbul the applied these two distinct forms of law in legal conflicts most senior and valued post. throughout the empire. Kad\u0131s were not paid a regular salary but derived their Judges kept their proceedings in a register book, or incomes from court fees. Court fees were determined sicil. These registers included the names of the defendant\u2019s by imperial edict and were strictly enforced. In the 16th and claimant\u2019s counsels, witness statements, investigatory century, for every 1,000 households, a judge received 10 information, and the court\u2019s judgment. Beginning in the ak\u00e7e (approximately one-fifth the value of a Venetian 16th century, registers became standardized. gold ducat) per day. A judgeship of the lowest degree had an income of 20 ak\u00e7e, suggesting that such a court con- Kad\u0131s\u2019 duties were not limited to judicial decisions. sisted of around 2,000 households with a probable popu- They also helped with city planning, registered matrimo- lation of 6,000\u201310,000. The judgeships with the highest nial and other contracts, and supervised charitable foun- income\u2014500 ak\u00e7e a day\u2014were those of Istanbul, Bursa, dations, or waqfs. These tasks mirrored those of today\u2019s and Edirne. Kad\u0131s were responsible for paying them- notary publics. Kad\u0131s also had official assistants, which selves out of the fees they collected. They simply sub- allowed judges to discharge their own duties more easily. tracted their income before forwarding excess moneys to the central government, thus saving time and bureau- Beginning in the middle of the 19th century, kad\u0131s no longer functioned as the sole judicial officers of the empire. New courts established during the Tanzimat or 304","Reform Era (1839\u201376) restricted the activities of kad\u0131s. kad\u0131asker 305 The abolishment of the sharia courts in 1924 marked the end of the kad\u0131s. service for kad\u0131askers was initially unlimited, but by the end of the 16th century, though there were some excep- Mustafa \u015eentop tions, kad\u0131askers typically served a one-year term. See also administration, central; kad\u0131asker; kanun. The most significant task of the kad\u0131asker was to act Further reading: Ronald C. Jennings, \u201cLimitations of as the state\u2019s supreme judicial officer. As such, he was a The Judicial Powers of The Kad\u0131 in 17th century Ottoman permanent member of the Divan-\u0131 H\u00fcmayun (Ottoman Kayseri.\u201d Studia Islamica 50 (1979): 151\u201384. Imperial Council), which also functioned as the empire\u2019s supreme court. He also participated in all meetings and kad\u0131asker (kazasker) The kad\u0131asker was the top judi- discussions regarding the governance of the state. As a cial official in the Ottoman Empire until the Tanzi- judge in the Imperial Council, the kad\u0131asker had a num- mat reform period of the 19th century. The institution ber of responsibilities, including authorizing investi- of kad\u0131asker, though present in earlier Turkish-Islamic gations of appeals. Even though the Imperial Council states, came into its own within the Ottoman Empire. In assembled as a committee, these rulings were made solely previous states, the kad\u0131asker\u2019s jurisdiction was restricted by the kad\u0131asker. Some important lawsuits, particularly to military affairs, but in the Ottoman period it expanded those involving statesmen, also took place in the Impe- to include civil cases. Most historians agree that the first rial Council. Ottoman kad\u0131asker was appointed in the reign of Sul- tan Murad I (r. 1362\u201389), though some believe there The kad\u0131asker also had an important role in bring- is evidence for an earlier date. In the last period of Sul- ing Islamic law and secular law into harmony. One of tan Mehmed II\u2019s reign (r. 1444\u201346; 1451\u201381), the insti- the tasks of the Imperial Council was to make secular tution was divided into two kazaskerliks, or judicial legal regulations within the framework of Islamic law, or jurisdictions, so that two separate individuals served as sharia. The body of regulations known as \u00f6rfi hukuk, kad\u0131askers, one assigned to Anatolia, the empire\u2019s east- customary or secular law, was particularly concerned ern provinces, and the other assigned to Rumelia, or the with tax law, land law, and the penal code. The regula- empire\u2019s European provinces. A third kazaskerlik