Encyclopedia of the Ottoman Empire

["treaties had usually been interpreted in Istanbul. Rather, Mustafa III 411 they were concluded indefinitely (with Poland and Venice) or were to last for 25 and 30 years (those with Further readings: Caroline Finkel, Osman\u2019s Dream Austria and Moscovy, respectively). Equally important, (London: John Murray, 2005); Michael Hochendlinger, the Ottomans accepted the territorial integrity of their Austria\u2019s Wars of Emergence: War, State and Society in neighbors. the Habsburg Monarchy, 1683\u20131797 (London: Longman, 2003). To deal with the pressing problems of manpower and war financing and the disloyalty of the ruling elite and Mustafa III (b. 1717\u2013d. 1774) (r. 1757\u20131774) Ottoman the provincial notables, Mustafa\u2019s government experi- sultan and caliph Son of Ahmed III (r. 1703\u201330) and mented with new ways of raising troops and money Mihri\u015fah Kad\u0131n of concubine origin, Mustafa III suc- for the war effort, including general mobilization from ceeded his cousin Osman III (r. 1754\u201357) at the age of 40 among the taxpaying subjects and an attempt to get rid after spending 27 years in seclusion. Following two reigns of the militia-type troops (sarica and levend). Requiring without a royal birth (those of Mahmud I (r. 1730\u20131754) viziers and wealthy statesmen to provide a set number and Osman III), Mustafa was a prolific father, siring eight of soldiers at their own expense was a novel way to raise daughters and two sons, including the great reformer troops and tap the wealth of an emerging affluent class, Selim III (r. 1789\u20131807). His reign is remembered for the who acquired their assets partly from serving the state. Russo-Ottoman War of 1768\u20131774, which resulted in the humiliating Treaty of K\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck Kaynarca (1774), and The most important financial reform was the for the four successive earthquakes that occurred between introduction of life-long tax farms (see tax farming). May 1766 and January 1767, leaving Istanbul in ruins. Alhough introduced under his predecessor S\u00fcleyman II in 1695, this approach was implemented under Mustafa Mustafa III girded on the sword of Caliph Omar dur- II. Apart from raising much-needed money through the ing his enthronement and accession ceremony in lump sums paid by the winners of the bid for these tax order to demonstrate his special care for justice. He took farms, the system also proved an effective tool to buy the a number of measures to increase prosperity in Istanbul loyalty of notables in faraway provinces, because they had including regulating coinage, building large grain stores, access to state revenues only if they cooperated with Istan- maintaining aqueducts, establishing a strict fiscal policy, bul. The imperial treasury also confiscated the estates of and undertaking great construction projects, especially dismissed viziers and other statesmen to raise money. after the earthquakes in 1766\u201367. The Fatih (or \u201cCon- queror\u201d) Mosque\u2014that is, the Mosque of Sultan Mehmed After the Treaty of Karlowitz Mustafa retired to II (r. 1444\u201346; 1451\u201381)\u2014was rebuilt from the ground Edirne, the old Ottoman capital. Karlowitz was perceived during Mustafa\u2019s reign, as were many other monumental by many as a humiliation and the implementation of the buildings. In addition, he had the Laleli mosque complex treaty\u2014including delineation of the new borders by the built and the shore along Yenikap\u0131 filled to set up a new border commissions and curbing raids into enemy terri- neighborhood. Although initial steps were taken in 1759 tory (traditionally a lucrative activity for the border gar- to link the gulf of Iznik with the Black Sea to improve risons)\u2014adversely affected many in the Ottoman elite. transportation of foodstuffs and fuel for Istanbul, this project was never realized. Mustafa was also said to have After the resignation of Grand Vizier Amcazade approved the plans for the construction of the Suez H\u00fcseyin Pasha in 1702, Mustafa II\u2019s tutor and adviser, Canal. In fact, the Suez Canal could only be opened in Feyzullah Efendi, was able to significantly increase his 1869. influence on the affairs of the state. He had also managed to secure many of the highest government posts (includ- Mustafa\u2019s celebrated grand vizier, Koca Rag\u0131p Pasha, ing the posts of chief justice of Anatolia and Rumelia, held the power from 1757 until his death in 1763. The and judge of Bursa) for his sons and relatives. A new sultan then returned to the traditional policy of rota- generation of statesmen began to plot against Feyzullah tion of the grand vizierate among his viziers for short Efendi\u2019s nepotism and for regime change. When some periods for the remainder of his reign. In accordance 200 soldiers in Istanbul rebelled, demanding the salaries with the policies of the peacefully minded sultan, Koca the treasury owed them, the uprising spread swiftly and Rag\u0131p Pasha pursued a noninterventionist policy in the the rebels, now demanding the deposition of Mustafa, Seven Years War (1756\u201363) and signed a treaty of friend- marched toward Edirne. The opposing forces met half- ship with Prussia in 1761. Renowned for his traditional- way between Istanbul and Edirne on August 19. Musta- ist mindset, Rag\u0131p Pasha did not undertake any military fa\u2019s troops deserted and the sultan fled to Edirne, where reform of significance to keep the unruly Janissaries he abdicated in favor of his brother Ahmed III (r. 1703\u2013 under control. However, this conservative policy resulted 1730) on August 24. Five month later Mustafa II died in in the humiliation of the Ottoman Empire by Russia and Edirne. the loss of the Crimea in the war with Russia. After the G\u00e1bor \u00c1goston","412 Mustafa IV favor of his predecessor. On July 28, 1808 Alemdar Mus- tafa Pasha and his troops occupied Istanbul. Because his defeats in Kagul (Kartal) and \u00c7e\u015fme in 1770, Mustafa III intention to depose the sultan became clear, Mustafa IV immediately initiated military reform with the help of ordered the execution of Selim III and his own brother Baron de Tott, the renown French artillery officer who Prince Mahmud. However, Mahmud was able to escape, organized the Ottoman field artillery marking the begin- and acceded to the throne. Alemdar Mustafa Pasha, ning of the decisive Western-inspired reforms that would having established a military dictatorship in the capital, culminate in the Tanzimat or Ottoman reform period invited the ayans of Anatolia and the Balkans to Istan- (1839\u201376). When Mustafa died in 1774, he left an empire bul, where they accepted an agreement called Sened-i struggling with economic and administrative problems. \u0130ttifak, or \u201cDeed of Agreement\u201d (October 7, 1808) that The extraordinary economic growth of the previous 60 legitimized the political status of the ayans and imposed years had come to an end, and the empire\u2019s authority in limitations on the absolute power of the sultan. He also the provinces had collapsed as a result of the losses to founded a new military corps, the Sekban-\u0131 Cedid (Octo- Russia. ber 14, 1808). These measures angered both the sultan and the Janissaries. When the Janissaries launched a Kahraman \u015eakul revolt against him, Mahmud II condoned the death of Further reading: Virginia Aksan, An Ottoman States- this grand vizier, while ordering the execution of Mustafa man in War and Peace: Ahmed Resmi Efendi, 1700\u20131783 IV (November, 15, 1808). (Leiden: Brill, 1995); A. D. Alderson, The Structure of the Ottoman Dynasty (Oxford: Clarendon, 1956); J. H. Kram- Selcuk Ak\u015fin Somel ers, \u201cMustafa III,\u201d in Encyclopaedia of Islam, 2nd ed., vol. 7 Further reading: Kemal Beydilli, \u201cMustafa IV,\u201d in T\u00fcr- (Leiden: Brill, 1960\u2013), 708\u2013709; Caroline Finkel, Osman\u2019s kiye Diyanet Vakf\u0131 \u0130sl\u00e2m Ansiklopedisi, vol. 31 (Istanbul: Dream: The Story of the Ottoman Empire, 1300\u20131923 (Lon- TDV Yay\u0131nlar\u0131, 2006), 283\u2013285; J. H. Kramers, \u201cMustaf\u0101 don: John Murray, 2005), 372\u2013400; Ariel Salzmann, \u201cAn IV,\u201d in Encyclopaedia of Islam, 2nd ed., vol. 7 (Leiden: B\u02d9rill, Ancien Regime Revisited: \u201cPrivatization\u201d and Political 1960\u2013). Economy in the 18th Century Ottoman Empire.\u201d Politics and Society 21, no. 4 (1993): 393\u2013423. Mustafa IV (b. 1779\u2013d. 1808) (r. 1807\u20131808) Ottoman Mustafa Kamil (b. 1874\u20131908) Egyptian nationalist, sultan and caliph Born on September 8, 1779, the son journalist, and politician Mustafa Kamil is considered of Sultan Abd\u00fclhamid I and Ayse Sineperver Valide by some to be the founder of the Egyptian nationalist Sultan, Mustafa IV succeeded Sultan Selim III (r. 1789\u2013 movement. He was born in Cairo where he studied 1807), who had initiated a major reform program known law in the newly established government law school. as the Nizam-\u0131 Cedid (New Order) aimed at moderniz- He later went on to earn a law degree at the Univer- ing the army and bereaucracy. Even before he acceded to sity of Toulouse in France. Upon his return to Egypt, the throne in 1807, Prince Mustafa was in contact with he founded the National Party (al-Hizb al-Watani) in political circles who opposed the reformist policies of 1894. The primary goal of the party was to force an end Selim III. On May 25\u201329, 1807, an anti-reformist revolt of the British occupation of the country, through peace- erupted, known as the Kabak\u00e7\u0131 Incident. Recruits from ful, constitutional means. To advance nationalist aware- the Black Sea region, intended to be trained as Nizam- ness among the Egyptian reading public, he started the \u0131 Cedid soldiers, rebelled against wearing a uniform, newspaper al-Liwa (the banner) in 1900. Ever aware of which they considered un-Islamic. This rebellion, led by the importance of European public opinion, Mustafa Kabak\u00e7\u0131 Mustafa, received support from the Janissaries Kamil started English and French language editions of and resulted in the deposition of Selim III and Musta- his paper in 1907. fa\u2019s accession (May 29, 1807). Selim III\u2019s Nizam-\u0131 Cedid reforms were revoked, his new Western-style army was Mustafa Kamil spent much of his time in Paris and dissolved, most of the proponents of reform were killed, Istanbul where he worked to win allies to promote his and the rest of them fled to Rus\u00e7uk (Ruse, northern Bul- goal of ending British occupation of Egypt. Due to his garia), where they were protected by the powerful ayan, eagerness to establish any ally against Britain, some histo- or local notable, Alemdar Mustafa Pasha. rians have described him as an opportunist. For example, Mustafa Kamil was willing to recognize Sultan Abd\u00fcl- At that time the Ottoman-Russian War of 1806\u201312 hamid II (1876\u20131909) as the rightful caliph of the Sunnis (see Russo-Ottoman wars) was still going on, and if it meant gaining support for his cause. This was a step the Ottomans suffered defeats both on land and at sea. few other Arab Muslims were willing to take as the Otto- When an armistice was signed in 1808, Alemdar Mustafa man sultans were not descended from the tribe of the Pasha, a partisan of the former sultan, Selim III, obtained Prophet Muhammad, the Quraysh, which was a require- the support of the grand vizier to depose Mustafa IV in ment established by Islamic law for a candidate for the","caliphate. The sultan, grateful for the acknowledgment, Mustafa Res\u00b8 id Pasha 413 rewarded him with the title of pasha. was significant and an important step toward establish- Mustafa Kamil received his chance to galvanize ing Western-style law in the empire. Foreign powers, Egyptian popular opinion behind him with the Din- especially the British, reacted favorably to the Tanzimat shaway Incident in 1906, in which four Egyptian men reforms, which helped resolve the Egyptian Question were sentenced to death and a number of others were in the Ottomans\u2019 favor. The Treaty of London, signed sentenced to imprisonment or flogging for the alleged on July 15, 1840, guaranteed support for the Ottomans murder of a British officer. The outrage at the treatment against Egypt by all European states except France. of the accused Egyptian peasants led to the formation of a united front among various political factions in Egypt. During his second term as ambassador to Paris, from Mustafa Kamil called a national congress in December 1841 to 1845, Mustafa Re\u015fid helped resolve the Lebanon 1907 to give voice to nationalist demands. The delegates Question, an international dispute between Maronites, elected him president but his moment of glory was short- a Christian group in Lebanon and Druzes, an extremist lived as he died of an undiagnosed illness on February Shia sect living mainly in Syria and Lebanon. After a brief 10, 1908. second term as foreign minister starting in October 1845, he was promoted to the grand vizierate in September 1846. Bruce Masters Further reading: Jamal Ahmet, The Intellectual Origins During his term as grand vizier modern state of Egyptian Nationalism (London: Oxford University Press, archives were set up, educational reforms were initiated, 1960); Keith Wilson, Imperialism and Nationalism in the and the Secular Trade Courts was established in 1847. In Middle East: The Anglo-Egyptian Experience (London: Man- April 1848 Mustafa Re\u015fidwas dismissed from his post on sell Publications, 1983). charges of promoting republicanism filed against him by Damat Sait Pasha, a conservative. However, he was soon Mustafa Re\u015fid Pasha (b. 1800\u2013d. 1858) eminent diplo- cleared of the charges and restored to his post as grand mat and reformist statesman of the Tanzimat era Mus- vizier. In his second term as grand vizier, the domestic tafa Re\u015fid Pasha was born in Istanbul on March 13, 1800 slave trade was prohibited and the Enc\u00fcmen-i Dani\u015f, the the son of a civil servant. When he lost his father in 1810, Ottoman Academy of Sciences, was established in 1851 soon after graduating from madrasa, he was raised by as a result of his efforts. In 1848 a series of revolts that Seyit Pasha, his brother-in-law, and became a clerk with began in France but soon spread all over Europe, created his support. After serving in various positions in the Sub- serious political problems in Europe and a refugee crisis lime Porte, Mustafa Re\u015fid, by then a prominent diplomat, in the Ottoman Empire when Hungarian and Wallachian was appointed to Paris as ambassador in 1834. He sought refugees fled to the Ottoman Empire. After a short time to regain Algeria from the French who had invaded it in Russia insisted that the Ottomans hand over the refugees 1830. With his next appointment as ambassador to Lon- and threatened the Sublime Porte by war. Despite such don in 1836 he further increased his influence on both pressure Re\u015fid Pasha declined to expel the refugees from domestic and foreign policy, leading to his subsequent the empire and his determination contributed to favor- appointment as minister of foreign affairs in 1837. able public opinion in Britain and France. Mustafa Re\u015fid endorsed the Balta Liman\u0131 Trade In 1853 a dispute emerged between Russia, repre- Treaty with Britain in 1838, which granted capitula- senting Orthodox Christians, and France, representing tions to Britain that were intended to obtain their sup- Roman Catholics, over control of the holy places in Jeru- port in foreign policy, especially in the so-called Egyptian salem, which was on Ottoman territory. In the course Question, which emerged in 1831 when Mehmed Ali of negotiations, Foreign Minister Re\u015fid Pasha rejected Pasha, governor of Egypt, revolted against the Sublime Russian demands, giving in to pressure from the British Porte. In August 1838 Re\u015fid Pasha was sent to London ambassador, Stratford Canning. Immediately following once more, this time as a special envoy to form a defen- that crisis and in accordance with alliance treaties signed sive alliance with Britain against Mehmed Ali Pasha in a in March 1854, Mustafa Re\u015fid played a key role in getting possible war between Egypt and the Ottoman Empire. his government to help defend British and French inter- ests during the Crimean War (1853\u201356). His success in Mustafa Re\u015fid was instrumental in the politi- this effort and the support of Ambassador Canning led cal, social, and technical modernization of the empire to Mustafa Re\u015fid\u2019s fourth appointment as grand vizier in and due to his persistent efforts and support for Sultan November 1854. With his power at its zenith, Mustafa Mahmud II the G\u00fclhane Edict, or Tanzimat Decree, Re\u015fid again put his weight behind the ongoing reform was promulgated on November 3, 1839. Mustafa Re\u015fid\u2019s process, causing it once again to accelerate. contribution to the Tanzimat Decree, a set of laws that sparked widespread reforms in all areas of government, After the Crimean War European powers forced the Sublime Porte to issue the Islahat Ferman\u0131 (commonly known as Imperial Reform Edict) on February 28, 1856, which granted equal political rights to both Muslim and","414 mutasarrifiyya Young Ottoman Thought: A Study in the Modernization of Turkish Political Ideas (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University non-Muslim Ottoman citizens in the areas of educa- Press, 1962); Stanley Lane-Poole, The Life of the Right Hon- tion, justice, religion, and taxation. Mustafa Re\u015fid Pasha orable Stratford Canning, Viscount Stratford de Redcliffe, II strongly criticized this decree for being against Ottoman (London: Longman, 1888). interests. In October 1857 Mustafa Re\u015fid was appointed grand vizier again, but this final appointment was short- mutasarrifiyya In the aftermath of the Lebanese Civil lived as Mustafa Re\u015fid died on January 7, 1858 and was War in 1860, the Ottoman authorities imposed a new sys- buried in Istanbul. tem of government for the mountain districts of Lebanon. Formerly, the region had been divided into two districts, As the leader of the liberal reformist wing, Mus- one with a Maronite Christian administrator and the tafa Re\u015fid Pasha played a critical role in the Tanzimat other with a Druze. In place of this system, the Ottomans reform process, but he cannot be considered the sole combined the two into a single district, known as the architect of these reforms. The Ottoman sultans of this mutasarrifiyya. It was stipulated that the administrator of period, Mahmud II (r. 1808\u20131839) and Abd\u00fclmecid this region would always be an Ottoman Catholic, but one I (r. 1839\u20131861), as well as other statesmen, also made from outside Lebanon. The first was Davud Pasha, an valuable contributions to this process and must not be Armenian Catholic from Istanbul. By 1864, an admin- ignored. Although he has sometimes been represented as istrative council of 12 members was established to assess the \u201cprophet of civilization\u201d and \u201cthe man who prepared taxes and to control and advise the mutasarrif, or admin- the laws of individual freedoms which restricted the sul- istrator, on matters of governance. The members of the tan\u2019s authority,\u201d these are exaggerated political slogans, council were allotted to the various religious communities created later by the Young Turks, members of a late so that there would always be four Maronites, three Dru- 19th-century group that supported constitutionalism and zes, two Greek Orthodox members, and one member modernization. each from the Sunni, Shii, and Greek Catholic communi- ties. The regulations of the mutasarrafiyya stipulated that Mustafa Re\u015fid\u2019s unique status as a symbol of moder- all the inhabitants of the district were equal before the law, nity and reform in modern Turkish historiography is a and ended all feudal privileges binding the peasants to the politically and ideologically controversial issue, and not landlords as virtual serfs. There was some opposition from necessarily historical fact. Re\u015fid Pasha thought that the the feudal lords, but Davud Pasha was able to implement Ottoman Empire could only survive with full British col- a smoothly running administration and his successors laboration. This belief led to French and Russian resis- continued to provide excellent leadership. Some historians tance to his policies and caused intermittent dismissals consider the mutasarrifiyya to have been the most success- from his diplomatic posts and his position as grand vizier. ful experiment in Ottoman political reform, although its His opponents criticized him largely for his pro-British formula for representation on the administrative council attitude and for the dismal economic consequences of established the principal of sectarian representation that the capitulations first granted to British merchants, then continues to haunt Lebanon even into the present. extended to include other European merchants. Although Re\u015fid Pasha was the most prominent political figure of Bruce Masters the Tanzimat era and an eminent statesman who led the Further reading: Engin Akarl\u0131, The Long Peace: Otto- process of Turkish westernization and modernization, his man Lebanon, 1861\u20131920 (Berkeley: University of Califor- work and his personality had both positive and negative nia Press, 1993). aspects and he should be appreciated as a complex and controversial figure. Muwahhidun See Druzes; Wahhabis. Y\u00fcksel \u00c7elik mysticism See Sufism. Further reading: Roderic H. Davison, Reform in the Ottoman Empire, 1856\u20131876 (New York: Gordian Press, 1973); Carther V. Findley, Bureaucratic Reform in the Otto- man Empire: The Sublime Porte, 1789\u20131922 (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 1980); C. V. Findley, Ottoman Civil Officialdom: A Social History (Princeton, N.J.: Princ- eton University Press, 1989); \u015eerif Mardin, The Genesis of","N al-Nabulusi, Abd al-Ghani (d. 1731) Syrian jurist, buried near the tomb of ibn al-Arabi in Damascus, as a intellectual, and Sufi Abd al-Ghani al-Nabulusi was, for sign of the respect that he had always demonstrated for a time, mufti (chief jurist) of Damascus, but he is best the master while alive. remembered for his writing, which was both prolific (between 200 and 250 manuscripts) and diverse, rang- Bruce Masters ing from love poetry to a treatise on the proper care and See also Sufism. propagation of olive trees. His most famous works were Further reading: Elizabeth Sirriyeh, Sufi Visionary of those about the great Sufi philosopher Muhiyy al-Din Ottoman Damascus: Abd al-Ghani al-Nabulusi, 1641\u20131731 ibn al-Arabi (d. 1240), and his travel literature. The latter (London: Routledge-Curzon, 2005). included The Truth and the Marvel of a Journey in Syria, Egypt, and the Hejaz. This was not an ordinary travelogue Nadir Shah (b. 1688\u2013d. 1747) (r. 1736\u20131747) Iranian for it chronicled a voyage of interior discovery across warlord and shah Nadir Shah was a Turkoman from the the spiritual geography of the Middle East. Al-Nabulusi Afshar tribe who seized the throne of Iran. He was born gave little space to the physical features of the lands he about 1688 and attached himself to the service of Prince traversed but rather dwelt on the mystical links between Tahmasp, a member of the Safavid dynasty that had ruled the places he visited