was tions in these arenas were organized into written texts established during the reign of Sultan Selim I (r. 1512\u2013 called kanunname, or law codes (see kanun). It is impor- 20), but this office was short-lived. tant to understand that Ottoman secular law did not arise as a code separate from Islamic law but is bound Kad\u0131askers were selected from among the Muslim up with and integrated into the sharia. Islamic law does judges, or kad\u0131s. With some notable exceptions, almost not directly address issues that are considered poten- all kad\u0131askers served as the kad\u0131 of Istanbul before tially subject to change. Islam identifies this omission as being appointed kadiasker. a \u201cconscious blank,\u201d because the rule of law in these areas is deliberately left to the legislator. The Ottomans sought As head of the Ottoman judiciary, the kad\u0131asker over- to fill these blanks with the help of secular law in accor- saw the appointment of kad\u0131s and made all kad\u0131 assign- dance with the general rules of Islamic law; it was the ments, except those of the highest degree. The Anatolian responsibility of the kad\u0131asker to effect harmony between kad\u0131asker assigned kad\u0131s in Anatolia and Arabia, while Islamic law and the rules of secular law. Beyond this cen- the kad\u0131asker of Rumelia appointed judges in the Euro- tral judicial work, the kad\u0131asker worked as a member of pean lands and the Crimea. The kad\u0131asker was also the Imperial Council on issues including war and peace, allowed to change the places of the kad\u0131s, audit them, dis- taxation, land organization, and the penal code. charge them if necessary, and to change the jurisdiction of regional judges. The kad\u0131asker\u2019s responsibilities extended Kad\u0131askers also had their own divans (councils) and to madrasas, or colleges; he assigned professors to the presided over certain lawsuits, though recent studies madrasas, auditioned scholars, and discharged them if show that only the Rumelian head judge presided over necessary. The kad\u0131asker also represented the organiza- cases in his court. Such cases involved public officials and tion of scholars, of which he served as the head until the can be classified as military trials. Officials had the right middle of the 16th century when the \u015feyh\u00fclislam, the to appeal their judgments in the court of the kad\u0131asker; chief mufti or jurisconsult, took on this role. their trials were held in Istanbul, no matter where the original trial took place. In the course of time, \u015feyh\u00fclislams began to influ- ence the appointment of kad\u0131askers. In the Tanzimat The courts of the Anatolian and Rumelian period, after 1839, the Anatolian and Rumelian head kad\u0131askers, which were authorized after the Tanzimat era judgeships were converted to justice departments and and attached to the \u015feyh\u00fclislam, functioned as supreme were officially connected to the \u015feyh\u00fclislam. The term of courts. In 1914 both of them united and became a single court. Mustafa \u015eentop See also administration, central.","306 Kamani\u00e7e divided into four sancaks (Kamani\u00e7e, Bar, Med\u017eybi\u017e, and Jazlivec\u2019). A Muslim kad\u0131 resided in Kamani\u00e7e, and the Further reading: R. C. Repp, The Mufti of Istanbul: A timar or prebendal land tenure system was introduced in Study in the Development of the Ottoman Learned Hierarchy Podolia. (Atlantic Highlands, N.J.: Ithaca Press, 1986); Albert Howe Lybyer, The Government of the Ottoman Empire in the Time The Ottomans built at least two new mosques and of Suleiman the Magnificent (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard converted several churches into mosques; they also University Press, 1913). restored the castle and the bridge connecting it to the town, and founded a covered bazaar and two bath- Kamani\u00e7e (Pol. Kamieniec Podolski; Ukr. Kam\u2019janec\u2019 houses. But after the long siege and blockade by Polish Podil\u2019s\u2019kyj) Kamani\u00e7e, as it was called in Turkish, was troops in 1699, the city was ruined and severely depop- the medieval center of the province of Podolia, which ulated. Ottoman chroniclers and poets devoted much was incorporated into Poland in 1430. Due to its stra- attention to the conquest of Kamani\u00e7e, such as Yusuf tegic location, Kamani\u00e7e soon became the main Polish Nabi\u2019s poem Fethname-i Kamani\u00e7e. As a result of the sec- bulwark against possible raids by the Tatars and Turks. ond partition of the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth The town, situated in an oxbow of the Smotry\u010d River, was in 1793, Kamani\u00e7e was incorporated into Russia. Today it additionally protected from the west by an impressive is a town in the Xmel\u2019nyc\u2019kyj District (oblast) of Ukraine. castle, modernized in the 16th and early 17th century. While the rural population of Podolia was predominantly Dariusz Ko\u0142odziejczyk Ruthenian (a contemporary term for Ukrainian), the Further reading: Dariusz Ko\u0142odziejczyk, \u201cOttoman town itself was inhabited by Poles, Armenians, Ruthe- Podillja: The Eyalet of Kam\u2019\u2019janec\u2019, 1672\u20131699.\u201d Harvard nians, and Jews (though the latter were officially prohib- Ukrainian Studies 16, no. 1\u20132 (1992): 87\u2013101; Dariusz ited to dwell within its walls). The Polish, Armenian, and Ko\u0142odziejczyk, The Ottoman Survey Register of Podolia (ca. Ruthenian communities enjoyed autonomous civil and 1681): Defter-i Mufassal-i Eyalet-i Kamani\u00e7e (Cambridge, religious institutions. A major trade center, Kamani\u00e7e Mass.: Harvard University Press, 2004). was regularly visited by Turkish, Greek, Bulgarian, Wal- lachian, and Moldavian merchants. Kamieniec Podolski See Kamani\u00e7e. In 1672 the Ottoman army, led by Sultan Mehmed Kam\u2019janec\u2019 See Kamani\u00e7e. IV (r. 1648\u201387) and Grand Vizier K\u00f6pr\u00fcl\u00fc Ahmed Pasha, captured Kamani\u00e7e after a short siege. According kanun Derived from the Arabic word qanun, which to the Buczacz Treaty (1672), Podolia was ceded to the itself derives from the Greek kan\u00f4n, meaning rule or Ottomans. Kamani\u00e7e became the center of a new Otto- measure of rule, the Turkish word kanun (pl. kavanin) man eyalet, or province and the seat of the Ottoman was used in the Ottoman Empire to refer to a code of governor. Although the Buczacz Treaty was rejected by regulations and more generally to the state or secular the Polish Diet and war broke out anew, Polish troops law that supplemented the sacred Islamic law, or sharia. were unable to retake the fortress. The truce of \u017burawno In theory, the latter regulates a Muslim\u2019s whole public (1676), confirmed by the Polish embassy to Istanbul and private life. The sharia was also the normative law (1678), left Podolia within Ottoman borders. A new regarding all cases involving Muslims and non-Muslims. Polish-Ottoman war broke out in 1683, following the However, in the multiethnic and multireligious Ottoman Polish military participation in the rescue of Vienna Empire, as in other Islamic polities, the sharia often had from besiegement by the Ottomans (see Vienna, sieges limited applications, especially with regard to land ten- of). For the next 16 years, Ottoman rule in Podolia was ure, taxation, and criminal law. In these fields Muslim limited to the blockaded fortress of Kamani\u00e7e, held by rulers, whose legislative authority with regard to matters a garrison numbering almost 6,000 soldiers. The for- not treated by the sharia is recognized by Islamic law, tress was restored to Poland as a result of the Treaty issued decrees. By the late 15th century Ottoman sultans of Karlowitz (1699). also enacted laws based on custom and these laws or law codes, known as kanun or kanunnames, thus acquired a During the 27 years of Ottoman rule in Podolia, dual nature, their legitimacy lying in both custom and Kamani\u00e7e was administered by nine Ottoman pashas: the sultan\u2019s authority as ruler. K\u00fcstendilli Halil (1672\u201376 and 1677\u201380), Arnavut Ibra- him (1676\u201377), Defterdar Ahmed (1680\u201382), Arnavut One of the main subjects of Ottoman secular law Abdurrahman (1682\u201384), Tokatl\u0131 Mahmud (1684), the was the legal distinction between the sultan\u2019s ordinary future grand vizier Bozoklu Mustafa (1685\u201386), Sar\u0131 tax-paying subjects (reaya) and the askeri, those in roles Bo\u015fnak H\u00fcseyin (1686\u201388), Yegen Ahmed (1688\u201389), and Kahraman Mustafa (1689\u201399). The eyalet was","attached to the sultan, which included members of the Karadjordje 307 military class, the empire\u2019s bureaucrats, and the religious establishment (ulema). Members of the askeri did not 1696 the use of kanun side by side with the word sharia pay taxes and, in