and the various Sufi saints, past and Iran since the early 16th century. In 1722, Afghan adven- present, with whom they were associated. Al-Nabulusi turers captured the royal capital of Isfahan and claimed also wrote at least two essays in defense of various Sufi the throne, as the remnants of the ruling family sought masters who were under attack by orthodox Muslim crit- refuge in the tribally controlled areas of the country. The ics for being lenient in their treatment of non-Muslims. anarchy in Iran seemed a golden opportunity for the Al-Nabulusi was particularly strong in his defense of Ottomans and they invaded in 1723, capturing the city 13th-century Muslim mystic Muhiyy al-Din ibn al-Arabi of Kermanshah. In the following year they pressed on to against charges that his concept of wahdat al-wujud (the take Hamadan and most of western Iran. The Ottoman unity of all existence) was heretical. offensive bogged down in 1726, however, and they were defeated outside Isfahan. Tahmasp was able to regain Al-Nabulusi stands as an outstanding example of the Isfahan and his family\u2019s throne in 1729, thanks to Nadir, synthesis between Sunni legal scholarship and Sufi phi- who was given the name Tahmasp Quli Shah, or the slave losophy. That combination dominated Muslim intellec- of Tahmasp. tual life in much of the Ottoman Empire until the 18th century, with legal scholars and judges finding no appar- Having secured central Iran, Nadir moved against ent contradiction in composing mystical poetry or com- the Afghan heartland, taking Herat in 1732. But while mentaries. But by the time of al-Nabulusi\u2019s death, Muslim Nadir pursued conquests in the east, Shah Tahmasp scholars were already starting to challenge the Sufi philo- reopened hostilities with the Ottomans in an effort to sophic tradition as being un-Islamic. Al-Nabulusi was regain his lost territories. He was defeated and agreed to a 415","416 Nahda lead in editing and publishing secular classics of Islam\u2019s Golden Age in Cairo. treaty that restored Tabriz to Iranian control but left Ker- manshah and Hamadan in Ottoman hands. Nadir was Before the 19th century, most Arab Christians had incensed at the treaty; he convinced the tribal warriors had little interest, and consequently little knowledge, of who formed the core of his army to depose Tahmasp in classical Arabic grammar and syntax, as is demonstrated favor of the shah\u2019s infant son, for whom Nadir became by the loose colloquial style of extant written materials regent, with the title vekil-i dowle or Agent of Sover- from before that time. This suggests that even educated eignty. He denounced the treaty with the Ottomans and Christians were unconcerned about the grammatical laid siege to Baghdad. An Ottoman army, dispatched rules or vocabulary of fusha (the classical literary lan- from Anatolia, broke the siege, and Nadir withdrew from guage). By the middle of the 19th century, however, some Iraq, returning to Iran to quell a rebellion. Arab Christians had begun to study and appreciate the classics of Arabic literature. In the process, they began to Nadir took the title of shah for himself in 1736 and adopt its literary standards as their own. Their discovery declared that the official religion of his state was Sunni of what they saw as largely secular classics of poetry, his- Islam. This began a period of persecution for the Shia, tory, and science meant that they could establish connec- and many of their learned men sought refuge in Iraq. tions with the wider Arabic-speaking Muslim world in Despite his persecutions of the Shii clergy, Nadir Shah which they lived. It is, however, doubtful that the Mus- entered into negotiations with the Ottomans. He tried lim authors of these classics would themselves have con- to convince their religious authorities to recognize a sidered their works to be secular. With a newly acquired moderate form of Shia Islam as a fifth legal school with appreciation of Arabic culture, many in the Arab Chris- the name of Jaafari, after Jaafar al-Sadiq, the sixth imam tian elite started to define themselves culturally as Arabs of the Shia and a noted legal scholar. That compromise with an acquired pride in the brilliant literary past they was not accepted, however, either by Sunni clerics in the saw themselves as sharing with their Muslim neighbors. Ottoman Empire or by those of the Shia in Iran. None- theless, the Iranian frontier with the Ottomans quieted The Nahda was not simply a movement by and for down as Nadir Shah moved east again, conquering intellectuals. New Arabic-language newspapers and peri- Kabul and Lahore in 1740. With those victories and the odicals that dealt with all subjects, from the latest sci- wealth they provided, he began a new campaign against entific discoveries to how to set a proper Western-style the Ottomans in 1741. The campaign again targeted dinner table, were appearing in Beirut, Cairo, Paris, Iraq, and Nadir Shah took Kirkuk in 1743. He then and New York, and these helped shape the way the rap- moved on Mosul but the civilian population of the city idly growing Arabic-reading public understood the West. was mobilized by the city\u2019s governor, Husayn Pasha al- Some scholars see the Nahda as the beginning of Arab Jalili; with the city\u2019s garrison, they were able to fend off nationalism. While that might be an overstatement, the the siege. Inconclusive fighting raged along the frontier Nahda undoubtedly created an awareness of Arab culture in Kurdistan until 1746 when the two sides agreed to a and history that contributed to the growth of political peace treaty. The following year, Nadir Shah was killed nationalism. It also helped to create bonds of community by his own troops, and Iran descended once again into across religious lines. chaos. Bruce Masters Bruce Masters Further reading: Pierre Cacchia, Arabic Literature: An Further reading: Robert Olson, The Siege of Mosul and Overview (New York: Routledge Curzon, 2002). Ottoman-Persian Relations, 1718\u20131743 (Bloomington: Indi- ana University Press, 1975). Najaf (Turk.: Necef) After Mecca and Medina, Najaf, in present-day Iraq, is the holiest city in the sacred Nahda In the latter decades of the 19th century, Ara- geography of Shia Islam as it contains the grave of the bic-speaking intellectuals began to rediscover the clas- revered Imam Ali, whom the Shia believe was the right- sics of Arabic literature and to take pride in their Arab ful successor to the Prophet Muhammad. Many Shiis past. Arab scholars have labeled this period the Nahda, believe that burial next to Imam Ali will help them enter meaning \u201crenaissance,\u201d or \u201crebirth.\u201d They view it as simi- paradise and so seek to be buried there. Although Najaf lar to the cultural awakening that occurred in early mod- is near the Euphrates River, one of the city\u2019s challenges ern Europe when the classical era of Western culture in its early centuries was a dependable supply of water, was rediscovered. Led by intellectuals such as Butrus as the shrine complex itself is distant from the river. The al-Bustani, many of those involved in this period of city is connected to the Euphrates River by means of discovery were Christians who had received what for- a canal but it silted in periodically and required major mal training they had in Classical Arabic from foreign efforts to repair. missionaries. Muslims were also involved, taking the","Sultan S\u00fcleyman I (r. 1520\u201366) visited the city in Nam\u0131k Kemal 417 1535 after his conquest of Baghdad and provided funds for the upkeep of the shrine of Imam Ali. Nevertheless, it. But the family was able to regain power after the Egyp- the city\u2019s population went into decline after that, due to tians left, establishing their base of operations in the oasis chronic problems with the maintenance of the canal. of Riyadh, today the capital of Saudi Arabia. That city The completion of the Hindiyya Canal in 1803 settled remained their headquarters until the fall of the Ottoman the water problem and the city grew tremendously, Empire when they were able to extend their control over helped in part by donations from the Indian kingdom of most of the Arabian Peninsula. Oudh, whose ruling dynasty were Shii Muslims. During the period of repression of the Shia by Nadir Shah (r. Bruce Masters 1736\u201347) in the 18th century, many clerics and scholars left Iran and settled in Najaf. By the 19th century, the city Nak\u015fbendi See Naqshbandiyya Order. had become a rival to the city of Qum in Iran as a center of religious scholarship and education in the Shii world. Nam\u0131k Kemal (b. 1840\u2013d. 1888) writer, intellectual, At the beginning of the 19th century, the self-described reformer, and political theorist Nam\u0131k Kemal was a poet, Muwahhidun, or \u201cthose who proclaim the absolute unity playwright, and political essayist who espoused the cause of God,\u201d better known as the Wahhabis, threatened the of reform and the ideas of patriotism, Ottomanism, city several times, but never succeeded in taking it. By the and Pan-Islamism. A key member of the group known end of the Ottoman period in the early 20th century, the as the Young Ottomans, Kemal both wrote for and city had an estimated 30,000 inhabitants and hosted tens published renowned opposition newspapers, and coined of thousands of pilgrims every year; most of them came the Turkish words for liberty (h\u00fcrriyet) and fatherland from neighboring Iran, but pilgrims from British India (vatan). He was given the nickname Nam\u0131k by the poet were also numerous. In 1915, the city\u2019s populace revolted Ashraf, who read many of Kemal\u2019s works. against Ottoman rule, allowing the city to be occupied by British troops. Kemal was born in Tekirda\u011f (in eastern Thrace, Tur- key) on December 21, 1840. His mother, Fatma Zehra, Bruce Masters was the daughter of Abdullatif Pasha, a tax collector; his father, Mustafa Asim Bey, was a chief astrologer in the Najd (Nejd) Najd is the name for the large plateau sultan\u2019s palace. Kemal lost his mother when he was eight in what is today central Saudi Arabia. It is harsh desert years old and came to Istanbul, where he attended sec- country that is broken by the presence of wells and natu- ondary schools. In Istanbul, Kars (in eastern Anatolia, ral springs. These provide the water for the maintenance Turkey), and Sofia (Bulgaria), where he stayed because of of small agricultural areas, known as oases, where Bed- his grandfather\u2019s official appointments, he took courses ouin tribesmen cultivate date palms and grain. It was on Sufism, literature, linguistics, logic, Arabic, and Per- a remote region in the Ottoman period, dominated by sian from private teachers. It is here that he first seriously various Bedouin confederations, and never came under engaged with poetry. Kemal lived within the family circle direct Ottoman rule. The region was also the birthplace of his grandfather Abdullatif Pasha for most of his youth and home of Muhammad Ibn Abd al-Wahhab, best (until he turned 19), but information about this period is known as the founder of the so-called Wahhabis, and incomplete, uncertain, and contradictory. it was there in 1744 that he effected an alliance with Muhammad Ibn Saud of the Ibn Saud family. The Wah- Nam\u0131k Kemal began his career as a civil servant in habi movement that resulted from this alliance trans- the Customs Translation Bureau (1857\u201358) before enter- formed tribal politics by providing an ideological and ing the Translation Bureau of the Sublime Porte (1859). spiritual basis for the existing confederations. Not all In this period, he was strongly influenced by Leskof\u00e7al\u0131 the tribes of the Najd joined the Wahhabi cause, as tribal Galip, a supporter of classical literature who encour- rivalries prevented the emergence of an all-embracing aged Kemal to join the Enc\u00fcmen-i \u015euara, or the Society tribal confederation, but the ibn Saud family dominated of Poets, which he did in 1861. When Leskof\u00e7al\u0131 Galip the region politically from that point on and it remained left for Istanbul later that year, however, this group of their home base even after they conquered Mecca and new-generation poets scattered, and Kemal became sub- Medina in the first decade of the 19th century. The ject to new influences. Egyptian army retook these two holy cities by 1813 and drove deep into the deserts of the Najd. By 1818, the In 1862 Kemal joined the newly launched newspaper army had reached the oasis of Diriyya that served as the Tasvir-i Efkar (Herald of Ideas), founded by the western- command center of the ibn Saud dynasty, and destroyed educated \u015einasi Efendi. Addressing political and social subjects and advocating the importance of public opin- ion in the day-to-day activities of government, this news- paper and its founding partners had a real impact on Kemal, changing the subjects of his poetry and drawing","418 Napoleon Bonaparte Elements of Nam\u0131k Kemal\u2019s political theory can be found in his writings in the newspapers Hurriyet and him into expository political writing. In Kemal\u2019s newspa- Ibret; his literary works also express his political ideas. per articles, he covered foreign policy and education, and His strong patriotic and heroic ideals are demonstrated in touched on the situation of women in city life. As part of his play Vatan yahut Silistre and in his historical mono- this more generalized political awakening, Nam\u0131k Kemal graphs on sultans Mehmed II (r. 1444\u201346; 1451\u201381) and joined the Ittifak-\u0131 Hamiyet, or Union of Patriots, formed Selim I (r. 1512\u201320) and on Saladin (d. 1193), warrior in 1864 for the purpose of promoting constitutional gov- of Islam and founder of the Ayyibid dynasty. A strong ernment (see constitution). advocate of a constitutional and parliamentary politi- cal system, Kemal believed that an Ottoman representa- In 1867 Kemal accepted the invitation of Mustafa tive assembly would serve as a powerful unifying force Faz\u0131l Pasha and traveled to Paris with Ziya Pasha to work for the Ottoman lands. His political ideas are a mixture on realizing the objectives mentioned in Mustafa Faz\u0131l\u2019s of traditional Islamic and European libertarian theories. open letter to Sultan Abd\u00fclaziz (r. 1861\u201376), which He wrote that these two schools of thought must unite to was published in Nord (a pro-Russian newspaper based defend themselves from assault. In the second phase of in Brussels, Belgium) in 1866. In the letter, he noted that his writings, Kemal discussed the legitimacy problem of lack of liberty within the empire made reform efforts government. Kemal argued that the only type of govern- ineffectual and he emphasized that it was impossible to ment in which loyalty to the sovereign was legitimate was benefit from the institutions of education in the absence one that incorporated the institution of a biat, or oath of of liberty. He addressed his critiques mainly to Mehmed allegiance, with the annulling of the biat being society\u2019s Amin \u00c2l\u00ee Pasha and Fuad Pasha rather than to the sul- rightful recourse against a corrupt or incompetent ruler. tan. Moreover, he accused \u00c2l\u00ee Pasha and Fuad Pasha of Kemal introduced political concepts that were new to hiding the real situation of the people and the country Ottoman thought, such as \u201cthe people,\u201d the \u201cinterests of from the sultan and thus misguiding the ruler. He also the people,\u201d and \u201cpublic opinion.\u201d expressed his opinions on financial reform, noting the deficiencies and irregularities of the tax system. He sug- Most of Kemal\u2019s articles were written to express the gested that the sultan change the system of governance in need to create what he called a constitutional monarchy order to save the state. Toward this end, he announced in the empire. He believed that Ottoman Muslims\u2014 the establishment of a party called Jeune Turquie (Young called by Namik Kemal ummah, a term that is used by Turkey) in Paris. The group referred to itself as the others for the entire Muslim community\u2014could only be New Ottoman Society, or (as they are now more widely free if individual and political rights were guaranteed by known) as the Young Ottoman Society. independent courts and by the principle of separation of powers. He also coined the Turkish words for liberty In London, Kemal\u2019s Young Ottoman colleague Ali (h\u00fcrriyet) and fatherland (vatan), writing articles on Suavi published a newpaper, Muhbir (Reporter), advo- vatan that urged individuals to strengthen their own con- cating the goals and values of the group. In 1868 Nam\u0131k nection to their vatan. He considered all the citizens of Kemal himself undertook the publication of another the empire, regardless of ethnic or religious affiliation, as newspaper with similar aims, H\u00fcrriyet (Liberty). members of the Ottoman political entity. Toward the end of his life Kemal also began advocating Ittihad-i Islam, or Leaving the paper in 1869 after its 63rd issue, Kemal Pan-Islamism, in politics. returned to Istanbul where he wrote for the newspapers Diyojen (named for the Greek cynic philosopher Diogenes, Y\u00fccel Bulut 412\u2013323 b.c.e.) and Hadika (The garden), as well as form- Further reading: Niyazi Berkes, The Development of ing his own intellectual newspaper in 1872, Ibret (Admo- Secularism in Turkey (Montreal: McGill University Press, nition), which covered social and national subjects. 1964); \u015eerif Mardin, The Genesis of Young Ottoman Thought (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 1962). In 1873, Kemal wrote and staged what may be his best-known work, Vatan yahut Silistre (Fatherland, Napoleon Bonaparte (b. 1769\u2013d. 1821) French gen- or, Silistra). In the play Silistra, Bulgaria, is besieged by eral under revolutionary government, later emperor of the Russians during the Crimean War (1853\u201356) and France Under the authority of the French revolutionary the play\u2019s hero, Ismail Bey, volunteers to fight against government, the Directory, General Napoleon Bonaparte the invaders. The occasion is used by Namik Kemal to landed French troops in Egypt on July 1, 1798 as part espouse his patriotic and heroic ideals. The play, however, of an expeditionary force. The purpose of the military caused his exile by Sultan Abd\u00fclaziz. He was forgiven by action was to assault British trade routes to India in an Abd\u00fclhamid II (r. 1876\u20131909) in 1876 and returned to effort to cripple the British enemy. In a bid to win Egyp- Istanbul, where the sultan appointed him to the \u015eura-y\u0131 Devlet (Council of State), and invited him to the com- missioning of the new Ottoman constitution (Kanun-i Esasi). Nam\u0131k Kemal died in 1888 while serving as an administrator in Mytilene.","tian popular support for the invasion, Napoleon issued Naqshbandiyya Order 419 a proclamation that he was the friend of Sultan Selim III (r. 1789\u20131807) and that he had come to liberate the Napoleon? Thoughts on the Beginning of the Modern Era Egyptians from the Mamluk Empire. Even more incred- in the Middle East.\u201d Mediterranean Historical Review 19 ibly, he claimed that he and his men were Muslims. It (2004): 73\u201394; Edward Said, Orientalism (New York: Pan- seems highly unlikely that anyone in Egypt believed theon Books, 1978). either claim. However, the French met with little resis- tance as they pressed on to Cairo, where on July 21, 1798, naqib al-ashraf See ashraf. they decisively defeated the Mamluk forces in what the French promptly dubbed the Battle of the Pyramids. Naqshbandiyya-Khalidiyya See Naqshbandiyya Order. This victory was checked, however, on August 1, when British Admiral Nelson destroyed the French fleet Naqshbandiyya Order The Naqshbandiyya Order anchored at the Egyptian port of Abu Qir, thus strand- was the most conservative and Sunni of the vari- ing the French forces. Sultan Selim III declared war on ous Sufi traditions that flourished in the Ottoman the French in September, and in October Napoleon was Empire. It was also one of the most politicized orders, faced with an urban uprising in Cairo. After it was bru- as Naqshbandis often took a leading role in organizing tally suppressed, Napoleon decided to advance against resistance to what they regarded as Western imperial- Syria where Ottoman governor Cezzar Ahmed Pasha ist ventures in the Muslim world. The order was named was organizing resistance to the French occupation. In after Baha al-Din Naqshband, who lived in Central February 1799 the French army moved into Syria and Asia in the 14th century. However, the Naqshbandis took the town of Jaffa where, despite their surrender, the claim that the founder of their order was in fact Caliph entire garrison was executed. Napoleon pressed on to Abu Bakr, the immediate successor to the Prophet Acre but his army was decimated by an outbreak of the Muhammad. This claim stresses the order\u2019s identifica- plague. When Cezzar Ahmed\u2019s garrison held firm, Napo- tion with Sunni Islam and distinguishes it from most leon decided on a strategic withdrawal. Napoleon left of the other Sufi orders, many of which cite Ali, the Egypt in August 1799, returning to France to participate Prophet\u2019s son-in-law, as their ultimate inspiration and in the coup d\u2019\u00e9tat that made him the French head of state. see Abu Bakr as a usurper. The French military forces he left behind eventually sur- rendered to British and Ottoman forces in 1801. Another major difference between the Naqshbandi- yya and the Sufi orders is that the Naqshbandis do not Historians of Egypt often identify Napoleon\u2019s occu- engage in any outward performance of their dhikr, the pation of the country as a crucial watershed that ushered act by which Sufis meditate and seek a union with God. in the modern era in Egypt. In fact, the French occupa- Rather, the Naqshbandis engage in what they call the tion did little to change Egypt other than polarizing silent dhikr, as they believe that the sort of physical exer- the Muslim community against the Christian minor- cise characteristic of other orders\u2019 practice of dhikr is a ity and creating a political vacuum that made possible theatrical diversion from the true purpose of the act. The the rise of Mehmed Ali, the autonomous governor of Naqshbandis also do not have a long process of spiritual Egypt between 1805 and 1849. But for Europeans, the internship that requires those seeking to join the order occupation had a profound effect. First, it demonstrated to pursue a series of stages under the guidance of a mas- the weakness of the Ottoman Empire and encouraged ter before being judged worthy of admittance. They hold other colonial powers to seize Ottoman territories. Sec- that a person will only approach the order for admittance ond, Napoleon brought with him scholars trained in the if he has already reached a sufficient level of religious Enlightenment thinking of late 18th-century France, enlightenment internally and thus knows that he is ready. which stressed the need to approach knowledge in a sci- Influenced by al-Ghazali, the 11th-century Muslim jurist entific and rational way. These scholars produced the and scholar, the Naqshbandis hold that mysticism can- magnificent Description de l\u2019Egypte, a multivolume study not negate anything that is taught by the Quran and the of Egypt\u2019s antiquities and of the society and culture of Sunna. At the same time, the mystical