return for their service, received regu- was forbidden by a sultanic decree. During the 19th-cen- lar salaries, either as cash from the imperial treasury or tury Tanzimat reform era, the enacting of secular laws in the form of military fiefs or prebends (timar). Pro- independent of the sharia accelerated. Although these vincial law codes (kanunnames), attached as prefaces to laws were often sanctioned by the written legal opinion cadastral surveys or tax registers, established the taxes (fatwa) of the chief mufti of the empire, they were either and fines that the tax-paying subjects of a given admin- modeled upon or adapted without significant modifica- istrative unit (sancak or subprovince) owed to their fief- tion from European laws. holder landlords and the sultan. Since the basis of such taxes was local custom, modified by sultanic decrees, During this same period, an important segment Ottoman laws often incorporated pre-Ottoman local of Ottoman society argued that laws could be altered customs, both Islamic and Christian. In the Hungarian according to the needs of the society through a national provinces, for example, the reaya paid one gold coin to assembly. The first Ottoman constitution (1876), the sultan because they had paid the same amount of tax known as kanun-i esasi (basic or fundamental law), and to the Hungarian kings before the Ottoman conquest of the constitutional movement were major steps in this the region in 1541. On the other edge of the empire, in direction. By the end of the empire the kad\u0131 courts were the subprovinces and districts of Ergani, Urfa, Mardin, removed from the authority of the \u015feyh\u00fclislam and \u00c7imrik, Siverek, Erzincan, Kemah and Bayburt, the first placed under the newly established Ministry of Justice. law books were based in part on the laws of Uzun Hasan Whereas in several modern Muslim states the sharia (r. 1453\u201375), sultan of the Akkoyunlu (White Sheep) retained its influence, these movements in the late Otto- Turkoman confederation who ruled the region before the man Empire gave way to the entirely secular legal system Ottomans. All of these kanunnames, along with the spe- of the Republic of Turkey, where the term kanun sur- cial regulations regarding the Turkomans, preserved the vives as the term for modern law. pre-Ottoman tribal customs of these nomad tribes for generations. G\u00e1bor \u00c1goston See also kad\u0131asker; law and gender. Imperial decrees issued by the Ottoman sultans Further reading: Haim Gerber, State, Society, and Law regarding state organization, land tenure, taxes, and in Islam: Ottoman Law in Comparative Perspective (Albany: criminal law created a growing corpus of state or secular State University of New York Press, 1994); Halil \u0130nalc\u0131k, law, independent of the sacred law. The idea of an Otto- \u201cK. \u0101n\u016bn,\u201d in Encyclopaedia of Islam, online edition (by sub- man secular or state law emerged under Sultan Bayezid scription), edited by P. Bearman, Th. Bianquis, C. E. Bos- II (r. 1481\u20131512), who ordered the compilation of all the worth, E. van Donzel, and W. P. Heinrichs. Brill, 2007. Brill kanuns of his empire. The Kanun-i Osmani (Law book) Online. 8 May 2007 http:\/\/www.brillonline.nl\/subscriber\/ of 1499 contained the obligations of the timar holders entry?entry=islam_COM-0439; Colin Imber, The Ottoman and taxpayers. Attached to this are two criminal codes, Empire, 1300\u20131650: The Structure of Power (Basingstoke, one dating from about 1490 and one from the end of the UK: Palgrave Macmillan, 2002), 216\u201351. 1490s. These penal statutes were incorporated into the general law book because the punishment of criminals kap\u0131kulu See warfare. was the responsibility of the members of the military class and thus formed an integral part of the main theme kapudan See navy. of the secular law, the relationship between the reaya and askeri. However, penal statutes often appear in the law Karadjordje (Djordje Petrovi\u0107; Kara George) codes haphazardly, making it difficult to understand the (b. 1762\u2013d. 1817) founder of the Serbian Karadjordjevi\u0107 legal procedure from arrest through punishment. dynasty, military leader Djordje Petrovi\u0107, nicknamed Karadjordje or \u201cBlack George\u201d because of his dark com- In the 16th century, in order to eliminate inconsis- plexion, powerful build, and fiery temper, was an out- tencies between sacred