experience con- Egyptian people they encountered. Many historians con- firms for the believer the absolute knowledge that Islamic sider this work to be the beginning of modern archae- law is the divine path. Mysticism and Islamic law are ology as well as of European Orientalism, the study of seen, therefore, as not only compatible but also absolutely non-European cultures and languages that became part necessary to one another. of the framework for controlling \u201ccolonialized\u201d peoples. The Naqshbandi tradition received a major boost Bruce Masters from the teaching and writings of Sheikh Diya al-Din Further reading: Irene Bierman, Napoleon in Egypt (Reading, UK: Ithaca Press, 2003); Dror Ze\u2019evi, \u201cBack to","420 nationalism religious groups, or millets; progressive reform of the Ottoman political structure, requiring the imposition of Khalid (d. 1827). Sheikh Khalid was a Kurd from the standards and central systems; the influence of Enlight- Shahrizor district in present-day Iraq. While on the enment philosophy and ideals; and the ever-looming hajj, he witnessed the Wahhabi conquest of Mecca. He peril of extra-Ottoman imperial interests, especially those remained in the city for several years, studying under of Russia, France, and England. masters who followed the tradition of Ahmad Sirhindi (d. 1624), an Indian scholar who had developed the ide- CHANGES IN OTTOMAN STATE POLITICAL ology of the Naqshbandi Order into a much more coher- STRUCTURE ent form than it had previously known. Sheikh Khalid rejected the anti-Sufi stance of the followers of ibn Abd The expansion of capitalism in the Ottoman state, which al-Wahhab, who condemned all Sufis as heretics, but he began in the Balkans early in the 18th century, under- also rejected what he believed to be the divergence from mined the classical statist system in favor of private prop- \u201ctrue\u201d Islam that most Sufi orders of his day represented. erty and entrepreneurship. As capitalism stimulated trade He saw his mission as nothing short of the revival of and gave rise to a new middle class, the urban Christian Sunni Islam in the Ottoman Empire through strict adher- middle classes began to dominate that trade. Meanwhile, ence to Islamic law, grounded in a certainty of purpose Muslims assumed control of agricultural production and that could only come to the believer through the mystical became members of the municipal and provincial admin- experience. istrative bodies. After 1876 they took a similar role in the House of Deputies, in which non-Muslims were also well Sheikh Khalid\u2019s movement soon gained many fol- represented. lowers and so great was his influence on the order that some Western scholars have called the order the Naqsh- Early in the 19th century, the Ottoman government bandiyya-Khalidiyya after him. Sheikh Khalid\u2019s program sought to cope with the new challenges through a series of renewal enjoyed a great degree of popularity among of reforms that centralized authority in the hands of a Muslim intellectuals throughout the Ottoman Empire, new bureaucracy and deprived the local elites of their gaining followers everywhere, but its main centers of administrative power and economic privileges. Those activity were in Damascus and in Sheikh Khalid\u2019s native elites, both Muslim and non-Muslim, shorn of state sup- Kurdistan. The Naqshbandiyya offered an alternative to port, eventually made the community the source of their the more austere Wahhabi movement in that it preached power and, in the process, became defenders of the cul- the reform of Muslim institutions and practices but did ture, language, and particular brand of religion of their not seek a break with the Ottoman sultanate. For this respective communities. reason Ottoman officials were often strong supporters of the order and could be found in its ranks. THE ROLE OF THE RELIGIOUS MILLET IN THE RISE OF NATIONALISM Bruce Masters See also Sufism. Although the empire had long been home to a wide Further reading: Butrus Abu-Manneh, \u201cThe Naqsh- variety of ethnic identities and although several forms bandiyya-Mujaddidiyya in the Ottoman Lands in the Early of patriotism that centered on land or on opposition to Nineteenth Century.\u201d Die Welt des Islams 22 (1982): 131\u201353. the Ottoman imperial system began to emerge after the 1850s, the first true nationalist movements were founded nationalism Nationalism describes the independent in identity groups formed by the imperially defined reli- political, social, and cultural consciousness that flour- gious community, or millet. Among these millets were ished within the Ottoman Empire\u2019s member communities specific groups of Orthodox Christians living mainly in the 19th century. It was instrumental in the ultimate in the Balkans. Members of both the Greek Ortho- demise of the empire in the early 20th century as specific dox and the Armenian millets were found throughout groups broke away from the greater political structure the area, the latter including the ancient Eastern Chris- and formed their own independent nations. Nationalism tians. Jews, mainly Sephardim after the 15th century, first arose in the second half of the 18th century among accounted for about 3 percent of the empire\u2019s popula- Orthodox Christians in the Balkan region. Muslims in tion and were found in all of its major urban centers. the empire did not enter into a full experience of ethnic The patriarchate in Istanbul, representing the Ortho- nationalism until around the time of the Young Turk dox Christian millet, created a formal union, while the revolution of 1908. Armenian millet, headed by its own patriarch, was more loosely defined. The rise of nationalism in the Ottoman imperial state and the subsequent establishment of some 30 nation- Within the Orthodox Christian communities, intel- states was influenced by many factors, including compet- lectuals were especially attracted to the ideas of the itive and often divisive relationships between associated Enlightenment, especially the notion, advocated by the","German poet and philosopher Johann Gottfried Herder nationalism 421 (1744\u20131803), that language and literature are the dis- tinct marks of a nation. Representatives of France in is also revered as a saint, and had romanticized and glo- the Ottoman state, bringing with them the ideals of the rified its nationalism. French Revolution, which sanctified the idea of nation and turned it into a symbol of mythic value, aided these THE GREEK UPRISING local Orthodox intellectuals, and fiercely attacked the old order, including institutionalized religion and the The Byzantinist national movement that provoked the sultanate. When their efforts provoked sharp reaction earliest Slavic response provides another striking exam- among the established religious and social elite, Russia ple of the complex nature of nationalism in the Otto- emerged from its victories against the Ottoman armies man state. The Neobyzantinist revival started by the between 1768 and 1812 as the defender of Orthodox Phanariots (upper-class Greeks in the Phanar district Christians. Shortly afterward, in the 1850s, it launched of Istanbul) relied heavily on the appeal of Orthodox Panslavism as an ideology of unity and independence Christianity and the patriarchate to spread throughout for all the Orthodox Slavs, many of whom were Otto- the empire. While imposing the use of the Greek lan- man subjects. guage and clergy on Serbian and Bulgarian churches, the movement not only encountered the negative reac- THE EMERGENCE OF NATIONALISMS IN THE tion of the Slavs but also had little mass appeal among BALKANS Greeks, who favored a modern national Greek state over a dead empire. Many scholars regard the Serbian revolt of Karad- jordje (1768\u20131817), the founder of the Karadjordjevi\u0107 The Greek War of Independence began in 1820\u2013 dynasty, as the first of the nationalist uprisings. How- 22 almost simultaneously in the Morea, or Peloponnese, ever, a much more important development had already among peasants led by village priests protesting usury undermined the primacy and unifying effect of reli- and the appropriation of their land by Albanian mer- gion among Orthodox Christians and made ethnicity chants, and in Crimea under Alexander Ypsilanti, an the source of their various national identities. Around officer in the czar\u2019s army. It was supported by both the 1767 the Orthodox Patriarchate of Istanbul, striving to British and the Russians. The British needed an inter- revive Byzantium, put an end to the relative autonomy mediary group to serve their expanding trade with the of the Serbian and Bulgarian churches and ordered Middle East and India. They also had something of a them to use the Greek language and Greek priests in romantic attitude toward ancient Hellenic culture, which their services. Because the Ottoman government was the modern Greek intellectuals (headed by Adamantious unable to fathom the impact of this change among its Korais) claimed as their cultural fountainhead. Russia\u2019s Slavic-speaking subjects, it remained silent, and alien- involvement stemmed from a combination of political ated many non-Greeks from the patriarchate. The and religious reasons. Karadjordje \u201crevolution\u201d originated amidst those cir- cumstances as a protest by Serbian peasants against In the resulting war the Sublime Porte (the Otto- the usurpation of their land by the sultan\u2019s Janissar- man government) was defeated and forced to sign the ies who were expected to guarantee their safety and Treaty of Edirne, granting independence to Greece property. Karadjordje, a former officer in the Austrian in 1828\u201329. Opposed to the idea of secular nationalism, army, turned the social unrest of the Serbian peasants the patriarchate in Istanbul did not recognize the new into a political movement, which was initially defeated. government of independent Greece until 1847 at the urg- It was revived through the diplomatic ability of Milo\u0161 ings of the Ottoman government. Whether the source of Obrenovi\u0107 (who replaced, then murdered, Karad- Greek nationalism was the ancient Hellenes or the Chris- jordje) and achieved a degree of autonomy in 1815. tian Byzantines is still debated, but Greece became the An Ottoman vassal, Milo\u0161 also managed to develop a first internationally recognized independent country to written Serbian language, thanks to the efforts of Vuk emerge from the Ottoman Empire. Stefanovi\u0107 Karad\u017ei\u0107 (1787\u20131864), considered the father of the Serbian national revival. In 1834 Serbia estab- INDEPENDENT NATIONS IN THE BALKANS lished its own national church and began to train a national clergy that joined the military and the intel- Russian intervention prevented the total collapse of the lectuals as the torchbearers of Serbian nationalism. By Bulgarian revolution begun by a handful of intellectuals 1849 Serbia, still formally under Ottoman sovereignty, in 1876, as it had prevented the collapse of the revolu- had devised an expansionist plan to revive the empire tion in Serbia in 1875. After Russia defeated the Ottoman of Stefan Dushan, the 14th-century Serbian leader who armies in the unprovoked war of 1877\u201378, the Berlin Treaty of 1878 recognized Serbia, Romania, and Mon- tenegro as independent nation-states and granted auton- omy to Bulgaria. The Ottoman state retained control of Thrace, Thessaly, Macedonia, and Albania, but its presence and power in the Balkans were greatly reduced.","422 nationalism bul before its ill-advised effort to impose the use of the Greek language in Slavic-speaking churches and schools. Thus the first phase of Ottoman nationalism culminated The split of the Ottoman Christians into Slavophile and in independence and nationhood for most of the Ortho- Greekophile groups received a great boost after Russia dox Christians in the Balkans. launched Panslavism in an effort to gain the loyalty and support of the Balkan Slavs, mainly Serbians, Bulgarians, Although the emergence of \u201cnational\u201d states in the and Macedonians. At the same time, Panslavism pushed Balkans implied that the population of each consisted the non-Slavic Orthodox Christians away from Russia; only of the ethnic group bearing its name, in reality prac- the Romanians, who spoke a language derived from Latin, tically all contained a variety of ethnic groups. Ignoring embraced the West, especially France, and the Greeks the different languages and cultures of those groups, the aligned themselves with England but remained friendly titular nations strove to create homogeneity by assimi- with Russia. Nationalism and nationhood thus gave eth- lating the minorities or forcing them to migrate. For nicity a secular meaning and placed it over religion even instance, in 1877, the Bulgarians were a minority of the as each national state remained fiercely attached to its population in their own country, which had at least 17 own \u201cnational\u201d church, which supplemented ethnicity as ethnic groups, including Turks, Greeks, and Romanians. a source of nationalism. All the new states in the former Romania, which had taken its ethnic name in 1858 after Ottoman territories, including Greece, established their the union of Moldavia and Wallachia, occupied own national churches in open defiance of the so-called Dobruja in 1878, but the Romanian ethnic group there Ecumenical Patriarchate in Istanbul. constituted a minority of about 18 percent, the rest of the population being Turks, Bulgarians, Jews, Greeks, Arme- The relationship between church and state in the nians, Russians, Germans, and so on. Today, ironically, independent Balkan nations differed from that in the the only relatively religiously homogeneous nations in Ottoman state. Catholicism, Islam, and Judaism had the Balkans are Turkey and Greece, the representatives maintained a degree of independence from the Ottoman of Muslims and Orthodox Christians. state while the Orthodox churches in the Balkan nations became political tools of the government, both immedi- THE FORMATION OF NATIONAL IDENTITY ately after independence and later during the commu- IN THE BALKANS nist era. While Christianity, Islam, and Judaism enjoyed almost total freedom of religion under Ottoman rule The first Christian nationalism in the Balkans stood on they lost that freedom under the \u201cnational\u201d governments, the foundations of language, ethno-religion, and his- including that of Turkey. tory. Chosen usually from a variety of dialects\u2014such as one of the seven major Hellenic dialects of Greece\u2014the As for the Eastern Christians, the nationalism of official \u201cnational\u201d language typically was imposed on the the jacobites, Nestorians, Maronites, Chaldeans, population through government support, education, and and Copts living in the Middle East, unlike that of the textbooks while the popular dialects survived in a variety Armenians, never acquired political-ideological dimen- of ways. This \u201cnational\u201d language was glorified as hav- sions. Rather, the main struggle there was between ing maintained the national identity and consciousness independent-minded religious autochthons and their and cultural continuity during Ottoman rule. However, counterparts who sought the protection of the Vatican by in reality, the elites had often adopted or discarded their accepting its authority along with that of France, which \u201cnational\u201d language for social, economic, and personal could provide political and military backing. reasons. For instance, the Vlach and Bulgarian elites often willingly adopted the Greek language in order to The nationalism of the Balkan Orthodox Christians enhance their social and cultural status and thus became was also bolstered by the way these groups reconstructed Hellenized. The Ottoman state promoted this trend by their historical identities. Each national government in considering the Greeks representatives of the Orthodox the Balkans wrote the history of its state from the per- Christians and according them positions in the govern- spective of the ethnic group in power. To foster national ment as dragomans (interpreters) until the revolution unity and gratify the national ego, historical events were of 1821, when the Armenians replaced the Greeks as the sometimes distorted, magnified, or even falsified. Each government\u2019s trusted agents. Meanwhile, the once large nation described its pre-Ottoman existence as one of contingent of Latin-speaking Vlachs barely survived as brilliant achievement and development that was ended an ethnic group. by 500 years of \u201cTurkish yoke.\u201d This nationalist identity went hand-in-hand with the view that Turks\u2014which Ethno-religion, another source of national identity, in the vocabulary of post-Treaty of Berlin nationalism derived from the inseparable bond between ethnicity and meant \u201cMuslim,\u201d particularly the Bosniaks and other religion. This link persisted despite the fact that Ottoman converts to Islam\u2014were interlopers or renegades and emphasis on communal-religious identity had increased betrayers. The focus on ancestral \u201cnational\u201d lands led the strength of religion and achieved a degree of formal Orthodox unity enforced by the patriarchate of Istan-","the Balkan nation-states into conflict and wars unknown nationalism 423 during those first Ottoman centuries now referred to as the Pax Ottomanica, or Ottoman peace. The disintegra- hoped-for rallying point of the \u201cOttoman\u201d nation. This tion of Yugoslavia, the Serbian attacks on Slovenia and policy, known as Ottomanism, was quickly instituted Bosnia, the ethnic cleansing, and the Serbian-Croatian when economic, educational, social, and cultural differ- wars of 1991\u201395 stand as the saddest enduring results of ences between Ottoman Muslims and non-Muslims rose this aspect of nationalism in the post-Ottoman era. rapidly in the wake of the Treaty of Paris and Edict of Reforms of 1856, which grossly favored the Christians. NATIONALISM AMONG OTTOMAN MUSLIMS Within a very short time, Muslims came to regard the The nationalism of the Ottoman Muslims followed a treaty and the edict as instruments enabling France and peculiar and rather unique course of its own. The Otto- England to interfere in Ottoman affairs. Indeed, the two man state viewed the Muslims as a single compact group, powers not only championed Ottoman Christians against but the Muslims were divided into a variety of ethnic their own government but even attributed intellectual groups, including Turks, Arabs, Bosniaks, Kurds, Lazes, superiority to the Christians because of their shared faith Georgians, Pomaks, and Vlachs. In contrast to the Chris- with the West. The resulting defensiveness of the Muslims tians, none of these groups, perhaps with the exception of grew by leaps and bounds after England refused, in the the Bosniaks, had a separate national political existence name of neutrality, to provide weapons to the Ottoman as Muslim entities prior to joining the Ottoman state. army in the war with Russia in 1877\u201378. English efforts to Those who could claim any historical political existence rewrite the Treaty of Berlin in favor of the Ottoman gov- would have had to acknowledge affinity with a Christian ernment temporarily reversed the negative trend in Mus- past rejected in the conversion to Islam. In other words, lim feelings toward London until the policy of Benjamin they would have had to follow the example of the Turk- Disraeli\u2019s government was drastically changed by Wil- ish-speaking Gagauzes of Moldavia, who had converted liam Gladstone. Gladstone\u2019s Liberal Party won the elec- from Islam to Christianity and rejected their Seljuk ori- tions of 1880 after he accused Disraeli (a Jewish convert gin in favor of an invented earlier pagan Nordic origin as to Christianity) of having a friendly attitude toward Turks G\u00f6kt\u00fcrks. and indifference to the fate of Balkan Christians. During Gladstone\u2019s premiership, France occupied Tunisia in 1881, Muslims in Europe and, to a good extent, in Anato- and Britain invaded Egypt in 1882, reviving the Muslims\u2019 lia, therefore, owed their identity and character as Mus- deep resentment. At the same time, after 1880, the Otto- lims to Ottoman rule and had little, if any, connection to man Empire and sultan Abd\u00fclhamid II (1876\u20131909) other Islamic states such as the Fatimids, Ayyubids, and pursued a silent and peaceful but determined resistance Mamluks that ruled the Middle East and left memories to European efforts to occupy Muslim lands. of dynastic identities and loyalties. (The southeastern section of Turkey is somewhat different.) Yet scholars Thus a range of international developments, including who claim that the Ottoman Turkish influence prevailed war and invasion, produced a sort of anti-colonialist, anti- over the Middle East are only partially correct. Arabs on imperialist Muslim nationalism represented by the Otto- the peninsula always had a clear, even superior, sense man state and its sultan-caliph. Paradoxically, then, while of their Arabic identity and referred to the Ottomans as the Ottoman state itself fought a variety of ethnic and Turks (al-Atrak) and to Anatolia and the Balkans as Tur- religious nationalist groups seeking independence, there kiyya, perceiving the Turks in ethnic terms, despite reli- arose in North Africa and Egypt (after 1830 and 1882) gious affinity. The tribes in the mountains, be they Arab, a local Muslim resistance to European occupation, which Kurd, or Turkoman, also maintained a strong sense of France and England believed to stem from Istanbul. Sultan ethnic-tribal identity. Abd\u00fclhamid II attempted to reestablish the former good Ottoman relations with the British, only to be rebuffed by Nationalism among Muslims, however, did not the prime minister, Lord Salisbury, who already had plans begin as the result of residual historical or ethnic alle- to partition the Ottoman Empire. Consequently Abd\u00fclha- giance to an old identity, the claims by Kurds or Western- mid\u2014unlike his predecessors, who emphasized their title ers sympathetic to contemporary Kurdish nationalism as sultan, or secular ruler\u2014used his title as caliph, or head notwithstanding. Nor did it arise from the discontent of of the Muslim community, to underscore Muslim unity the propertied or intellectual elites, despite their deep and to intimidate Western powers. He threatened to call resentment toward the government\u2019s centralization drive. on Muslims worldwide to rebel if the French, Russians, Instead, modern Muslim nationalism was the by-prod- and British attacked Ottoman lands, which included the uct of the central government\u2019s desire to create a uni- holy cities of Mecca and Medina. fied Ottoman nation\u2014consisting of both Muslims and non-Muslims\u2014by granting them all equality, common Accused of inciting hatred of the West and of its citizenship, and rights in the name of the sultan, the civilization and values, Abd\u00fclhamid II was branded as a reactionary Islamist. In reality Abd\u00fclhamid admired Western civilization, introducing a great number of","424 nationalism ing Ottoman statesmen\u2014such as Ahmed Vefik Pasha and Ahmed Cevdet Pasha\u2014and many other intellec- reforms that included a universal educational system tuals stated openly that the Turks had founded the Otto- copied from the West, and he condemned bigotry of any man state and were its true masters and loyal defenders. kind. Nevertheless, the anti-Islamic frenzy of Europe was legitimized as the defense of civilization against the abso- Clearly, then, at the end of the 19th century a strong lutism of Abd\u00fclhamid, who had suspended the Consti- sense of Turkishness was widely shared by large groups of tution and Parliament in 1878, and against his use intellectuals even if it was buried under the euphemisms of Islam to justify his absolutism. Eventually, the same of \u201cMuslim brotherhood\u201d and \u201cOttoman unity.