and secular law, Kemalpa\u015fazade standing Serbian military leader and founder of the (1525\u201334) and Ebussuud Efendi (1545\u201374), in their Karadjordjevi\u0107 dynasty. Born a poor peasant in Otto- functions as the empire\u2019s chief muftis or jurisconsults man Serbia, Karadjordje was forced to flee to the Aus- (\u015feyh\u00fclislam), undertook to harmonize the sharia and trian province of Srem in 1786 because he killed a Turk the kanun. However, the dispute regarding the relation- in a quarrel. Karadjordje took the Austrian side in the ship between sharia and kanun, which in turn reflected Austrian-Ottoman War of 1788\u201391, gaining invalu- the struggle between the religious establishment and the able military experience. Amnestied for his role in the military-bureaucratic elite on the other, continued, and in","308 Karaites and dietary laws. The most important difference was in the way each group defined consanguinity in marriage. war, Karadjordje returned to Serbia around 1794. When The Karaites followed Muslim custom and permitted first the Ottoman governor, Hac\u0131 Mustafa Pasha, decided to cousins to marry, leading European rabbis to declare that recruit and arm Serbian forces against rebel Janissar- the Karaites were illegitimate in their birth and forbid- ies, Karadjordje was appointed as one of the Serbian ding other Jews to marry them. Rabbis of the Ottoman b\u00f6l\u00fckba\u015f\u0131s (captains). At the Serbian conference held in Empire, on the other hand, permitted Orthodox Jews to Ora\u0161ac on February 2, 1804, Karadjordje, now a famed marry Karaites, provided that the children of such unions soldier, was appointed to lead an uprising against Janis- were raised in the Orthodox tradition. Intermarriage sary corruption and abuses in Serbia. The revolt against may explain why there were only a few thousand Kara- the Janissaries soon turned into a full-scale uprising ites left in the Empire in the 19th century. The Ottoman against the Ottoman government. Although many Ser- state never officially recognized the Karaites as a millet, bian leaders were opposed to his intentions, Karadjordje, or religious community, but Ottoman kadis, or judges, a talented military leader of proven personal courage, routinely ruled that Jews from one community could not managed to install himself as the hereditary ruler of interfere with the practices of the other. rebel Serbia in 1808. When the rebellion was put down in the Ottoman offensive of 1813, Karadjordje first took Because most of the source material on the Karaites refuge in Austrian Zemun and then in Russia. He joined is written by Orthodox Jewish detractors, the informa- Philiki Hetairia, a Greek revolutionary secret society tion available is of questionable accuracy and objectivity. founded in Odessa in 1814. Having been appointed the leader of an all-Balkans uprising, he secretly crossed into Bruce Masters Serbia in 1817. Since this put the newly achieved results Further reading: Amnon Cohen, Jewish Life under of the Second Serbian Uprising at risk, Serbian Prince Islam: Jerusalem in the Sixteenth Century (Cambridge, Milo\u0161 Obrenovi\u0107 had Karadjordje killed. Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1984). He was the founder of the Karadjordjevi\u0107 dynasty, Karaman See Anatolian emirates. which ruled Serbia alternating with the Obrenovi\u0107s. His younger son, Aleksandar, became Serbian prince from Karbala (Turk.: Kerbela) Located in central Iraq, the 1842\u201358, and his grandson Petar was Serbian king from city of Karbala is sacred to Shia Islam as the site where 1903\u201318. the Imam Husayn, son of the Imam Ali, was martyred and buried in 680 c.e. Karbala is second only to Najaf Aleksandar Foti\u0107 among the holy cities of Iraq for Shii Muslims. As such, it is the site of a major pilgrimage on the 10th day of the Karaites Deriving their name from the Hebrew word month of Muharram, Ashura, which commemorates qaraim, \u201ccallers,\u201d as in \u201cCallers to the True Faith,\u201d the the day on which Imam Husayn was killed. Many Shiis Karaites were followers of a minority Jewish tradition carry a small piece of baked clay from the city and place that split off from what would become mainstream Juda- it on their prayer rugs so that when their head touches ism in the eighth century c.e. According to tradition, the the carpet in prayer, it actually rests on the sacred soil of schism