\u201d Turk- \u201cdefense of civilization\u201d was again invoked to legitimize ishness at this stage, despite its deep roots in the Turks\u2019 Europe\u2019s occupation of the Middle East after the collapse original language and culture, applied politically to the of the Ottoman state in 1918. relatively numerous intellectuals and government elites. By the time the Young Turks revolution occurred in 1908, THE YOUNG TURKS MOVEMENT AND THE these Turkish nationalists formed a substantial group, BIRTH OF TURKISH NATIONALISM although few admitted their ideological preferences. The Ottoman struggle to remain independent in the face The second half of the 19th century was a period of of the imperial designs of England, Russia, and France profound demographic, cultural, economic, and social was the source of the first worldwide outburst of Mus- reconstruction in Ottoman history as millions of Mus- lim nationalism. It is interesting to note that this Muslim lims, driven out of their ancestral homes in the Cauca- struggle to oppose foreign occupation had a national, sus, the Crimea, and the Balkans, settled in Anatolia. rather than religious, source. In addition, nationalism in Throughout this period and into the 20th century, the the Ottoman state was accompanied, and in many ways Ottoman state\u2019s Muslim ethnic and linguistic groups superseded, by modernism, which gave the nationalism were amalgamated into a new society that began to iden- a new content and scope. As the impact of the reforms tify with cultural Turkishness just as the nationalism in government institutions that began early in the 19th of the state\u2019s Orthodox Christians was in full and occa- century spread to the intelligentsia, which was the pool sionally violent effervescence. The activities of the vari- for recruiting state bureaucrats, Ottomanism\u2019s idea of a ous Orthodox nationalists, in turn, galvanized Turkish political attachment to the land developed into the concept nationalism, which was first formulated in the Balkans of vatan (fatherland). Vatan implied that the individual in Macedonia. belonged to a given territory and had the sacred duty to defend it. Patriotism as a form of nationalism, thus defined The numerous brewing Ottoman nationalisms, includ- as the greatest virtue of the Ottomans, was depicted in ing the rising Turkish one, did not clash openly as long Namik Kemal\u2019s famous play Vatan yahut Silistre (Father- as all the groups were united against the absolutism of land, or, Silistre), which portrayed the heroic defense of a Sultan Abd\u00fclhamid. Because they believed sincerely that fortress on the Danube against the Russians. the sultan\u2019s autocracy was the source of all evil, includ- ing nationalist grievances, they expected all such ills to At the same time the concept of a religious nation, disappear if liberty\u2014h\u00fcrriyet\u2014was restored. Indeed, by or millet, acquired political connotations and became the the time the Young Turks rebelled in 1908 and reinstated focus of the intellectual discourse that took place in the the Constitution and Parliament, freedom was viewed as expanding school system, modern press, and literature. a panacea that would cure every possible political and Naqshbendism, a Sufi order that advocated the believers\u2019 social malaise and restore peaceful multiethnic, multi- involvement in the society\u2019s daily affairs, flourished after religious coexistence, an idealized view of the Ottoman the 1850s (see Naqshbandiyya Order). population that was shattered by the Young Turks. Most schools, as well as the press and the literature, Six months of relative peace among the various employed colloquial Turkish, intensifying its usage and national groups was undermined by the new govern- broadening its scope. Although Turkish had always been ment\u2019s failure to meet the aspirations for independence the Ottoman state\u2019s language of communication, with- of every national group. Bulgaria cast away its autonomy out any political or ethnic connotations, during the latter and declared independence, and predominantly Muslim part of the 19th century the Turkish language became the Albania rebelled and declared its independence in 1912. distinguishing mark of the intelligentsia, the bureaucrats, Arab discontent burst into the open after Italy\u2019s occupa- and above all, the military, who were predominantly of tion of Libya in 1911 proved the Ottoman government Turkish ethnic origin. Some teachers in the military unable to defend the Arab lands and the Young Turks, schools, such as H\u00fcsn\u00fc S\u00fcleyman Pasha, were already showing brief interest in secularism, mandated the use using textbooks that discussed the Turks\u2019 ethnicity and of Turkish in schools in Arabic-speaking areas. Muslim central Asian origin in open contradiction to the official unity had lost its practical usefulness but the Young Turks line placing the Turks and the Ottoman state within the remained staunchly determined to preserve the territo- framework of Islamic history. In fact, a number of lead-","rial integrity and unity of the Ottoman state by adher- navy 425 ing theoretically to Ottomanism, Islamism, modernism, and constitutionalism. Nevertheless, Turkish nationalists race and used secularism with a high dose of irreligios- found in the era of the Young Turks (1908\u201318) a relative ity, termed \u201cscience,\u201d to cleanse the culture of its Islamic freedom to disseminate ideas that they had been prohib- ingredient. After 1950, and especially after 1970, the ited to discuss under Abd\u00fclhamid. reaction to this excess of nationalism was accompanied by a rising interest in the Ottoman legacy that produced Turkish nationalism was the last of the Ottoman a new cultural synthesis and possibly a new definition nationalisms to emerge, not appearing openly until the of Turkishness. Indeed, the Ottoman state appears to final days of the state, despite its origin in the second have been one of history\u2019s most successful multiethnic, half of the 19th century. Its formal expression occurred multireligious states, preserving as it did during most of in the literary journal Gen\u00e7 Kalemler (Young pens), then its existence a myriad of ethnic, religious, national, and took a more consistent political form in the review T\u00fcrk tribal groups that grew and matured into the 30 some Yurdu (Turkish homeland), which was also the name of nations that ultimately put an end to its existence. an association dedicated to nationalist causes. The lead- ing intellectual of this association was Yusuf Ak\u00e7ura (d. Kemal H. Karpat 1935), born in Russia, educated in Paris, and an advo- See also Pan-Islamism; Young Ottomans. cate of Panturkism\u2014that is, the unity of all Turks, but Further reading: Benjamin Braude and Bernard Lewis, chiefly those in Russia. The real nationalist thinker, eds., Christians and Jews in the Ottoman Empire: The Func- however, was Ziya G\u00f6kalp (d. 1924), whose book The tioning of a Plural Society (New York: Holmes & Meier, Principles of Turkism (1923) is considered the catechism 1982); Ziya G\u00f6kalp, Turkish Nationalism and Western Civi- of Turkish nationalism. Actually, G\u00f6kalp\u2019s ideas were lization: Selected Essays, translated and edited by Niyazi Ber- applied in the republic, with considerable revision. Spe- kes (New York: Columbia University Press, 1959); Kemal cifically, the Turkish nationalism as developed in the Karpat, An Inquiry into the Social Foundations of Nation- Young Turks era embodies in spirit and form the politi- alism in the Ottoman State: From Social Estates to Classes, cal, cultural, and demographic legacy and the identity from Millets to Nations (Princeton, N.J.: Center of Interna- of the Ottoman state. Even today\u2019s Turkey represents tional Studies, Princeton University, 1973); Kemal Karpat, the continuation of the Ottoman state, despite rejection The Politicization of Islam: Reconstructing Identity, State, of the Ottoman past and claims that the republic has Faith, and Community in the Late Ottoman State (New built a new society and state. York: Oxford University Press, 2001); David Kushner, The Rise of Turkish Nationalism, 1876\u20131908 (London: Cass, The controversy within nationalist circles after 1908 1977); Taha Parla, The Social and Political Thought of Ziya began over the place of religion and ethnicity in defining G\u00f6kalp, 1876\u20131924 (Leiden: Brill, 1985). Turkish identity. Yusuf Ak\u00e7ura viewed race and ethnicity or soy (lineage) as the essence of national identity, attrib- naval engineering school See education. uting only a secondary role to Islam as a supplement to identity and culture. He was thus a secularist in the sense navy The Ottoman navy reached its greatest strength of leaving religion outside the public sphere. Although during the early 16th century when the sheer number of Ziya G\u00f6kalp was an initial supporter of Panturkism, by vessels under its command and the ability of its officers 1916 G\u00f6kalp had distanced himself from international and sailors had led to the empire\u2019s long-term control of Turkism to favor a Turkish nationalism based on the the Black Sea, which contemporaries thus dubbed the culture of the Anatolian and Rumelian Turks. He con- \u201cOttoman lake.\u201d The extraordinary power of the empire\u2019s demned Ottoman rule for having prevented the Turks seaborne forces enabled it to control important sea routes from developing their ethnic national culture and iden- for centuries, but this power was ultimately the result of tity, which he believed the lower classes had preserved long effort and experience, and of a substantial invest- in pure and authentic form. But G\u00f6kalp never rejected ment in maritime technology. Islam as incompatible with modernism, republican- ism, or nationalism. He considered faith based on rea- The Ottomans who reached the Marmara and son part of the folk culture, or hars, fully espoused by Aegean shores by the beginning of the 14th century his own organization T\u00fcrk Ocaklar\u0131 (Turkish Hearths). chose Gallipoli as their sea base and, after establish- His motto, \u201cT\u00fcrkle\u015fmek, Islamla\u015fmak, Muas\u0131rla\u015fmak\u201d ing their first navy, began to fight with the city-states of (Become Turkish, Muslim, and contemporary), summa- Venice and Genoa, which had monopolized the Medi- rizes his ideal of the Turk as a modern individual with a terranean Sea and Black Sea. In the 15th century, during solid ethnic national identity and faith. the last years of Mehmed II (r. 1444\u201346; 1451\u201381), the sultan sent his navy to Otranto to conquer Italy; later, The nationalism implemented for a while in the Sultan Bayezid II (r. 1481\u20131512) acquired the castles on republic based ethnicity on a rather hypothetical Turkish the southern edge of the Morea Peninsula (1499\u20131500).","426 navy structed and used. Although there were galleons in the Venetian fleet coming through the Dardanelles to block- By these means the Ottomans established footholds in ade the supply line of the Ottoman navy, the Ottomans the eastern Mediterranean. insisted on galleys. However, in 1648, Sultan Mehmed IV (r. 1648\u201387) himself attended a meeting at which the Corsairs supported the Ottoman navy, striking Chris- decision was made to begin the construction of galleons. tian targets and sailing through the western Mediterra- In 1662 there was a temporary hiatus in galleon construc- nean to help the Muslims of Andalusia who were being tion, but 20 years later Grand Vizier Kara Mustafa Pasha forced by Spain to convert to Christianity. Venice and of Merzifon ordered the construction of ten galleons. France were able to maintain their trade in the Mediter- Consequently, the galleon period in Ottoman navigation ranean because of their efforts at establishing close rela- began anew. Four of those galleons were between 34 and tions with the Ottomans, which led to their obtaining 38 meters (110\u2013125 feet) long, had three decks, and car- contracts or ahdnames for safe navigation. By the end ried 80 cannons each. The remaining six galleons carried of the 16th century, after some unsuccessful attempts to 60 cannons each. An average Ottoman galleon cost as repulse the Ottoman navy from the Mediterranean, Spain much as three or four galleys. The galleon\u2019s size allowed was forced to retreat. In this period, while turning the for a large crew; 600 to 1,001 men crewed a three-decked Black Sea into an \u201cOttoman lake,\u201d the Ottoman navy also flagship galleon. dominated the Mediterranean, showing a strong presence in North Africa, and also ensured the safety of trade in In order to improve galleons and to reorganize Otto- the Indian Ocean by fighting Portugal in the Red Sea and man navigation, new arrangements were made through Persian Gulf. the drafting of the navy statute book in 1701. From then on, Ottoman navigation pursued the improvement of VARIETY OF SHIPS IN THE OTTOMAN NAVY galleons and reemerged as a powerful presence on the seas. Thus, galleys faded away in the middle of the 18th Ottoman shipbuilding went through three distinct peri- century. ods. The first lasted from the empire\u2019s founding in the 14th century until the second half of the 17th century The Ottomans had plenty of resources for the con- and was dominated by oar-rigged galleys. The second struction and maintenance of a navy. None of the materi- period, which lasted through the second half of the 19th als required for the Imperial Dockyard were imported; in century, witnessed the rise of the galleon, a sail-rigged fact, export of some materials was permitted. ship, as the dominant naval ship. The third period, which lasted until the end of the empire in the early 20th cen- MANAGEMENT OF THE OTTOMAN NAVY tury, employed steamships. The managers of the navy included high admirals and The Ottoman fleet was divided into two groups their subordinates. The highest military and administra- according to propulsion method: vessels that used oars, tive figure in the Ottoman navy was the kapudan pasha and those that used sails. In shipbuilding, Ottomans were or grand admiral. Typically serving as governor of Gal- faithful to these two types of vessels. lipoli with the rank of sea captain, grand admirals would be promoted to the post of governor of the Aegean Island Among the oar-rigged ships that used sails as auxil- province, first established in 1534, when Hayreddin iary propulsion methods were the bastard, galley, galliot, Pasha\u2014known as Barbarossa because of his red beard and frigate. The bastard was larger than a galley, with (see Barbarossa brothers)\u2014joined the Ottoman navy. 26 to 36 rowing banks employing five to seven rowers This office was raised to the rank of vizier toward the end for each oar. Galleys, the most utilized ship in the Otto- of the 16th century. man navy, formed the striking force of the navy. Galleys were long, narrow, swift ships. The distance between When the Aegean Islands province (Cezayir-i Bahr-i the stem and the sternpost of a galley was about 42\u201343 Sefid) was formed, subprovinces, or sancaks, previously meters (135\u2013140 feet). There were three cannons in a devoted to navigation were incorporated into this prov- galley, one on the front and two on either side. A galley ince. The islands of Gallipoli, Rhodes, Lesbos, Euboea, had a crew of almost 330, including combatants, rowers, Karl\u0131ili, Lepanto, and Chios were included in the prov- sailors, and officers. Galliots had an average length of ince. The chiefs of the sancaks in this province per- 32\u201334 meters (105\u2013110 feet) and 19\u201324 rowing banks, formed their military duty in sea expeditions as high whereas frigates had from 10 to 17 rowing banks. Light admirals. Sea captains would join expeditions on their coastal vessels, such as \u015faykas, were used in rivers. Ships own galleys while also maintaining timarl\u0131 sipahis (cav- that carried horses and guns were also employed in riv- alry at arms holding fiefs) in their sancaks. This reserv- ers and in the Black Sea. ist fleet was separate from the main fleet and operated defensively while the greater Ottoman navy was not on The period of sail-rigged vessels began when the first expeditions. galleon, the burtun, was completed in the middle of the 17th century. From the beginning of the Cretan War in 1645, ships known as mahone (mavna) were also con-","EARLY HISTORY OF THE OTTOMAN NAVY navy 427 Ottoman navigation depended on the western Anato- Trebizond-Rum Empire by besieging it from both land lian maritime gazi, or warrior, tradition (see ghaza) and and sea. Mehmed constructed two fortresses on either dated to the beginning of the 14th century. Although the side of the Dardanelles, the Kala-i Sultaniye and the Kilit- empire was first founded as a land principality, the Otto- bahir. The islands of Imroz, Thasos, Limni, Bozcaada, mans constantly sought knowledge of seafaring when and Semadirek, all in dominant positions on the Straits their borders reached the coast. This search for knowl- and hitherto under Genoese rule, were also conquered. edge led to a policy of using fleets and mariners from In 1475 Grand Vizier Gedik Ahmed Pasha, in charge of a conquered maritime principalities. In the 14th century strong fleet, captured Caffa in the Crimea from Genoa, the Anatolian emirates made crucial contributions to bringing the peninsula under Ottoman control. the establishment of Ottoman navigation. The Ottoman-Venetian wars (1463\u201379), fought in Dockyards constructed in Edincik, Gemlik, Kara- the Aegean Sea and around the coastal cities of Venice, m\u00fcrsel, and especially in Izmit created the nucleus of witnessed the fall of Euboea (1470) and the Ottoman Ottoman sea power. By 1354, with the conquest of Galli- conquest of essential parts of the Albanian shores. The poli, which became the empire\u2019s first vital naval base, the Ottoman fleet later landed soldiers on the Pulya coasts of Ottomans had devised new policies concerning the seas, Italy under the command of Gedik Ahmed Pasha in 1480 while advancing toward the Balkans. Facing the threat of and captured the region of Otranto, which belonged to the imposing navies of Venice and Genoa, both of which the Kingdom of Naples. Another Ottoman fleet was sent had established important commercial colonies in the to Rhodes under the command of Grand Vizier Mesih Black Sea and Aegean Sea regions, the Ottomans, under Pasha in 1480, but the siege was not successful. Mehmed Bayezid I (r. 1389\u20131402), opened a dockyard in Gallipoli later obtained the title \u201cthe sultan of land and sultan of in order to secure the Dardanelles and the coasts of the seas.\u201d Upon Mehmed\u2019s death in 1481 and Gedik Ahmed Sea of Marmara. The sultan recognized the strategic and Pasha\u2019s consequent recall to the capital, Otranto reverted economic importance of the Dardanelles. to the Kingdom of Naples, having been under Ottoman rule for more than a year. Mehmed II had intended to During these early stages of Ottoman naval power, invade the center of the Western Roman Empire from Venice and Genoa played substantial roles in ship con- his position at the center of the former Eastern Roman struction and maritime personnel. Many of the hired Empire. crew in the Ottoman fleet during the Ottoman-Venetian War of 1416 were Genoese, and most dockyard and ship- With the capture of Kilia and Akkerman, both the building technology was Venetian in origin. important commercial ports in the Black Sea during the reign of Bayezid II, all north-south trade in the region Preparations begun in Gallipoli by Sultan Mehmed came under Ottoman rule (1484). Returning to the II in 1452 aimed at the conquest of Constantino- Mediterranean, the Ottoman fleet settled in the central ple, and included the construction of new ships and Mediterranean by gaining Lepanto, Modon, Coron, and the repair of old ones by the Grand Admiral Baltao\u011flu Navarino (1499\u20131500) in Morea. S\u00fcleyman Bey. In the spring of 1453, the Ottoman fleet consisted of 350\u2013400 ships of various sizes and THE EMERGENCE OF SEABORNE VETERANS\/ had a deterrent effect, although it did not play a seri- CORSAIRDOM ous role during the siege of Constantinople apart from forming a naval blockade. During the siege, some ships The advent of corsairs in the 15th century also had a were transported overland to the Golden Horn (Hali\u00e7). profound influence on Ottoman navigation. As a com- This tactic was later repeated in 1456 during the siege ponent of the ghaza and jihad values of Islam, Muslim of Belgrade and again in 1470 at the siege of Euboea raiders both on land and at sea regarded themselves as (E\u011friboz) and has been a subject of scholarly interest fighting for their beliefs in accordance with Islamic law, for centuries. or sharia. Voluntary sea captains and pirate-like raiders called corsairs thus often operated as legitimate adjuncts BLACK SEA: AN INTERNAL SEA PROJECT to the official Ottoman navy. Such renowned sailors as Kemal Reis, Hayreddin Barbarossa, Turgut (known Upon the conquest of Constantinople (1453), Ottoman as Dragut in Italian sources), and Ulu\u00e7 Ali Pasha were policies were directed toward the open seas. Mehmed indeed corsairs and later officially entered into state II (the Conqueror) initially focused on the Black Sea. service. Aiming to seize the Anatolian coasts of the Black Sea, the Ottoman fleet, under the command of Grand Vizier NEW TARGETS IN THE SEAS Mahmud Pasha, took Amasra from the Genoese in 1459 and took Sinop and the adjacent territory from the \u00c7an- In the last quarter of the 15th century two new powers, darids in 1461. That same year the Ottomans captured the Spain and the Ottoman Empire, emerged in the Medi- terranean. At this stage, Spain had penetrated into the","428 navy With the opening of this new front, the Ottomans faced struggles with the Portuguese in the Red Sea, the Mediterranean, and the Ottomans had moved into the Gulf of Basra, and the Indian Ocean. The conquest of Adriatic Sea and North Africa. The Ottomans sailed Egypt in 1517 had paved the way for the Ottoman con- against Spain to help the Muslims and Jews of Andalu- quest of the Red Sea. With the capture of Baghdad sia who were being massacred or forced to convert to (1534) and Basra (1546) the Ottoman fleet reached the Catholicism. They sailed against Portugal in order to Gulf of Basra and continued their fight on two fronts. aid the Mamluk Empire of Egypt. The Portuguese had Yemen Province, in the southeastern Arabian Penin- reached the Indian Ocean and were threatening Muslim sula, and Habe\u015f (Abyssina) Province on the east coast of cities on the coasts of the Red Sea, especially the sacred Africa were established to protect the Red Sea; the Otto- cities of Mecca and Medina. Kemal Reis in the Medi- man provinces of Basra and Lahsa were formed to guard terranean and Selman Reis in the Red Sea were famous the Gulf of Basra. Ottoman mariners of this time. S\u00fcleyman\u2019s reign saw four separate sea campaigns Troops in the Egyptian Mamluk fleet, which con- in the Indian Ocean between 1538 and 1554. The first sisted of 19 ships under the command of Ottoman admi- Indian naval expedition was to aid Sultan Bahad\u0131r Shah ral Selman Reis, set off from Suez through the Red Sea in of Gujarat, who had dispatched an envoy to S\u00fcleyman. September 1515. The Ottoman contingent of the Mamluk An Ottoman fleet of 90 ships under the command of fleet consisted mostly of Janissaries, the Ottomans\u2019 elite Had\u0131m S\u00fcleyman Pasha, Governor of Egypt, set off from infantry, and hired Turks of Anatolia. The Ottomans took the Suez in 1538. Yemen and Aden were captured before control of the eastern Mediterranean coast by conquering the fleet arrived at the coast of Gujarat on the western Syrian and Egyptian ports (1516\u201317), which had become shore of India. The second Indian expedition began trade centers in the region. This control compelled the with the promotion of Piri Reis, the author of Kitab- Ottoman Empire to send a fleet against Portugal in the \u0131 Bahriye (Book on Navigation), to commander of the Red Sea and Indian Ocean. Indian fleet. He seized Muscat but did not confront the Portuguese. He returned to Egypt with only two ships, S\u00fcleyman I (the Magnificent) (r. 1520\u201366) con- leaving his squadron in the Gulf of Basra. In the third quered Rhodes in 1522 and commissioned Hayred- campaign, Seydi Ali Reis, the legendary mariner, set off din Barbarossa as the beylerbeyi (governor) of the from Basra with 15 ships. He confronted the Portuguese newly established Cezayir-i Bahr-i Sefid (an Otto- fleet but was driven to the coasts of Gujarat by a storm. man province made up of the Aegean islands) in 1534. He was forced to return to Istanbul on foot, as his fleet Hayreddin Barbarossa\u2019s foremost achievement in the was destroyed. Mediterranean power struggle was at the Battle of Pre- veza (1538). Venice, the papacy, Genoa, Spain, Por- FROM MALTA (1565) TO LEPANTO (1571) tugal, and Malta united and formed an allied fleet against the Ottomans, with an accord signed in Rome The Christian corsair group the Knights of St. John, in 1538. Andrea Doria, a mariner of Genoese origin removed from Rhodes by S\u00fcleyman the Magnificent, serving Spain, was put in charge of this most power- were relocated to Malta, which then constituted the new ful sea force of the time, constituting almost 300 bat- defensive line in the Mediterranean. An Ottoman fleet tleships, some with sails. Under Ottoman commander of 240 ships under the command of Piyale Pasha sur- Barbarossa were 122 oar-rigged ships. Well acquainted rounded Malta in 1565. But while the Fortress of St. Elmo with the Mediterranean shores and climate, Barbarossa was captured, the siege failed because the fortified towns preferred galleys. Sail-rigged ships were not useful in of Birgu and St. Angelo could not be seized. the small bays and harbors because they were unable to move swiftly and their cannon ranges were short. Upon the Ottoman conquest of the Venetian-held The Ottoman fleet won the battle. With the Battle of island of Cyprus in 1570\u201371, another Christian Crusade Preveza the Christian West lost its domination in the was launched by the papacy, Venice, and Spain, which Mediterranean. The resulting Ottoman control in the possessed vast armadas. The Ottoman fleet proceeded to eastern Mediterranean subsequently made their expe- Lepanto. At the confrontation between the two armadas dition to Tripoli in 1551 possible. in the Gulf of Lepanto on October 7, 1571, many Otto- man sailors were killed, including the grand admiral, and During the reign of S\u00fcleyman the Magnificent there the Ottoman armada was soundly defeated. Although the were also important developments against Portugal in the Battle of Lepanto was a resounding victory for the Chris- Indian Ocean, the second area of struggle for the Otto- tian allies, its effects were short-lived. The Christian fleet man navy. Petty Islamic states in India and the Islamic did not recapture Cyprus. By 1573 Venice established Sultanate of Atjeh in Sumatra called for aid against Por- good relations with the Ottomans with an ahdname, or tugal; this led to Ottoman navigation across the Indian accord, and paid compensation for the Cyprus War. Ocean. Fleets prepared at the Suez and Basra dockyards arrived in India and the east Asia.","Having lost a substantial portion of its fleet at the neomartyrs 429 Battle of Lepanto, the Ottoman Empire, in the following winter, renewed shipbuilding activities in its all dock- to play an important role in Ottoman naval construction. yards. And though Grand Admiral K\u0131l\u0131c Ali Pasha sailed The Ottoman Naval Engineering School opened in 1784, again, no fleet materialized to fight against him. In the beginning a new chapter in the empire\u2019s shipbuilding years that followed, the Ottoman armada appeared to technology. The most essential modernization in Otto- recover its losses quickly and sailed across the Mediter- man navigation toward the end of the 18th century was ranean where there was no fleet to compete with it. In the construction of a massive dry dock in Istanbul. With 1574, the Ottoman fleet reconquered Tunis. the assistance of Swedish and French expertise, the con- struction of the Great Dock was completed between the THE CRETAN WAR AND CHANGE IN OTTOMAN years 1797 and 1800. SHIPBUILDING TECHNOLOGY NAVARINO RAID (1827) From the end of the 16th century, the Ottoman fleet served in a protective capacity, not sailing across the The Greek revolt began in 1821 when Greeks in the Mediterranean for large-scale campaigns. Although the Morea (Peloponnese), revolted, incited by Russia. Rus- fleet was taken to the Black Sea, it is not possible to com- sia and England wanted an autonomous Greek state that pare this with the previous sea campaigns, which were on would remain a taxpaying vassal of the Ottoman Empire. a more massive scale. Over Ottoman objections, and with France\u2019s help, the European powers surrounded Morea. Navarino, where The Cretan War lasted almost 25 years (1645\u201369) the Turkish and Egyptian fleets docked, came under and was a turning point for the Ottoman navy. The atti- attack and the Ottoman ships were sunk. In this raid, the tude toward oar-rigged galleys, hitherto the backbone Ottoman fleet lost 52 ships and 6,000 sailors. of the Ottoman armada, was beginning to change, and the fame of the sail-rigged galleons rose. Although the Although the Ottoman navy was among the most Ottomans attempted to use galleons in their fleet dur- powerful in the world during the reigns of Abd\u00fclmecid ing this war, galleys continued to be the core of the Otto- I (r. 1839\u201361) and Abd\u00fclaziz (r. 1861\u201376), the Ottoman man fleet. In a short time British and Dutch sailing ships, Empire was in decline, losing land and power and cop- entering the Mediterranean mostly for trade and piracy, ing with a deteriorating economy. Sultan Abd\u00fclhamid had gained naval superiority. Venice, leasing ships from II (r. 1876\u20131909) changed the navy in order to protect England and the Netherlands, tried to obstruct the Otto- the coastlines, rather than contest the great powers of the man fleet surrounding Crete and to blockade the Dar- time. Later the navy employed many British and German danelles to prevent the supply of troops and materials, advisors both aboard ship and in the dockyard. The Otto- changing the power balance in their own favor. man navy saw its last use during World War I. \u00c7E\u015eME CATASTROPHE IN 1770: THE \u0130dris Bostan ANNIHILATION OF THE OTTOMAN FLEET Further reading: \u0130dris Bostan, K\u00fcrekli ve Yelkenli Osmanl\u0131 Gemileri (Istanbul: Bilge, 2005); Palmira Brum- Apart from the debacle at Lepanto in 1571, the second- met, Ottoman Seapower and Levantine Diplomacy in the Age worst defeat ever experienced by the Ottoman armada of Discovery (Albany: State University of New York Press, occurred in \u00c7e\u015fme in 1770. During the Russo-Otto- 1994); J. F. Guilmartin, Gunpowder and Galleys: Chang- man war of 1768\u201374, a Russian fleet sailed through the ing Technology and Mediterranean Warfare at Sea in the Baltic and North seas and docked in Britain to acquire Sixteenth Century (London: Cambridge University Press, further personnel and weaponry there. Then the fleet 1974); A. Hess, \u201cThe Evolution of the Seaborne Empire in went via the English Channel to the Mediterranean under the Age of the Oceanic Discoveries 1453\u20131525).\u201d American the guidance of British officers. After the first clashes Historical Review 75, no. 7 (December 1970): 1892\u20131919; C. in the vicinity of the Koyun Islands, the Ottoman fleet Imber, \u201cThe Navy of S\u00fcleyman the Magnificent.\u201d Archivum receded to the Harbor of \u00c7e\u015fme, making a serious stra- Ottomanicum 6 (1980): 211\u2013282. tegic mistake by anchoring its ships close to each as they came under a sudden offensive from the Russian fleet. neomartyrs The term \u201cneomartyr\u201d means \u201cnew wit- During the artillery bombardment, ships of the Russian ness\u201d in Greek. It is used to distinguish an individual fleet secretly entered the harbor and set fire to the Otto- martyred for his or her Christian beliefs in the era fol- man fleet. lowing the establishment of Christianity as one of the approved religions in the Roman Empire (313 c.e.) from For the reconstruction of the fleet destroyed at the martyrs of the early Christian era (first through \u00c7e\u015fme, French shipwrights were employed under the fourth centuries c.e.). In the Ottoman context, neomar- command of Grand Admiral Gazi Hasan Pasha. After- tyrs were Orthodox Christians who were persecuted by ward, French, English, and Swedish engineers continued Ottoman authorities mostly because they had converted","430 Nestorians ing. Upon deciding to become martyrs, many fled to Mt. Athos, where they were trained by Athonite monks in to Islam and subsequently returned to Christianity, or the spiritual discipline necessary for undergoing martyr- apostatized. According to Islamic law, or sharia, a sus- dom. When finally prepared, they would go to the place pected apostate would be given three chances to return to where they originally converted and publicly proclaim Islam. Upon the third refusal, a male apostate would be their rejection of Islam, provoking Ottoman authorities sentenced to death, while a female would be imprisoned into taking harsh measures. This led some 19th-century for life. Situations leading to the accusation, trial in Otto- Christian intellectuals to criticize Athonite monks for man courts, and subsequent execution were elaborately orchestrating a suicide movement. described in narratives called neomartyrologies. Neomartyrs and neomartyrologies served an The most famous compilation of neomartyrologies important function in the propaganda of the Ortho- from the Ottoman period, the New Martyrologion (1794) dox Church. During the 17th century, conversions to by Nikodemos the Hagiorite of Mt. Athos, features two Islam in the Ottoman European domains peaked, Prot- types of male martyrs\u2014intentional (those willingly seek- estant and Catholic missionaries appeared, and social ing to die as martyrs) and unintentional (those whose distinctions between Muslims and non-Muslims in death was brought about by unforeseen circumstances, Ottoman society became blurred. The writing of neo- such as false accusation by a Muslim or fellow Christian). martyrologies and the establishment of what might be While male neomartyrs are depicted as either voluntary considered training camps for aspiring martyrs at Mt. or involuntary converts to Islam, the few known female Athos during the 17th and 18th centuries were a part \u201cwitnesses,\u201d as these martyrs are sometimes called, are of the Orthodox establishment\u2019s conservative reaction typically represented as unwilling converts who became to these developments and an attempt to re-educate the victims of the scheming or sexual desire of Muslim men. flock through the dissemination of texts that stressed Neomartyrologies depict a variety of situations that could the penitential, conscientious practice of Christianity. induce people to convert voluntarily, such as love, rebel- By describing the process of becoming a martyr step liousness against one\u2019s parents, the attempt to save one\u2019s by step, neomartyrologies strove to provide models of life after committing a crime, or the effort to fit into a ideal behavior and to discourage Christians from inter- new working environment. These texts also demonstrate acting with Muslims lest this interaction result in con- how the libel of apostasy made against Christians could version to Islam. be manipulated for widely differing personal ends by both Muslims and fellow Christians. For instance, many Tijana Krsti\u0107 neomartyrs are represented as victims of the jealousy of Further reading: Eleni Gara, \u201cNeomartyr Without a their business partners or competitors. Message.\u201d Archivum Ottomanicum 23 (2005\/06): 155-176; Marinos Sariyanis, \u201cAspects of \u2018Neomartyrdom\u2019: Religious For the most part, neomartyrologies accurately reflect Contacts, \u2018Blasphemy\u2019 and \u2018Calumny\u2019 in 17th Century Istan- the legal procedure prescribed by Islamic law. Although bul.\u201d Archivum Ottomanicum 23 (2005\/06): 249-262; Nomi- the number of apostasy trials suggested in neomartyrol- kos Vaporis, Witnesses for Christ (New York: St Vladimir\u2019s ogy compilations\u2014over 150 cases during the entire Otto- Seminary Press, 2000). man period\u2014cannot be substantiated by records from the Ottoman courts, the few identified apostasy cases Nestorians Nestorian Christians are followers of a tra- and their associated fatwas (legal opinions issued by the dition that emphasizes the human nature of Christ over empire\u2019s leading Muslim jurists) confirm the credibility the divine one. Because of that belief, Nestorians were of the situations described in the neomartyrologies that declared heretics by what would become mainstream could lead to conversion, apostasy, and death. For exam- Christianity in the Council of Ephesus in 431 c.e. Follow- ple, Nikola, a 16th-century neomartyr from Sofia, Bul- ers of the Nestorian tradition spread across the eastern garia, is said to have converted to Islam while drunk; Anatolian highlands, the mountains of Kurdistan, Iran, he was executed because he refused to stay Muslim after and into China in the centuries before the rise of Islam. sobering up. Fatwas from the same period confirm the With the rise of Islam, the Nestorians suffered a diminu- fact that conversion under the influence of alcohol was tion of their numbers as many of their community con- considered valid. Other examples of unintended conver- verted to the new faith. During the Mongol period of sions described in neomartyrologies and discussed in the the 13th and 14th centuries, the Nestorians enjoyed the fatwas as valid include being tricked into pronouncing royal favor of the Khans\u2019 court as many Mongol women the Muslim profession of faith (shahada), the donning of of princely families converted to Nestorian Christianity, Muslim headgear (turban), and converting under coer- and these converts helped their coreligionists from less cion or as a consequence of being a child from a mixed notable lineages. As a result of their identification with marriage. Intentional martyrs, whose numbers seem to increase in the 17th and 18th centuries, are particularly intrigu-","the Mongols, the Nestorians suffered from Muslim retal- newspapers 431 iatory attacks in the post-Mongol period. ada, Australia, and Sweden. The center for the numeri- During the Ottoman period, especially during the cally larger Chaldean community remains in Baghdad, 16th through 18th centuries, Nestorian communities with large communities also found in and around the city were located in the borderlands between Safavid Iran of Mosul. and the Ottoman Empire, where they endured raids from both armies and many individuals from the community Bruce Masters were enslaved. The Nestorians were a very isolated group Further reading: Aziz Atiya, A History of Eastern Chris- in the Ottoman period. Unlike other Christian commu- tianity (Notre Dame, Ind.: University of Notre Dame, 1968). nities of the Empire, they had no merchant middle class. Rather, most Nestorians were peasants who continued to newspapers Although printed matter began to be use Syriac as both their spoken language and their litur- produced in the Ottoman Empire as early as 1493, the gical language. first newspaper to be published in the empire would not follow for more than 300 years with the advent of the The spiritual head of the community was the cathol- French-language Le Spectateur Oriental, printed at Izmir icos. At the start of the Ottoman period, the catholicos in 1821 and designed to meet the needs of French mer- resided in Urmia on the Iranian side of the border. From chants for information relating to trade in the Mediter- the 15th century onward members of one family held the ranean. The Greek independence movement that began position, with authority passing from uncle to nephew, immediately afterward was initially supported by the as a married priest was ineligible to head the commu- newspaper until the publishers realized that these activi- nity. The church split in the 17th century, however, over ties disrupted trade. Led by its new editor, Alexandre the elevation of a minor child to the rank of catholicos. Blacque, the newspaper quickly turned pro-Ottoman, Those in the vicinity of Mosul who rejected the youth launching polemics against the European press that sought support from the Roman Catholic missionar- gained the paper the support of the Sublime Porte. As ies active in that province and were acknowledged as a a result, the Ottoman administration for the first time Uniate Church by Rome. Not long after this schism, the recognized the significance of a newspaper in creating traditionalist faction moved the see, or seat of office, of public opinion, a realization that would ultimately have their catholicos to the village of Qudshanis, on the Otto- a profound influence on the implementation of censor- man side of the border, to be nearer the majority of his ship in the empire. followers. The first Ottoman newspaper, Vekayi-i Misriyye The pro-Catholic party took the name Chaldean, by (Arab: Al-Waqai al-Misriyya, The Egyptian bulletin), was which the Church had been known both in Arabic and published in Cairo on December 3, 1828, by the gover- Turkish, while the traditionalists continued to call them- nor of Egypt, Mehmed Ali. The first two pages were in selves Suryani (Syrians). This created confusion for those Ottoman Turkish and the third and fourth pages were outside the community as the larger Jacobite (Syrian translations of the first two into Arabic. A total of 600 Orthodox) Church also used that name. In the 19th cen- copies of the paper were printed, and were distributed to tury, as Western archaeologists excavated the ruins of the government officials only. The purpose of the newspa- ancient Assyrian civilization at Nineveh near the city of per was to communicate to the administrative staff the Mosul, the traditionalists began to call themselves Assyr- modernization that began within the Ottoman Empire ians, the name by which the community is known today. through the Tanzimat movement. This initiative affected the Sublime Porte and on January 1, 1831, the official During the Armenian Massacres of World War paper of the Ottoman State, Takvim-i Vekayi (Calendar I, Muslim Turks and Kurds attacked Assyrian villages in of occurrences), began publication. Some 5,000 copies of eastern Anatolia as well as Armenian villages. Although this paper were printed; other than government officials, the Assyrian villagers were often well armed and had it was sold to any others who wished to buy it. It was also established martial traditions, they were outnumbered by printed in French, Persian, Greek, Armenian, and Bul- their opponents and lost most of their engagements. But garian. Thus began the process of creating public opin- because they were armed, they did not suffer the depor- ion under the control of the state in accordance with the tations of the Armenians, and a larger percentage of the Ottoman social and economic structure. As a result, the Assyrians survived the war than did their less fortunate first press controversy took place in 1831\u201333 between the Armenian neighbors. In the aftermath of the war, most state-owned newspaper and the newspaper belonging to of the remnant of the community fled Turkey, going first Mehmed Ali Pasha, who had risen against Sublime Porte. to either Iraq or Iran. Although Assyrians can be found Both sides were making modernization efforts, but each today in both Iraq and Iran, and a tiny community is accused the other of breaking away from Islam. found in Turkey, perhaps half of the community now resides in the West, primarily in the United States, Can-","432 newspapers Istanbul became a unique cultural center, exerting a pro- found influence on both the Near and Middle East, and The first privately owned Turkish newspaper was became home to numerous non-Turkish publications: Ceride-i Havadis (Journal of news), published in 1840 by an Englishman named William N. Churchill. The content Arabic: The state-subsidized Al Jawaib, published was unusually rich for its time, for it contained details of in Istanbul, was the most influential among the Western politics, financial news, material about contro- Arabic-language newspapers. Editions in Bei- versial events such as the French Revolution, and items rut were later added, and circulation increased of cultural interest such as reports of new technology that after 1908. had not yet been introduced into the Ottoman Empire. However, Churchill\u2019s paper did not appeal to the public Armenian: The first newspaper in Armenian was and was able to survive only with state support. In fact, Liro Kir, a translation of the official Ottoman its writers were all members of the translation bureau of newspaper, Takvim-i Vekayi. It is significant the Sublime Porte, who directed communication with that newspapers published in Turkish with foreign countries and followed the foreign press. Armenian characters comprised one-third of all Armenian periodicals. Armenian pub- The most interesting attempts at informing the public lications pioneered primarily in the areas of through state-controlled opinion is seen in the provincial humor and cartoons. Mostly based in Istanbul, papers. This process of disseminating public information the number of Armenian periodicals in Anato- through state-implemented provincial printing houses lia increased to 46 after 1908. began in 1860, under the guidance of the mektup\u00e7us or the deputies of provincial governors. Newspapers were French: Between 1821 and 1908, a period when printed both in Turkish and in the local language of a French was the primary cultural and politi- given region. Among the 37 provincial newspapers pub- cal language in Europe, approximately 150 lished until 1908, many were multilingual and could be French-language newspapers and magazines found in cities and provinces throughout the empire, were published in Istanbul. These involved not often taking their names from the place where they were only political matters but also