between the two groups arose when Anan ben Karbala. David was passed over as head of the Jewish commu- nity (Resh ha-Galut) in present-day Iraq in favor of his Historically, Karbala was surrounded by rich date younger brother. Anan then proclaimed that his interpre- groves, but these depended on water from the Euphra- tation of Judaism was closer both to the Torah, the scrip- tes River brought by canals that had largely silted up tural law at the foundation of Judaism, and to Islam than by the time of the Ottoman conquest in 1534. To allevi- was the Talmudic Judaism (based on rabbinical writing) ate the water shortage, Sultan S\u00fcleyman I (r. 1520\u201366) that had evolved in Iraq and Palestine in the centuries ordered the building of the Husayniyya Canal to bring following the destruction of the Temple in 70 c.e. Most water to the city from the Euphrates. of Anan\u2019s followers moved to Palestine (Eretz Yisrael) and in the 10th century they mounted a campaign to spread The Ottoman governors of Baghdad controlled their version of Judaism to other Jewish communities. In Karbala much more directly than Najaf. But even though the Ottoman Empire there were communities of Karaites these governors were always Sunnis, they made no in Palestine, Egypt, and the Crimea. attempt to interfere with Shii religious practices. In 1801 the militant followers of Muhammad ibn Abd al-Wah- The actual differences between the two forms of hab overran the city, considering the reverence paid to Judaism appear slight. The Karaites did not recognize Imam Husayn by the Shia as blasphemy. These Sunni Hanukkah as a holiday, and the holidays that other Jews Arab tribes massacred several thousand of the city\u2019s celebrate on two days, Karaites celebrated on one. There were also minor differences in their respective calendars","inhabitants as in their view the Shii Muslims were \u201cunbe- Karlowitz, Treaty of 309 lievers\u201d and had therefore forfeited their right to life. The attack effectively ended Ottoman rule as the governors in Despite Istanbul\u2019s apparent military weakness and Baghdad were too weak to extend their control over the unfavorable diplomatic situation, the Ottoman peace city. In the absence of an Ottoman presence, Shii mili- delegation managed to conclude a treaty without further tias organized by their clergy governed the city. Local territorial sacrifice, reflecting simply the status quo. The rule continued until 1843 when Necip Pasha, the newly Ottoman success can be attributed, at least partly, to the appointed governor of Baghdad took the city by force skills and steadfastness of the Ottoman mission, which and restored direct Ottoman administration. But even was led by the chancery chief (Reis\u00fclk\u00fcttab) and de after that date, the Sunni Ottomans remained sensitive to facto foreign minister Rami Mehmed Efendi and the the place the city played in the Shii religious imagination. Sublime Porte\u2019s chief dragoman Iskerletzade Alexan- The governors of Baghdad, therefore, allowed the Shii der (Mavracordato) of the famous Phanariot family of clergy to run the city\u2019s local government and treated its interpreters. Habsburg fears of further French conquests administration with care. and possible Habsburg-French military confrontation over the Spanish crown, as well as the mediation offered Bruce Masters by England and the Netherlands, were instrumental in Further reading: Stephen Longrigg, Four Centuries of concluding a treaty based on the principles of uti posside- Modern Iraq (Oxford: Clarendon, 1925). tis (literally, \u201cas you possess\u201d), a concept in international law that defines borders during a peace treaty so that all Karlof\u00e7a See Karlowitz, Treaty of. parties get what they possess at the time of the treaty. Karlowitz, Treaty of (1699) Signed on January 26, Accordingly, the Ottomans were forced to surrender 1699, the Treaty of Karlowitz brought an end to the Long much of Hungary (including Transylvania), Croa- War of 1684\u201399 between the Ottomans and Habsburg tia, and Slavonia to the Austrian Habsburgs, but kept Austria, with her allies Poland and Venice. Known in the Banat of Temesv\u00e1r (Timi\u015foara), the historic region in English-language literature by its German name, Karlow- southern Hungary between the River Tisza on the west itz, the treaty was signed near the ruined town of Sremski and Transylvania and Wallachia on the east, south