scientific sub- published. Among these were newspapers published in jects such as medicine. Turkish-Arabic (in Beirut, Damascus, Tripoli, Aleppo, Baghdad, Yemen, Sanaa, Jerusalem, and Hejaz); in Greek: The first newspapers in the Greek language Turkish-Greek (in Crete, Edirne, Yanina, Konya, Adana, were published in Izmir in 1831 and later con- and Rhodes); in Turkish-Armenian (in Erzurum, Diyar- centrated in Istanbul. There were also periodi- bakir, and Bursa); in Turkish-Serbian (in Prizren, Herze- cals printed in Turkish with Greek characters govina, and Skopje); in Turkish-Bulgarian (in Ruse); and (karamanlidika). Greek-language newspapers in Turkish-Greek-Bulgarian-Hebrew (Ladino) (in Salon- ranked second in number behind French-lan- ika). These newspapers were not limited to publishing guage newspapers, with 109 publications. official statements but were also vehicles for progressive reform. Articles appeared which claimed that advocating Jewish\/Ladino: Publications printed in the for the state without reflecting political and social reali- Ladino language by Jewish immigrants from ties was a kind of treason against the country. This indi- Spain, mainly in Istanbul and Salonika, num- cates the fact that, in the Ottoman community, the state\u2019s bered 100. administrators adopted the function assumed in Europe by the bourgeoisie, and Ottoman social change was initi- Persian: Periodicals in Persian were limited in ated under their guidance. The 19th century was a period number, but in its 20 years of existence the of sweeping social change in Europe as well as in the Otto- newspaper Ahter, first published in Istanbul man Empire, and newspapers were an important vehicle in 1876, played an important role in the mod- for this change in both cultures. The role of the newspa- ernization of Iran through supporting and pro- per for effecting change in the empire was paramount, moting Ottoman Tanzimat reforms. Reformists however, for pervasive censorship of books prevented the who fled Iran also published newspapers in dissemination of progressive ideas through that medium. Istanbul. As a result, change in the Ottoman world at this time was dominated by newspaper culture. European languages: The first English-language newspaper was the Levant Herald in 1858; the As the society entered increasingly into a mode of German-language newspaper Osmanische Post political and social reform, due in part to the influence of was printed in 1890. The first Italian newspa- these newspapers, the empire implemented new religious per appeared in 1838, and a more long-lasting and cultural freedoms and the publication of newspapers one, La Turchia, appeared in 1909. in every language was also permitted. As a result of this, Other languages: There were 15 periodical pub- lications in Bulgarian in the Ottoman Empire; there were also Serbian, Georgian, and Urdu-","language publications, as well as publications newspapers 433 in Albanian, Circassian, Kurdish, and Romani, whose alphabets were newly established. government official-journalists were replaced by profes- sionals. Basiret\u00e7i Ali and Ahmed Midhat are prominent Tercuman-i Ahval (Interpreter of events), the first names from this period. Meanwhile, the press expanded independent Turkish newspaper, was published on to include humor magazines (especially caricatures) and October 21, 1860. The Western-educated owners Agah publications specializing in opinion and education. The and \u015einasi Efendis, in their editorial for the first edi- empire began to see the introduction of humor maga- tion, declared their objective as \u201cexisting without finan- zines at the end of 1860s, reaching a peak in number and cial support from the state\u201d and thus initiated the era of circulation during the early 1870s. They dealt mainly free press. By stating \u201cfreedom of expression is a part of with local life as compared with the Western style that human nature,\u201d they introduced the public to the Enlight- dominated Pera, the European quarter of Istanbul (see enment principles espoused by the French Revolutionar- political satire). Among these publications were ies of 1789. Megu, Hayal, \u00c7aylak, and Diyojen. Important cartoon- ists of the period were Teodor Kasap (Greek), Ni\u015fan Ber- A truly dynamic newspaper was the Tasvir-i Efkar beryan (Armenian), and Ali Fuad (Turkish). (Description of ideas), launched by \u015einasi\u2014who spent many years in Paris and became a member of the French With the amnesty of 1870, those who led the opposi- Oriental Studies Institution\u2014and later taken over by tion from Europe returned to Istanbul, and thus the press Namik Kemal. The paper was first published on June increased its critical attitude. Namik Kemal started a new 27, 1862, and became the unofficial mouthpiece of the campaign with his newspaper Ibret (Warning). The sale Young Ottomans, who added new dynamism to Otto- of 25,000 copies of its first issue, unprecedented in the man modernization. In his article for the first issue, \u015einasi history of Ottoman newspapers, indicates that society stated, \u201cwe have to utilize the wisdom endowed upon us had become more dynamically opinionated. The gov- by God\u201d and advocated an active public opinion. Further ernment found this dangerous; the newspaper was shut discussion on this topic considered the extent to which down and Namik Kemal was exiled to Cyprus. However, public opinion might control government administration, the movement initiated by the New Ottomans also con- leading the government for the first time to institute press tinued among the higher administrative tiers of the state. laws. In 1857 a press code was issued, and in 1858 articles Sultan Abd\u00fclaziz (r. 1861\u20131876), who wished to return on accusatory publication were added to the criminal law. to the old, sultan-led administration, was dethroned A new press code, inspired by the French press law, was by a military coup and was replaced by Murad V (r. issued in 1864. A press bureau, which would act as pre- 1876) and later by Abd\u00fclhamid II (r. 1876\u20131909), who liminary censorship, was also established. accepted the parliamentarian regime. Thus the press proved that it had an active function in Ottoman society. Also known as the New Ottomans, the Young Ottomans gained momentum in the press by openly Between 1876 and 1908 the press continued to exist, addressing the concept of freedom, supported by the con- but under strict restrictions. The Ottoman defeat at the tributions of Ali Suavi\u2019s newspaper Muhbir (Informer). end of the Russo-Ottoman War (1877\u201378) left no room Ali Suavi was a revolutionary who ended his life while for public criticism, either from parliament or from the participating in a coup d\u2019\u00e9tat in 1878. Disturbed by press. Moreover, Sultan Abd\u00fclhamid\u2019s determination to what they regarded as the revolutionary proposal of the be the sole decision-maker permitted no opportunity for Me\u015fveret (Consultation), which may also be translated as freedom in this era. Humor magazines disappeared, and \u201cconstitutional system,\u201d the government closed down all newspapers had to present their pages to the censorship newspapers critical of their programs and policies and committee prior to printing, which functionally elimi- reassigned the government officials responsible for these nated all opposition. Moreover, the sultan had developed inflammatory ideas to posts outside Istanbul. From this a special reward system to silence both local and foreign internal exile, writers such as Ziya Pasha, Namik Kemal, press: All local publications received money for remain- and Ali Suavi fled to Europe in 1867 and continued their ing loyal to the regime; correspondents of foreign news- opposition to the Ottoman government by publishing the papers and agencies were bribed as well. As a result, a newspapers Muhbir and Hurriyet (Freedom) in Paris and strong Turkish opposition press, of which Me\u015fveret (Con- London. Nor did the Kararname-i Ali, or high decree of sultation) was the leader, once more developed in Europe the Ottoman grand vizier, function to restrain the press and Egypt. at home. On the contrary, the increase in Turkish peri- odical publications was greater than ever. In Istanbul, In 1908 the Young Turk Revolution forced Sultan between 1860 and 1866, 17 new publications appeared; Abd\u00fclhamid II to revalidate the constitution, which he 113 new publications appeared between 1867 and 1878 as had suspended for 30 years, and which contained the clause \u201cthe press is independent by law.\u201d As a result, newspapers pursued publication without reference to censorship. The number of newspapers and magazines in circulation in","434 Nizam-\u0131 Cedid porting the national independence movement under the leadership of Mustafa Kemal (later, Kemal Atat\u00fcrk). the empire escalated from 120 to 730 in just seven months. The separatist newspapers, mainly Greek newspapers, Publishers wrote in total freedom about everything that advocated until 1922 for Greek sovereignty over Anato- had been banned. The non-Turkish press (Greek, Arabic, lia and Istanbul. The second group, Turkish publications, Armenian, and Albanian) found the opportunity to express led by Ali Kemal\u2019s Peyam\u0131 Sabah (Morning news), openly their communities\u2019 patriotic yearnings. Although most of supported the Treaty of S\u00e8vres which would leave only these publications were short-lived, 461 more publications one-fifth of Anatolia to the Turks. The third group, the were added by 1914. In this environment, the Islamic reli- pro-Turkish national movement press, began the influ- gious press, of which Abd\u00fclhamid had never been tolerant, ential \u201duntil independence\u201d campaign under the lead- also emerged. When one of these Islamic publications, Vol- ership of the newspaper Hakimiyet-i Milliye (National kan (Volcano), advocated a return to the previous closed sovereignty), which in 1920 was both founded and man- regime style of governance, this led to a clash. Conflicts aged by the future leader of the Turkish Republic, Kemal of opinion led to the first assassination of a journalist in Atat\u00fcrk. At the same time, the Anatolian News Agency Ottoman history: A journalist opposed to the party in was established, and the mechanisms of independent power, Ittihat and Terakki (the Committee of Union and broadcast journalism commenced. Eight out of ten of Progress), was killed by the Young Turks. Muslim funda- the country\u2019s most influential newspapers, including Tas- mentalists responded by attacking the Young Turk news- viri Efkar, Vakit, and others, offered their support to the paper, Tanin (Resounding), and sought to kill its chief national movement based in Ankara. The era of the Otto- editor, Huseyin Cahid Yal\u00e7\u0131n. They mistakenly killed man press ended with the proclamation of the Republic another editor instead, Hasan Fehmi, the commenta- of Turkey in 1923. tor of the separatist paper Serbesti (Freedom) and, ironi- cally, a fervent critic of Ittihat and Terakki. On April 14, Orhan Kolo\u011flu 1909, these reactionary religious forces also raided the parliament hall and forced the government to resign. The Nizam-\u0131 Cedid (1792\u20131807) By the reign of Selim III upheaval was quickly suppressed by a Young Turk-con- (r. 1789\u20131807), the general term nizam-\u0131 cedid, which trolled army from the Balkans. Although a new, more the Ottomans had hitherto used to describe minor liberal press code was issued as a result, the desire for administrative and financial reforms, took on a new freedom of the press was so strong among intellectuals meaning: the opposite of nizam-\u0131 kadim, an ambigu- that they continued to oppose any code, however liberal. ous term signifying the traditional Ottoman system. According to this newer meaning, Nizam-\u0131 Cedid usu- Except for a short period in 1912, the Ottoman ally refers to the Western-inspired reforms undertaken press remained under the control of the Ittihat and Ter- by Selim in 1792 in the aftermath of the Russo-Ottoman akki party until the Armistice of Mudros, which ended War of 1787\u201392 that set the stage for the later ground- World War I on October 30, 1918. This policy was breaking Tanzimat reforms as well as for the reforms strengthened with the loss of Ottoman territories in of Mehmed Ali of Egypt. In its widest sense, Nizam-\u0131 Libya and the Balkans. In 1913, all opposition journal- Cedid describes the transformation of the Ottoman ists were either exiled or had fled the country. Among Empire into a modern absolutist state. In its narrower these was Ahmed Emin Yalman, who had been educated sense, it refers to the establishment of the Western-style in journalism at Columbia University in New York City. army with a separate treasury, Irad-\u0131 Cedid (new rev- Talented writers would usually start journalism through enues). Nizam-\u0131 Cedid came to an abrupt end in May master-apprentice relations, but Ahmed Emin was the 1807 when Selim III was forced to abdicate by a Janis- first to have received formal training. His dissertation, sary-ulema coalition (Kabak\u00e7\u0131 Mustafa Revolt). titled \u201cThe Development of Modern Turkey as Measured by its Press\u201d and published by the university in 1914, was The formal Nizam-\u0131 Cedid reform program insti- the first academic study of the Ottoman press. tuted by Selim was carried out by a dedicated reform committee that worked to implement more than 20 During World War I, due to technical hardship and reform proposals in all, the most influential of which was the newspapers\u2019 inability to truthfully deliver the news of the report on the Habsburg Empire written by Ebubekir failure on the frontiers, the press had become rather lim- Rat\u0131b Efendi, the Ottoman ambassador to Vienna. While ited. However, after mid-1917, the peace treaty of Brest the entire reform is said to have included 72 clauses on Litovsk, the steep decline of Ottoman political power, a variety of topics ranging from the military and judicial and the occupation of the empire from 1918 to 1922 institutions to the central and provincial administration, resulted in a relatively unfettered press. It included sev- the most tangible results of the Nizam-\u0131 Cedid were seen eral different components: separatist minority newspa- in the spheres of the military and diplomacy. pers printed in the occupied cities of Izmir and Istanbul; Turkish publications demanding a rapid peace and that the seat of the caliphate stay in Istanbul; and those sup-","The opening of new military technical schools and Nizam-\u0131 Cedid 435 restructuring of the artillery corps were followed by the foundation of the Nizam-\u0131 Cedid army in 1794 on the of state and society. Unlike many in the West, Ottoman European model with Western-style uniforms, equipment, intellectuals did not automatically equate modernity with and\u2014most significantly\u2014military discipline. While the secularism; thus reinforcement of the traditional sump- first recruits in this army included Russian and Habsburg tuary laws, which continued to regulate moral conduct fugitives and prisoners of war, recruitment later relied on in the empire, went hand in hand with modern policies the Turkish peasants and tribesmen of Anatolia. The Bal- of industrialization and the establishment of a conscript kans were excluded as an area for recruitment since the army. In line with Ottoman pragmatism, the ruling elite strong power brokers (ayan) of the region were opposed incorporated Islamic laws (sharia) and values into the to the reform program. The new army was organized as a reform program, making every effort to justify the adop- provincial militia force rather than a professional stand- tion of a Western model of the absolutist state by rede- ing army in the Western sense; by 1807, it included more fining conventional Islamic notions. Within this context, than 23,000 troops. The reorganization of the arsenal and Ottoman reformers invited the population to understand the gunpowder works, the construction of the first mod- the Western idea of civic duty within the more familiar ern military barracks on the outskirts of Istanbul, and Muslim framework of serving state and religion (din- the construction of about 45 state-of-the-art warships \u00fc-devlet) and submission to the ultimate state authority are among the successes of the reform program. Various (ulu\u2019l-emre ita\u2018at). Likewise, the principle of due reci- works on military arts and sciences were translated from procity (mukabele-i bi\u2019l-misl), the Islamic formula justify- Western languages into Turkish to help lay the necessary ing the adoption of Western military techniques, became infrastructure for the modern sciences; this signaled the a more general principle for the transfer of knowledge coming of a new generation of engineers with Western- from Europe. style thinking. In addition to the initial reform proposals, the advocates of reform penned many treatises, some in While the Nizam-\u0131 Cedid reform program was suc- European languages, for propaganda purposes at home cessful and far-reaching, it was not, of course, without and \u201dimage-making\u201d abroad. its critics. In the battle of narratives between support- ers and opponents of reform, the pro-reform group pre- Another sphere addressed by the reform program sented the modern Nizam-\u0131 Cedid troops as an effective was diplomacy. Because Selim reigned in the Napole- guard against Russian attack, for during this period, the onic age, his fate was directly affected by the instability modernization of Russia had become both a threat to in European politics. As the political and military power the Ottomans and a model to emulate. Some Ottomans of the Ottoman Empire diminished, the Sublime Porte regarded Russian reforms as a danger to their own state, discovered that modern international diplomacy was but others admired Russia\u2019s modern military or saw in an increasingly valuable tool. Thus the empire formally the industrialization and progress of the Russian state declared its neutrality in the First Coalition Wars (1793) and society an apt example for domestic change. The between the revolutionary French regime and a coalition most significant internal conflict over the Nizam-\u0131 Cedid of European powers; it became a formal member of the reforms came not from any external force, however, but European coalition in the Second Coalition Wars (1799\u2013 from an internal rebellion, the Kabak\u00e7\u0131 Mustafa Revolt 1801) in reaction to Napoleon Bonaparte\u2019s invasion of of 1807, driven by religious scholars, or ulema, and the Egypt. Entering a European coalition and declaring neu- sultan\u2019s personal Janissary guard. trality were novel experiences in Ottoman history, lead- ing ultimately to the appointment of the empire\u2019s first Often mischaracterized as the result of fanaticism, permanent foreign ambassadors to London in 1793, to ignorance, and corruption that swept away all the west- Berlin in 1795, to Vienna in 1795, and to Paris in 1795; ernizing reforms in bloodshed, the Kabak\u00e7\u0131 Mustafa no ambassador to St. Petersburg was appointed because Revolt was, in fact, the result of a political conspiracy relations between Russia and the Ottomans had soured carried out by a rival faction in the palace that, resent- in 1795. A new class of bureaucrats with a Western men- ing the arrogance and corruption of the reform com- tality rose from the ranks of these diplomats, and these mittee, made use of the discontented Janissaries, the would shape and carry out the Tanzimat reforms in the ulema, and the strongmen of the Balkans whose vested next period of Ottoman history. interests were threatened by the reforms. In 1806, with the help of the masses who dreaded compulsory The Nizam-\u0131 Cedid reforms were not solely based on military service in the new army and resented heavy Western inspiration. A new Islamic discourse, partially taxation, these combined forces managed to block the shaped by the Naqshbandiyya, Mevlevi, and Halveti introduction of the Nizam-\u0131 Cedid army the Balkans orders, was as influential in establishing and carrying (the second Edirne incident). Selim\u2019s legitimacy was forward these reforms as were the Western concepts also undermined by other events and developments, including uprisings in the Balkans (Serbians) and Ara- bia (Wahhabis), problems with Russia and Great Brit-","436 nomads only constituted an important part of the population of the Ottoman Empire from its beginning but was also the ain, the arrival of a hostile British fleet in the Bosporus, group out of which the Ottoman state arose. The terms the extravagant life led by the court, the debasement of Turkoman (T\u00fcrkmen) and Y\u00fcr\u00fck were used interchange- the currency, and periodic food shortages in Istanbul. ably within Ottoman documents to refer to the lifestyles Taking advantage of negative public opinion, the rival of the same people. Other terms, such as konar-g\u00f6\u00e7er, faction encouraged the guards deployed in fortresses g\u00f6\u00e7er-evli, g\u00f6\u00e7erler, and g\u00f6\u00e7ebe, were also used when refer- along the Bosporus to refuse to wear the Nizam-\u0131 Cedid ring to nomadic people. uniforms and to mutiny. Unaware of the conspiracy, Selim did not send his new army to suppress the upris- ORIGINS AND ORGANIZATION ing, seeking to avoid a possible civil war while the empire was in the midst of yet another war with Russia. Major nomadic groups called Oghuz or Turkoman came When the rebel group headed by Kabak\u00e7\u0131 Mustafa, the from Central Asia to Anatolia after the Battle of Manzik- commander of the Rumeli fortress, entered the city and ert (Malazgirt) in 1071. This migration wave reached its joined forces with the Janissaries, the mutiny became an peak between the years 1221 and 1261 during the course open revolt approved by the discontented public. This of the Mongolian attacks. Among these migrants were group demanded the disbanding of the Nizam-\u0131 Cedid Turkic tribes such as the Karluk, Khalac, and Kypchak. army and the execution of the members of the reform As a result of these population movements, significant committee. A demoralized Selim complied with all the changes occurred that affected the demographic, top- rebels\u2019 demands but was still forced to abdicate on May onymic, and cultural structures of Anatolia. During the 29, 1807. The members of the reform committee, 10 in dominant periods of different Turkic states in Anatolia \u2014 total, were executed as part of the revolt, but this use of including the first Turkic states (established in the region force has resulted in widespread misperception, causing by Kutalm\u0131\u015fo\u011flu S\u00fcleyman Shah and the Dani\u015fmends, students and historians to falsely romanticize the reign Meng\u00fcc\u00fcks, Artuks, Ahlatshahs, Saltuks and the Ana- of Selim III as a struggle between religious reactionaries tolian Seljuk State)\u2014Turkic nomads began to know the and the \u201cluminous forces\u201d of reform (tecedd\u00fcd). In actu- region better. Many of the Turkic principalities in Ana- ality, following the revolt, the technical schools and the tolia were established by members of different dynas- printing house continued to operate, and the technical ties belonging to the larger Turkoman clan. This played corps in the army was reinforced through new regula- an important role in the occupation of the region by the tions by the succeeding sultans. Turks in such a short period of time. Kahraman \u015eakul Toponymical studies and place names provide us Further reading: Stanford J. Shaw, Between Old and with geographic information about the areas in Ana- New: The Ottoman Empire Under Selim III, 1789\u20131807 tolia in which the nomadic groups lived. Place names (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1971); Car- with Turkic origins are found in a vast area in the inter- oline Finkel, Osman\u2019s Dream: The Story of the Ottoman nal regions of the Black Sea and in the Taurus Moun- Empire, 1300\u20131923 (London: John Murray, 2005), 383\u2013412; tains region stretching from west to east in the southern Ekmeleddin \u0130hsano\u011flu, ed., History of the Ottoman State, and northern parts of Anatolia, which were the areas Society, and Civilisation, vol. 1 (Istanbul: Ircica, 2001), settled by most of those nomadic groups. These names 63\u201377; F. Babinger, \u201cNizam-I Djedid,\u201d in Encyclopaedia are more frequently found in Bolu, Kastamonu, \u00c7orum, of Islam, 2nd ed., vol. 8 (Leiden: Brill, 1960\u2013), 75\u201376; Vir- Tosya, Tokat, and the Ankara plains in the north, in the ginia Aksan, \u201cSelim III,\u201d in Encyclopaedia of Islam, 2nd ed., foothills of the north Anatolian mountains, in the cen- vol. 9 (Leiden: Brill, 1960\u2013), 132\u2013134; Butrus Abu-Man- tral Anatolian steppes, \u00c7ukurova, and the lakes region neh, Studies on Islam and the Ottoman Empire in the 19th in the south. In the west, it is evident that these nomadic Century, 1826\u20131876 (Istanbul: Isis, 2001); M. Alaaddin groups settled in the vast plains of Menderes and Gediz. Yal\u00e7\u0131nkaya, \u201cIstanbul as an Important Centre of European The nomadic people living in these regions used the Diplomacy (according to British Sources during the Period wide plains and valleys near the coasts as their winter 1789\u20131798),\u201d in The Great Ottoman Turkish Civilisation, quarters (k\u0131\u015flak) and the plains located at higher alti- vol. 1, edited by Erc\u00fcment Kuran et al. (Ankara: Yeni T\u00fcr- tudes in the internal parts of Anatolia as their summer kiye, 1999) 523\u2013537; V. Aksan, \u201cOttoman Political Writing pastures (yaylak). Geographically, the areas they lived in (1768\u20131808).\u201d IJMES 25 (1993): 53\u201369. during the winter and summer were not a great distance apart. The tribes living in eastern and southeastern Ana- nomads Although a substantial number of Arab tolia had their summer pastures on the high plateaus in nomads became part of the Ottoman Empire after the central and eastern Anatolia and spent the cold months conquest of the Arab lands in 1516\u201317, , in terms of in their winter quarters, which today border Iraq and the development of the empire, the most significant Syria. nomadic group was the Turkomans or Y\u00fcr\u00fcks, who not","The nomadic groups consisted of a number of boys nomads 437 or tribal groups. Each boy was like the trunk of a tree, with different groups growing out from the boy or tribe D\u00f6\u011fer, Av\u015far, Beydili, or Eymir. Most of the groups were like branches. In other words, each boy consisted of sev- also known by the names of their leaders or ancestors, eral nomadic groups. In earlier periods, however, there generally called keth\u00fcda and boybeyi, or distinguished were not so many nomadic groups in a boy. The num- persons such as the Ali Kocalu, Bayramlu, Be\u00e7il\u00fc, Cengi- ber increased only after the Oghuz boys came to Ana- zl\u00fc, \u00c7ak\u0131rlu, G\u00fcnd\u00fczl\u00fc, G\u00fczel Hanlu, Ilyaslu, Ine Kocalu, tolia, broke away from one another, and began living in Kara Isalu, K\u00f6pekli, M\u00fcslim Hac\u0131lu, Nusretl\u00fc, Pehlivanlu, smaller groups in different areas. Some groups that were Sarsallu, S\u00fcleymanlu, Yabanlu, and the Yunuslu peoples. previously members of the same boy came to be known Other groups were named after the fields they occupied by different names. Factors contributing to this process or the region in which they lived. included the influence and pressure of the Mongols, who had formerly conquered and occupied the lands Because each nomadic group consisted of closely used by the Turkomans, and the population growth related families, the members of the group knew each of the nomadic tribes living in Anatolia, which led to a other very well. The number of families in each unit var- lack of settlement areas. The incorporation of nomadic ied between five and 100; in some units, there could be people into the administrative and economic structure even more. Each group was represented and governed by of regional polities also played an important role in the a leader known as keth\u00fcda, who was generally be cho- division of tribes into minor structural groups. sen from among the most influential families of the unit. Although the title keth\u00fcda was passed from father to son, During the Ottoman period, like the sedentary pop- it was sometimes given to distinguished people who had ulation, nomadic groups were involved in the adminis- influence and respectability. The candidate keth\u00fcda was trative and economic structure of the empire. The major chosen by the people and his name was reported to the nomadic groups in the administrative and economic Ottoman judge or kad\u0131 of the district. The kad\u0131 then system were known as Bozulus, Yeniil, Aleppo, Damas- submitted the candidate keth\u00fcda\u2019s name to the central cus, Dulkad\u0131rl\u0131, Dani\u015fmendli, At\u00e7eken (Esbke\u015fan), administration. Karaulus, Ulu Y\u00f6r\u00fck, Ankara Y\u00f6r\u00fcks, and Bolu Y\u00f6r\u00fcks. These names were generally given to these groups by the GEOGRAPHIC DISTRIBUTION bureaucrats of the central Ottoman administration. How- ever, these names were not random or meaningless, but The geographical distribution of the most important were derived from the geographic locations where the nomadic organizations was already in place by the 1530s. groups lived or from the Turkoman principalities under Although there were slight changes in this distribution which they had lived before being subjected to the con- in the 16th century\u2014when such major groups as the trol of the Ottomans. Terms such as il and ulus, which Yeniil, Aleppo, and Bozulus Turkomans moved from the reflect the traces of former nomadic administrative and east toward the west and when the Ottoman administra- social organization, also played an important role in these tion pursued different policies toward them\u2014the overall given names. Although several of the smaller nomadic structure and dispersal remained almost the same. groups were part of the timar system and were adminis- tered within the sub-provinces or sancaks in which they The nomads constituted an important part of the lived, some of these nomadic groups continued to live population in the areas in which they lived. According in accordance with the traditional tribal structure. Nev- to \u00d6. L. Barkan\u2019s pioneering study on cadastral survey ertheless, this traditional tribal structure started to lose records (1957), in the lands that make up present-day influence as the boys were divided into smaller groups Anatolia (including the provinces of Anatolia, Karaman, over time and as some minor groups emerged and began Dulkad\u0131r, and Rumelia) there were about 872,610 house- to be seen as more important than the original ones. holds in the 1520s and 1530s. Of these, 160,564 were Thousands, even tens of thousands, of nomadic groups nomads, while the remainder were sedentary groups. or units that emerged from among the major boys are Of the four provinces, Anatolia had the largest nomadic apparent in Ottoman archival documents. These groups, population, 77,268 households. This number did not consisting of a set number of people, were referred to by include about 52,000 households consisting of nomadic- such terms as cemaat, oymak, mahalle, t\u00eer, b\u00f6l\u00fck, oba, origin yaya-m\u00fcsellems (infantry and cavalry). Between t\u00e2bi, and taallukat. Each of these nomadic groups or units 1570 and 1580, 220,217 households out of a total of had its own name, such as the \u201cX Cemaati\u201d, \u201cX Oyma\u011f\u0131\u201d, 1,360,474 in these four provinces were nomadic; the or \u201cX Mahallesi\u201d (e.g., Abalu Cemaati, S\u0131d\u0131kl\u0131 Oyma\u011f\u0131, province of Anatolia maintained the highest population and K\u00fct\u00fckl\u00fc Mahallesi). These were often the names of of nomads with 116,219 households. Compared to ear- original boys to which they belonged, such as Kay\u0131, Bayat, lier periods, the province of Anatolia during this period showed an abnormally large increase in the population. According to Ottomanist scholar Halil Inalc\u0131k, this was a result of population movements from the eastern prov- inces toward the west. The population in the provinces","438 North Africa As a result of these settlement policies, nomadic groups within the Ottoman Empire adopted a sedentary of Aleppo, Tripoli, Damascus, Baghdad, and Basra also life and established new settlements. This greatly con- included a substantial nomadic population, including tributed to the settlement and renovation of material and Turkoman and Y\u00f6r\u00fck groups. Between 1570 and 1590, spiritual culture in Anatolia, and the establishment of an of 371,848 households in these provinces, 87,030 house- orderly settlement pattern. holds were nomadic. Most of the summer pastures of nomadic groups in these five regions were in Anatolia. \u0130lhan \u015eahin Further reading: \u00d6mer L\u00fctfi Barkan, \u201cEssai sur les SETTLEMENT PROGRAM donn\u00e9es statistiques des registres de recensement dans l\u2019Empire Ottoman aux XVe et XVIe si\u00e8cles.\u201d Journal of the Most of the nomadic groups in Anatolia during the Economic and Social History of the Orient 1 (1957): 9\u201336; Ottoman period eventually adopted sedentary lives and \u00d6mer L\u00fctfi Barkan, \u201cResearch on the Ottoman Fiscal Sur- established new settlement areas as a result of economic, veys,\u201d in Studies in the Economic History of the Middle East, social, and demographic conditions. It is understood that edited by Michael A. Cook (Oxford: Oxford University the systematic forced settlement of these people by the Press, 1970), 163\u2013171; Halil \u0130nalc\u0131k, \u201cThe Y\u00fcr\u00fcks: Their state in various regions began during the late 17th cen- Origins, Expansion and Economic Role,\u201d in The Middle East tury. The main reason the Ottomans did not undertake and the Balkans under the Ottoman Empire (Bloomington: this project earlier was that their attention was focused Indiana University Press, 1993); Rudi Paul Lindner, Nomads on continuous wars with neighboring states and on the and Ottomans in Medieval Anatolia (Bloomington: Indiana Celali revolts. The Ottoman authorities launched University Press, 1983); \u0130lhan \u015eahin, Osmanl\u0131 D\u00f6neminde plans to reopen settlements demolished by the Celali Konar-G\u00f6\u00e7erler \/ Nomads in the Ottoman Empire (Istan- movements of the 17th century for agricultural produc- bul: Eren Yay\u0131nc\u0131l\u0131k, 2006). tion, and Istanbul intended to unite the nomadic people within the empire by providing them with efficient facili- North Africa Ottoman interest in North Africa was ties for agricultural production. prompted by a strategic aim to block Spanish expan- sion into the region. The fall of the Muslim kingdom One reason for the forced settlement program was of Granada in 1492 ended an Islamic political presence that the Ottomans believed that a sedentary agricultural in Spain dating from 711 c.e. Inspired by that victory, lifestyle would keep the nomads busy and prevent them Spanish fleets harried Muslim shipping in the west- from causing political trouble. This was especially urgent ern Mediterranean Sea while Spanish soldiers occupied because the summer and winter lands had become insuffi- Muslim ports in North Africa. The Ottoman response cient for the nomads\u2019 traditional way of life. The Ottoman was to increase pressure on the Europeans through state authorities chose various areas to settle the nomads. These sponsorship of Muslim corsairs, who raided Christian included Afyonkarahisar (Karahisar-\u0131 Sahib), Urfa, Adana, shipping and launched slave raids on European coastal and Bozok in Anatolia, as well as Rakka and Aleppo. Of villages from Sicily to Ireland. To counter the Spanish, these settlement areas, Rakka was strategically important who were fortifying naval bases along the North African because it was considered a fortress that could resist pos- coast, the Ottomans needed their own ports. These were sible Arab raids from the south. Whereas the Ottoman established by the mid-16th century in Algiers, Tunis, settlement policy during the expansion period that lasted and Tripoli. Although there would be other such ports, until about the late 16th century was an external strategy, those three would serve to anchor the Ottoman political this settlement policy was a domestic strategy whose main presence in North Africa. objectives were to reopen devastated areas to agricultural production and to revive the economies of given regions. There was a major difference between the Span- These settlement strategies seem to have worked well in ish settlements and those of the Ottomans. The Span- some parts of Anatolia, but in such critical areas as Rakka, ish faced hostile Muslim populations in the hinterlands due to sociological, geographical, and climatic factors, they beyond their fortified garrisons, while the Ottomans did not yield the expected results. could appeal to a sense of Islamic solidarity to secure their own position. The Ottomans were unwilling, how- The settlement strategies of the central authorities of ever, to commit a large number of ground troops to their the late 17th century were continued into the 18th century, North African outposts. As a result, the countryside when nomadic groups were settled mostly in devastated remained largely under the control of Berber and Arab areas or in their own summer and winter lands. Naturally, tribes who might ally themselves with the Ottomans but some groups preferred to establish their own settlements did not recognize their political suzerainty. As Ottoman and adopted sedentary lives without state intervention. control in the region relied heavily on the navy, the sul- Additionally, as in the 17th century, other nomadic groups were settled and used as barriers, particularly along the southern border areas. This settlement policy was contin- ued in the 19th century during the Tanzimat period.","tans\u2019 writ rarely extended beyond the narrow North Afri- novel 439 can coastal plain. long been the breadbasket of the region, helped feed a The Berber clans in the mountains of Algeria effec- France starved by Great Britain\u2019s continental blockade. tively resisted any incorporation into the Ottoman As the economies of western Europe became increas- Empire. Morocco, under first the Saadi and later the ingly dependent on food supplies from North Africa, Alawi dynasty of sultans, also repelled Ottoman incur- European investors saw the remnants of the weakened sions into its territory as vigorously as it did attacks by Ottoman Empire as easy prey. In 1830 French forces the Spanish. The Ottomans faced a special problem occupied Algiers after the bey, or governor, hit the with the Alawis. As their dynastic name suggests, this French ambassador in the face with a flyswatter. The group claimed descent from Ali, the son-in-law of the war that followed placed Algeria under direct French Prophet, and boasted a pedigree that was more exalted colonial rule. In Tunis and Tripoli, the growth of Euro- than that claimed by the Ottoman dynasty. North Afri- pean power came in the indirect form of European colo- can jurists viewed the Alawi claim to Sunni legitimacy nists and Western capital, the latter of which was used to to be stronger than that of the Ottoman ruling fam- develop the agricultural production of both provinces. ily. The practical result of the Alawi dynasty\u2019s claim was Tunisia became a French protectorate in 1884; in 1911, that the sultans of Morocco could rally Berber and Arab Italy occupied Libya. tribes into coalitions, based on religious devotion to the Prophet Muhammad\u2019s descendants, effectively resisting Bruce Masters Ottoman attempts to expand their political control into See also Algiers; Tripoli; Tunis. Morocco. Further reading: Andrew Hess, The Forgotten Frontier: A History of the Sixteenth-Century Ibero-African Frontier The absence of a routine Ottoman military and (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1978). bureaucratic presence in the North African ports engen- dered anarchy. Profiting from this power vacuum, the notables See ayan. military in those cities created alliances with the local Muslim commercial elites and soon began to govern in novel The novel was introduced into Ottoman litera- place of Ottoman officials sent from Istanbul. At the start ture in 1860 through translations from Western texts. of the 18th century, military strongmen seized control Until that time, traditional folk stories, often narrating in all the major North African ports. In 1705 H\u00fcseyin extraordinary loves, such as \u201cKerem and Asl\u0131\u201d and \u201cLeyla Alio\u011flu established his rule in Tunis. His descendants, and Mecnun,\u201d were the prevailing type of fiction in the known as the Husaynis, would rule as beys\u2014at least Ottoman community. The novel was a form that Otto- nominally\u2014until 1957. In 1711 both Karamanl\u0131 Ahmed man intellectuals were quick to adopt, recognizing in the Bey in Tripoli and S\u00f6keli Ali Bey in Algiers established new genre the possibility of introducing into Ottoman their own dynasties. Although neither dynasty was as culture the modern Western values they admired. long-lived as that of the Husaynis, descendants of these two beys controlled their respective cities well into the The first Western novel translated into the Ottoman 19th century. All three ports were in intense competi- language was The Adventures of Telemachus by the French tion for control of the lucrative corsair or pirate enter- writer Fran\u00e7ois F\u00e9nelon (1651\u20131715). Translated in ornate prises, leading them to a continued reliance on Istanbul and powerful language by Yusuf Kamil Pasha (1808\u201376), for legitimacy; reference to the sultan also allowed the an important Ottoman statesman of the period, The beys to balance off their more immediate rivals\u2014each Adventures of Telemachus is a sort of advice book and other. Much of North Africa thus remained nominally in resembles in this respect the Ottoman form of \u201cadvice to the Ottoman Empire despite the fairly passive role of the princes\u201d already familiar to the Ottoman reading public. Ottoman sultans in asserting their sovereignty. Later novels translated into Ottoman Turkish give a fuller sense of the genre and are generally stories of love and In the 19th century, North Africa\u2019s proximity to adventure. These include Les Mis\u00e9rables by Victor Hugo Europe made it an increasingly attractive target for (1802\u201385), Robinson Crusoe (1719) by Daniel Defoe, The colonization. The pirate industry, which had supported Count of Monte Cristo (1844) by Alexandre Dumas, and the economies of the port cities of North Africa for so Paul et Virginie (Paul and Virginia) by Bernardin de Saint- long, went into sharp decline as western European and Pierre (1737\u20131814). These early translations are awkward, American naval forces focused on regulating the semi- however, often offering a mere summary of the novel, criminal commercial activities that had hitherto thrived because the Ottoman translators of this period typically in the Mediterranean Sea. But while riches at sea were learned French either on their own or through private les- harder to come by, the region found a new niche in the sons. The more qualified translators of the next generation larger Mediterranean economy. During the Napoleonic learned foreign languages in educational institutions and Wars (1798\u20131815), grain from North Africa, which had","440 novel writer is Ahmed Midhat Efendi (1844\u20131913), who intro- duced the novel form to the Ottoman community. His produced more fluid and accurate translations. Despite Letaif-\u0131 Rivayat (Finest stories) series includes the long their failings, however, there was a real benefit to these stories and short novels that he started to publish in initial translations in that they created a sympathy for the 1870; he also published more than 30 additional novels. novel form. Acting as a journalist, Ahmed Midhat observed every aspect of the community he was living in, giving par- Since the Ottoman novel did not arise out of a natu- ticular attention to the struggles that arose as part of the ral evolution as it did in the West but was rather imported Westernization process. Ahmed Midhat\u2019s favorite top- as the product of a completely different culture, the ini- ics included the superficially Westernized person, the tial examples of this literary form in the Ottoman world education and labor problems of women, and slavery. are imperfect. One reason for this was that Ottoman Ahmed Midhat\u2019s success is keyed to the fact that he used authors faced difficulties particular to their environment, literary techniques and language familiar to his Ottoman for example, how to write a realistic romantic novel in readership even as he adopted the relatively unfamil- a culture where women and men were not permitted to iar novel form. Like other novelists of this early period, interact socially in public. This feature of Ottoman life led Ahmed Midhat considered the novel a vehicle not only Ottoman authors to rely on extraordinary coincidences for entertainment, but also for instruction. Thus he pur- and other unnatural plot devices not characteristic of the sued a popular style appealing to the masses. His most emerging realism of the novel form in the West. Ottoman popular novel is Felatun Bey ve Rak\u0131m Efendi (Felatun writers also faced the challenge of censorship, especially Bey and Rakim Efendi) in which he compares two young when depicting love relationships and domestic life. persons, one of whom adopts Western ways without los- ing his own cultural heritage while the other merely imi- The early Ottoman novel was characterized by its tates the West, becoming alienated from her own culture effort to serve as a tool to instruct or to effect reform. even as she takes up strange ways of dressing and relies In this spirit, the most frequent topic is the adoption of on her slipshod knowledge of French. a Western lifestyle, called \u201cthe European model,\u201d by indi- viduals living within the empire, most often in Istan- Other novelists of this early era include Nam\u0131k bul. Early novelists approached the subject mostly in a Kemal, who wrote Intibah (Vigilance); Recaizade Mah- derisive style, looking critically at the impact of Western mut Ekrem, who wrote Araba Sevdas\u0131 (Obsession with living on Ottoman culture. However, criticism of tradi- a carriage); Samipa\u015fazade Sezai, who wrote Serg\u00fcze\u015ft tional lifestyles is also seen in these novels; for instance, (Adventure); and Nabizade Naz\u0131m, the author of Zehra the writers address the adverse impact