of Karlovci in northern Serbia. The Long War had initially the River Maros (Mure\u015f). Podolia, with the dismantled broken out as a consequence of the Ottomans\u2019 second fortress of Kamani\u00e7e, was restored to Poland, but the failed siege of Vienna in 1683. In 1684, following Vien- Ottomans kept Moldavia. The Ottomans also secured na\u2019s successful defense, Austria, Poland, and Venice con- either the evacuation or destruction of enemy-occupied cluded an alliance known as the Holy League. Two years strongholds along the border. Parts of Dalmatia and the later Muscovy, as Russia was then known, also joined the Morea remained in Venetian hands, though the Otto- league. The allies launched coordinated attacks against mans recaptured the Morea in the war of 1715\u201318, and the Ottomans on four different fronts. Through the con- the Treaty of Passarowitz (1718) left it in Ottoman hands. flict, the Austrian Habsburgs recaptured most of Hun- Negotiations with Russia continued and peace was not gary, Venice regained the Morea (the Greek Peloponnese) reached until July 12, 1700 at Istanbul, when the sultan and parts of Dalmatia, Poland retook Podolia, and Rus- ceded Azak to Russia. sia retook Azak. At Karlowitz the Ottomans suffered their first seri- Negotiations through English and Dutch intermedi- ous territorial losses after centuries of expansion. More- aries started as early as 1689 but were temporarily sus- over, the treaty marked the beginning of a new era in pended due to Ottoman military victories in 1690\u201392. Ottoman-European relations. Unlike previous treaties These were fought against a weakened Habsburg Austria, that the Ottomans accepted as temporary terminations whose best troops had to be redeployed from Hungary of hostilities, the treaties of Karlowitz and Istanbul estab- and Serbia on the Ottoman front to the Rhine where the lished peace that was to last 25 years with the Habsburgs, Habsburgs were fighting France in the War of the League 30 years with Muscovy, and indefinitely with Poland and of Augsburg (1689\u201397). The disastrous Ottoman defeat at Venice. More substantially, these treaties also marked the Zenta on September 11, 1697 ultimately forced Istanbul first time in the empire\u2019s history that Istanbul acknowl- to seek peace, especially since France was concluding its edged the territorial integrity of its opponents by accept- own treaty with the Habsburgs (September and October ing the creation of well-defined borders. The details of 1697), enabling the Habsburgs to redeploy their forces the artificial boundaries were left to joint border com- against the Ottomans. missions. Establishing clear demarcation lines proved to be an arduous task, and parts of the border were disputed as late as 1703. Nevertheless, due to the diligent work of the Habsburg border commission led by Luiggi Ferdi- nando Marsigli, the Croatian border was agreed upon by July 15, 1700, followed by the border of Biha\u0107 (July","310 Katib \u00c7elebi Another group of his works consists of an interven- tion in the political and intellectual debates of his time. 20) and that of Temesv\u00e1r (February 4, 1701). As a result, In a treatise on political reform (D\u00fcstur al-amal), Katib the border between Habsburg Austria and the Ottoman \u00c7elebi compares the state to the human body, with each Empire had become, for the first time in their troubled of the four bodily humors (blood, phlegm, yellow and history, distinctly demarcated and clearly marked with black bile) representing one of the social classes; the gov- the erection of concrete landmarks. Moreover, the border ernment\u2019s task is to keep a healthy equilibrium between was created by Marsigli in such a way that it served the them. The only example in the genre of Ottoman reform Habsburgs\u2019 economic and military interests. Whenever it treatises to provide such a philosophical framework, it was possible the border followed navigable rivers so that concludes that, like the human body, the Ottoman state strongholds alongside the rivers could be incorporated was aging, and only radical reform could rejuvenate it. into the new Habsburg military frontier. In his history of the Ottoman navy (Tuhfat al-kibar) he reviews all of Ottoman maritime history in order to With the newly reconquered Hungarian territo- derive from it advice on how to defeat the superior Vene- ries, spanning some 60,000 square miles (160,000 km2) tian navy that was blocking the straits of the Bosporus and that of the Banat of Temesv\u00e1r, ceded by Istanbul to and the Dardanelles and threatened Istanbul in 1656. Vienna in the Treaty of Passarowitz (1718), the Austrian or Danubian Habsburg monarchy reached its largest Typically, Katib \u00c7elebi advocated a return to the ide- extent and emerged as a dominant regional power. The alized practices of the past, not radical innovation. For Treaty of Karlowitz marked the end of European fear of example, his most popular work, Mizan al-haqq, deals the \u201cTurkish menace,\u201d and the Ottomans were now per- with a conflict between the Sufi orders and a quasi- ceived as a weakening empire. puritanical, literalist movement (similar to modern fun- damentalism) that was criticizing and attacking the Sufis G\u00e1bor \u00c1goston for practices allegedly contrary to Islamic scripture, such Further reading: Rifaat A. Abou-El-Haj, \u201cOttoman as singing, dancing, and visiting tombs. Other debated Diplomacy at Karlowitz.\u201d Journal of the American Oriental practices included smoking tobacco and drinking cof- Society 87, no. 4 (1967): 498\u2013512; Rifaat A. Abou-El-Haj, fee. Although Katib \u00c7elebi sympathized with a rationalist \u201cThe Formal Closure of the Ottoman Frontier in Europe, interpretation of scripture, which would prohibit those 1699\u20131703.\u201d Journal of the American Oriental Society 89, practices, he argued against forcing people to abandon no. 3 (1969): 467\u201375; Colin Heywood, \u201cEnglish Diplomatic beliefs and practices that were grounded in, and sanc- Relations with Turkey, 1689\u20131698,\u201d Chap. 2 in Writing Otto- tioned by, history. This balancing of legal requirement man History: Documents and Interpretations (Aldershot, and historical custom is an important example of Otto- UK: Ashgate\/Variorum, 2002); John Stoye, Marsigli\u2019s Europe, man pragmatism, which was frequently practiced but 1680\u20131730: The Life and Times of Luiggi Ferdinando Marsi- rarely articulated. gli, Soldier and Virtuoso (New Haven, Conn.: Yale Univer- sity Press, 1994). Katib \u00c7elebi\u2019s works also include treatises on sci- ences and astronomy, designed for teaching rather than Katib \u00c7elebi Mustafa b. Abdullah (Hac\u0131 Halife) providing new findings, and translations from European (b. 1609\u2013d. 1657) historian, geographer, and encyclo- atlases and chronicles, prepared partly to form a basis for pedist Although he had no regular education and other works. Since Katib \u00c7elebi did not know Latin and earned his livelihood from a modest position in the state Italian, these translations were produced with the help of chancery, Katib \u00c7elebi was one of the most prolific and a European scholar who had converted to Islam. Katib influential intellectuals of his era, and continues to be \u00c7elebi was not the first Ottoman scholar to use European universally admired as a scholar. One group of his works, sources, but he did so in a more systematic fashion than partly in Turkish, partly in Arabic, is encyclopedic in his predecessors. In particular, he was convinced that nature: It includes a world history (Fadhlakat aqwal al- Europe\u2019s increasing military superiority and expansion in akhyar), a world geography (Cihann\u00fcma), a chronicle of the Age of Discovery was rooted in the study of the sci- the Ottoman Empire (Fezleke), a dictionary of famous ences. Given this belief, he was eager to study and adopt men (Sullam al-wusul), and a bibliographical dictionary those sciences, which he considered fully compatible (Kashf al-zunun). In these works, Katib \u00c7elebi aimed at with the Islamic tradition. Europeans of the 18th century compiling existing, but widely dispersed, knowledge to Enlightenment period thus appreciated him as a kindred put it in the hands of an elite reading public, particularly spirit. Several of Katib \u00c7elebi\u2019s works were printed on the the ruling class. He believed that ignorance and neglect first Ottoman printing press by Ibrahim M\u00fcteferrika. of the lessons of history and current scientific findings were the major causes of the Ottoman political and mili- Gottfried Hagen tary problems of his time, and his works were intended Further reading: Gottfried Hagen, \u201cKatib \u00c7elebi.\u201d Histo- to revive the empire\u2019s fortunes. rians of the Ottoman Empire. http:\/\/www.ottomanhistorians."]