of traditional (Zehra). Islamic marriages where young people are forced to wed unknown spouses selected by their parents, the problems In 1895, when Ottoman literature of the western- faced by girls who were not allowed to go to school, and ization period was at the height of its maturity, a great the status of the slaves who were indispensable members transformation in the Ottoman novel took place. A new of wealthy Ottoman households. community of writers, called the Servet-i F\u00fcnun (Sci- entific wealth)\u2014a group well acquainted with Western An early Ottoman novel is Taa\u015f\u015fuk-\u0131 Talat ve Fitnat languages and literature and one that closely monitored (The romance of Talat and Fitnat) by \u015eemseddin Sami literary movements in Europe\u2014began to see a new pur- (1850\u20131904). While relying on some of conventions of pose for the novel. This group argued that the novel need earlier Ottoman literature, like the extraordinary coinci- not be a mere tool with a social and didactic purpose, dences that enable the love story, the novel is noteworthy but that it should be primarily an art form governed by for its introduction of topics new to Ottoman literature aesthetic concerns and dedicated to the representation of such as a critical reading of parental authority, the educa- the human. The Servet-i F\u00fcnun writers were the first to tion of girls, and the troubles of women prevented from break free from the traditional conventions of Ottoman any involvement in a greater social life. This text is con- narrative, a difficulty that writers from the initial period sidered the starting point of the Ottoman novel. Writ- of the novel could not overcome. It is in the hands of ten in Turkish using the Armenian alphabet, the Akabi the Servet-i F\u00fcnun writers that the Ottoman novel first History (1851) by Vartan Pasha is considered by some attains the norms of the Western novel. to be the first Ottoman novel. The story narrates a tale of love made tragic due to religious differences. Another The first mature examples of the Ottoman novel early novel, written in Turkish using the Greek alphabet, were produced by Halid Ziya U\u015fakl\u0131gil (1867\u20131945), the Tema\u015fa-\u0131 D\u00fcnya ve Cefakar \u00fc Cefake\u015f (1872) by Evange- favorite writer of this community. A\u015fk-\u0131 Memnu (Illicit linos Misilidis, an Ottoman Greek journalist, is another love), published in 1900, is considered to be the first remarkable text of the period. masterpiece written in Turkish. Another member of the community, Mehmet Rauf (1875\u20131931), was the first to In many respects, however, these initial attempts at the novel form were false starts; with regard to the his- tory of the Ottoman novels the first truly important","write a psychological novel in Turkish, Eyl\u00fcl (Septem- Nusayris 441 ber). The Servet-i F\u00fcnun writers took the Ottoman novel to new ground, traveling into the inside of the human While creating their most significant novels in the mind. However, this interiority is due in some part to the Republican era of Turkish literature (after 1923), Yakup intense policy of censorship that prevailed under Sul- Kadri Karaosmano\u011flu (1889\u20131974), Re\u015fat Nuri G\u00fcntekin tan Abd\u00fclhamid II (r. 1876\u20131909) and that restricted (1889\u20131956) and Peyami Safa published their first novels printed discussion of political matters. in the closing years of the empire. Yakup Kadri depicted the collapse triggered in the aristocrat class in Kiral\u0131k Other Ottoman novelists were working at the Konak (Mansion for rent); in Nur Baba (Father Nur), he same time as the Servet-i F\u00fcnun group yet deviated explored the critical role of the dissolution of religious from their aesthetic. The most important of these writ- denominations in social life. In S\u00f6zde K\u0131zlar (So-called ers were Ahmed Rasim and H\u00fcseyin Rahmi G\u00fcrp\u0131nar, girls), Peyami Safa takes a critical look at what the writer who focused on the folk novel. In his first novels, writ- sees as the degenerate way of living in the westernized sec- ten during the last period of the empire, H\u00fcseyin Rahmi tions of Istanbul during the War of Liberation. Re\u015fat Nuri was strongly influenced by his teacher, Ahmed Midhat. introduced an idealism that would have a strong influence H\u00fcseyin Rahmi\u2019s novels dealing with Westernization\u2014 on subsequent generations in her novel \u00c7al\u0131ku\u015fu (The \u015e\u0131k (Chic), \u015e\u0131psevdi (Always in love), and M\u00fcrebbiye (The wren, about a well-educated young Istanbul woman sent governess)\u2014are especially remarkable for their humor- to a rural territory of the empire to serve as a teacher. ous style and piercing critique. Although the novel form was introduced in the In addition to profoundly altering the social and politi- empire as early as 1870, the genre underwent a long, slow cal order of the empire, the advent of the Second Consti- maturation process of some 50 years before developing tutional Monarchy (1908) had a deep impact on literature into a truly worthwhile literature; it was only with the as well, putting an end to much of the successful experi- emergence of the Turkish Republican period in the early mentation that had been underway; during this time, the 1920s that the novel form hit its stride and was thus one novel form showed no significant improvement. From of the most significant art forms to rise out of the ashes this period, only Halide Edib Ad\u0131var (1884\u20131964) came of the dying Ottoman Empire. forward as a new and brilliant novelist, the first powerful female Ottoman novelist. While telling passionate love sto- Handan \u0130nci ries of influential, cultured female heroes in such novels as Further reading: Robert Finn, The Early Turkish Novel Seviye Talib (Seviye Talib) and Handan (Handan) early in (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 1978); Ahmet her career, she later wrote novels discussing social topics; Evin, Origins and Development of the Turkish Novel (Min- these include Yeni Turan (The New Turan), Ate\u015ften G\u00f6mlek neapolis: Bibliotheca Islamica, 1983). (The shirt of flame), and Vurun Kahpeye (Hit the whore). Nusayris See Alawis.","O Orhan Gazi (1324\u20131362) second ruler of the Ottoman against the Byzantines came in 1326 with the conquest dynasty Orhan Gazi was the son of Osman I (?\u20131324?), of the city of Bursa (Prousa), which then became the the founder of the Ottoman imperial dynasty; Orhan\u2019s first Ottoman capital. This choice underlined Orhan\u2019s mother was the daughter of the sheikh Edebali. Orhan strategic interest against the neighboring Byzantine inherited the Ottoman emirate from his father in 1324 Empire. His uninterrupted raids on Byzantine lands ter- and expanded it to both Anatolia and the Balkans. Unlike rorized his Byzantine neighbors but also allowed him to his father\u2019s reign, the expansion and consolidation of amass great booty and to establish himself as a success- Orhan\u2019s power is well documented. Orhan founded sev- ful military leader in the eyes of wandering Turkoman eral mosques, dervish lodges, charitable institutions, and tribes looking for employment. The Byzantine inability schools in the many important cities he conquered. In to react to this challenge is reflected in the defeat of the accordance with tradition, upon his ascendancy Orhan army headed by Emperor Andronikos III Palaiologos (r. struck a silver coin, called an ak\u00e7e, bearing his name. 1328\u201341) in Pelekanon in 1329. The defeat demoralized According to Turkish tradition, in 1299, Orhan married the Byzantines and encouraged Orhan to concentrate Nil\u00fcfer, the daughter of the Byzantine lord of Yarhisar his efforts on conquering the cities of Bithynia which (an unidentified fortress in the Sakarya River region in had long been under siege. In 1331, Nicea (Iznik) sur- northwestern Asia Minor, Turkey). Their son, S\u00fcleyman rendered, and although in 1333 the Byzantine Emperor Pasha, the conqueror of the Balkans, was the heir pre- was forced to pay a great sum per year for peace, in 1337 sumptive. However, his untimely death in 1357 resulted the port of Nicomedia (Izmit) also fell to the increasing in the succession of Orhan\u2019s other son who became the might of the Ottomans. first Ottoman sultan, Murad I (r. 1362\u201389). This phase of animosity between the Byzantines Byzantine authors such as Nikephoros Gregoras and the Ottomans was replaced by a period of cautious (1295\u20131359) and the Byzantine Emperor John Kantak- alliance. During this time Orhan\u2019s involvement in the ouzenos (1341\u201354), both contemporaries of Orhan, pro- Byzantine civil war (1341\u201347) on the side of Byzan- vided vivid information about his reign, accounts that tine Emperor John VI Kantakouzenos (r. 1347\u201354) was are invaluable since most accounts from Turkish sources more beneficial to the Ottomans than to the Byzantines. were written more than a century after his death and are Orhan\u2019s troops, led by his son S\u00fcleyman Pasha, comple- of legendary nature. The only exception among the Turk- mented Kantakouzenos\u2019 lack of manpower, but came at ish sources is the chronicle of Yah\u015fi Fakih, the son of a price. The dynastic marriage between Orhan and Kan- Orhan\u2019s imam or prayer leader, but this is preserved only takouzenos\u2019 daughter Theodora shocked the Byzantines as part of a 15th-century chronicle. but apparently did little to restrain S\u00fcleyman Pasha\u2019s brutal activities in the Balkans. Nikephoros Gregoras Orhan participated in many raids organized by his attacked Kantakouzenos\u2019 choice of allies, and the emper- father, whose troops controlled the littoral opposite or\u2019s own chronicle apologizes for the havoc inflicted by Byzantine Constantinople. Orhan\u2019s first major success 442","Orhan Gazi 443 The mosque of Orhan Gazi in central Bursa. (Photo by G\u00e1bor \u00c1goston) the Ottomans in Thrace, lamenting his subjects\u2019 loss of 1362, leaving as his legacy a formidable regional state property and the enslavement of many who were invol- with significant territories in both Anatolia and Europe. untarily transferred to Ottoman territories in Anatolia. In 1352 Ottoman troops, now thoroughly familiar with The structure of the Ottoman emirate under Orhan the topography of Thrace, acquired Tzymbe, their first remains an area of heated debate among scholars. Byz- fortress in Europe, and in 1354, as a result of a devastat- antine contemporary sources stress only the pastoral ing earthquake that destroyed the walls of several cities, nature of Orhan\u2019s state and the rigor of his raids, but the Ottomans were able to occupy the strategic fortress Orhan\u2019s conquests and the consolidation of his holdings of Kallipoli (Gallipoli). began to bring about remarkable new cultural effects. Through mixed marriages, Byzantine Christians in Ana- Thus the period of Byzantine civil war both brought tolia lost first their daughters, then their religion, and Orhan valuable territorial gains and raised the inter- last their language, a shift lamented by Gregory Palamas, national profile of the Ottoman emirate. In the 1350s the bishop of Salonika, in letters written while he was Orhan concluded his first Genoese-Ottoman treaty and in captivity in Orhan\u2019s territory in 1354. Palamas grieved was negotiating a marriage alliance with the Serbian king over the number of conversions to Islam and described Stefan Dushan. Aware that continued Ottoman expan- a society that was already producing bilingual members sion was dependent on the development of a navy and accustomed to the habits of the conquerors, and while his fleet, Orhan annexed the adjacent Turkoman emirate of account does shed some light on Christian and Muslim Karasi around 1346, thus gaining access to the Aegean inter-communal affairs under Orhan\u2019s rule, it is not suf- Sea. In 1361, Orhan\u2019s final conquest was of Didymotei- ficient to explain the policies of Orhan toward his Byzan- chon, another important Thracian city. Orhan died in tine Christian subjects.","444 Osman I The tomb of the eponymous founder of the Ottoman dynasty Osman Gazi in Bursa, as restored in the 19th century. (Photo This complex cultural moment has resulted in vig- by G\u00e1bor \u00c1goston) orous debate among scholars as to the nature of admin- istration in the early Ottoman emirate. Some focus on Osman\u2019s success seems to have been founded on his the tribal nature of Orhan\u2019s state and concentrate on the contact with the settled peasant population of the Bithyn- concept of jihad (holy war) as the major driving force ian countryside which fostered a sympathetic relation- of expansion. Yet this view is challenged by Byzantine ship with the local Byzantine population. This group had and Turkish accounts which report the participation of long been disenchanted with Byzantine rule which had local Christians in the Ottoman expansion. In response, imposed heavy taxes and provided inadequate security some scholars suggest that the local society was brought in the wake of destructive wars with Rome and the West. together by shared ideas and values regarding valor Because this Anatolian region was under constant attack and by the already diverse nature of Muslim culture. from tribal Turkoman groups, individual populations Other scholars propose that the commingling of con- established local alliances to provide for their own secu- verts together with the Turkish people resulted in a rity, creating the opportunity for Osman to establish his new \u201crace\u201d that became the driving force of early Otto- interest in the northern part of Bithynia (Sakarya region) man society, a theory that has found few supporters. A to the detriment of Byzantine holdings. After an impor- revised version of this argument proposed that the early tant victory over the Byzantine army at Bapheus, a dis- administrative apparatus had largely adopted the Seljuk trict around Izmit (Nikomedia) in 1301, Osman assumed tradition modified in accordance with the \u201caccommo- undisputed leadership of a large number of indepen- dationist\u201d policies of the rulers to include numerous dent Turkoman tribes. And in cooperation with these practices inherited from the conquered states. Within tribes and local Christian agents, Osman then launched Orhan\u2019s early Ottoman state, then, emirs clearly saw devastating looting raids against the countryside sur- the need to adopt customs and other elements of the rounding great Bithynian cities. Through this plan, the conquered peoples, resulting in a hybrid that enabled Bithynian cities were cut off from their countryside and the continued expansion of the state and which would the consequent economic \u201cstrangulation\u201d paved the way come to be a fundamental characteristic of the emerg- for greater territorial gains for Osman. Luck also allowed ing Ottoman Empire. Eugenia Kermeli Further reading: Halil \u0130nalcik, The Ottoman Empire: The Classical Age, 1300\u20131600 (London: Phoenix, 1994); Cemal Kafadar, Between Two Worlds: The Construction of the Ottoman State (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1995); Heath W. Lowry, The Nature of the Early Ottoman State (Albany: State University of New York Press, 2003). Osman I (Osman Gazi) (?\u20131324?) founder of the Otto- man dynasty Osman I, son of Erto\u011frul and grandson of S\u00fcleyman Shah, is the acknowledged founder of the Ottoman (Osmanl\u0131) imperial dynasty, also known as \u201cthe House of Osman.\u201d Reliable information regarding Osman is scarce. His birth date is unknown and his symbolic significance as the father of the dynasty has encouraged the development of mythic tales regarding the ruler\u2019s life and origins, however, historians agree that before 1300, Osman was simply one among a number of Turkoman tribal leaders operating in the Sakarya region. During the first decade of the 14th century, shrewd military tactics and good fortune enabled the ambitious Osman to con- quer vulnerable but important territories from the Byz- antine Empire and to accumulate these holdings into his own nascent empire. Osman is thought to have died shortly after the conquest of Prousa (Bursa, Turkey) on April 6, 1326. He was succeeded by his son Orhan Gazi (r. 1326\u201359).","Osman\u2019s territories to avoid detrimental encounters with Osman I 445 Mongols and the Catalan company sent by the Byzan- tine emperor, Andronikos II Palaiologos (r. 1282\u20131328), ward as far as the Sea of Marmara. This is confirmed by which attempted to secure the area in 1303. With the fail- the narrative of the Iskendername of Ahmedi and other ure of these forces, the remaining former Byzantine peas- non-Byzantine sources. ants soon switched their allegiance. Apart from these chronicles, there are later sources Based on the meager information available, con- that begin to establish Osman as a mythic figure. From temporary historians have attempted to reconstruct the the 16th century onward a number of dynastic myths are nature of the early Ottoman emirate and its policies. The used by Ottoman and Western authors, endowing the two most concrete sources of information are a silver founder of the dynasty with more exalted origins. Among coin stamped with Osman\u2019s name and a dedication docu- these is recounted the famous \u201cdream of Osman\u201d which ment (vakfiyye) dated March 1324. The first confirms is supposed to have taken place while he was a guest in the Ottoman tradition that Osman had declared himself the house of a sheikh, Edebali. According to the dream, as an independent ruler and confirms as well the Turk- Osman saw a bright crescent rising from the chest of the ish sources, beginning with the Iskendername of Ahmedi aged sheikh and settling inside Osman. Then a great tree (ca. 1400), that unanimously identify Erto\u011frul as Osman\u2019s sprang from the body of Osman and its branches covered father. The dedication document bears the names of the whole world. Suddenly the leaves of the tree turned Osman\u2019s children, including that of Orhan, the future into swords aimed at Constantinople, which resembled a ruler, and also bears the signature of Orhan, suggesting diamond set among rubies. As Osman tried to grasp the that the succession either took place during Osman\u2019s life diamond he was awakened. This prophetic dream is sup- or that Osman might have died in 1324. posed to have convinced the sheikh to marry his daugh- ter to Osman because he seemed destined to become a Secondary sources regarding Osman, though some- great ruler. This highly symbolic narrative should be what more bountiful, are not perfectly reliable. These are understood, however, as an example of eschatological Byzantine, Ottoman, and western narratives, the major- mythology required by the subsequent success of the ity of which were written in the 15th century. Earlier Ottoman emirate to surround the founder of the dynasty sources include the chronicles of Nikephoros Gregoras with supernatural vision, providential success, and an (1295\u20131359), John Kantakouzenos (1341\u201354), and the illustrious genealogy. Likewise, political considerations Byzantine chronicle of George Pachymeres (1242\u2013ca. were behind the connection of Osman to the family of 1310). Although the events recorded in his chronicle are the Prophet Muhammad through marriage. This was the rather confusing, this text records the first decisive vic- result of Ottoman efforts in the 16th century to convince tory of Osman over the Byzantine army at Bapheus, a the Islamic world that Sultan Selim I (r. 1512\u201320) could district around Izmit (Nikomedia) in 1301. According legitimately use the title of caliph (see caliphate). Simi- to the Byzantine chronicler \u201cthis was the beginning of larly, the Byzantine author George Sphrantzes (1413\u201377) great trouble for the whole region\u201d. Although the exact claimed that the House of Osman descended from the sequence of events is unclear, it seems that in a sec- Byzantine Comnenoi dynasty, but this claim is dated ond attempt to defeat Osman, the Byzantine Emperor after the conquest of Constantinople in 1453 in an Andronikos II Palaiologos (r. 1282\u20131328)sent another effort to establish the rights of the Ottomans to inherit force which was defeated in a night attack near a fortress the Byzantine throne. called Katoikia (an unidentified settlement in the Sakarya River region of northwestern Asia Minor, Turkey) which Contemporary Byzantine authors, travelers such as Osman had also occupied. Pachymeres then narrates the Ibn Battuta (1324\u201333), and early Western sources such conquest of Belokome (Bile\u00e7ik, in the Sakarya region) to as Nicolaos Euboicus (1496) offer no such extraordinary be used as a fortress for the safekeeping of Osman\u2019s trea- tales and were not aware of the dramatic mythology later sures. However, in a slightly earlier passage Pachymeres developed by Ottoman writers. Rather, contemporary referred to the loss of Belokome together with that of sources stressed the humble origins of Osman as a tribal Angelokome (Ineg\u00f6l), Melangeia (possibly Yeni\u015fehir), nomadic leader settled in the border between the Byzan- Anagourdia, and Platanea. Pachymeres also mentions tines and the Seljuks. Osman\u2019s siege of Prousa and Pegai on the Marmara sea coast and an unsuccessful assault on Iznik (Nikaia) to Eugenia Kermeli indicate that there was no area around Nikaia, right down Further reading: Colin Imber, \u201cThe Legend of Osman to the coast, which he did not control. Based on this Gazi,\u201d in The Ottoman Emirate, 1300\u20131389, edited by Eliza- chronicle, it appears that by 1308 the conquest of Belo- beth Zachariadou (Rethymnon: Crete University Press, 1993); kome and neighboring fortresses in the Sakarya River Halil \u0130nalcik, \u201cOsman Ghazi\u2019s Siege of Nicaea and the Battle valley enabled Osman to control the countryside west- of Bapheus,\u201d in The Ottoman Emirate, 1300\u20131389, edited by Elizabeth Zachariadou (Rethymnon: Crete University Press, 1993); Cemal Kafadar, Between Two Worlds: The Construction of the Ottoman State (Berkeley: University of California Press,","446 Orthodox Church prohibit the cultivation, sale, and use of tobacco. This shying away from extravagance and pursuit of a modest 1995); Heath W. Lowry, The Nature of the Early Ottoman State life can also be seen in the Osman\u2019s approach to pomp (Albany: State University of New York Press, 2003). and finery. He wore lighter and simpler clothes than his predecessors. He even contemplated closing down Orthodox Church See Bulgarian Orthodox the palace harem and pursuing a simple life with his Church; Greek Orthodox Church; Serbian Ortho- legal wives. While Osman\u2019s unconventional attitudes dox Church. as sultan and his efforts to control the business of rule received serious opposition from various factions, the Osman II (b. 1604\u2013d. 1622) (r. 1618\u20131622) Ottoman sultan looked to strengthen his position. One possibility sultan and caliph Osman II was the first-born son of for such strengthening was the opportunity to lead his Sultan Ahmed I (r.1603\u201317) and his concubine Mahfiruz. armies personally, in the style of his warrior ancestors Because his grandfather Mehmed III (r. 1595\u20131603) had such as Mehmed II (r. 1444\u201345; 1451\u201381) and S\u00fcley- put an end to the practice of sending Ottoman princes man I (r. 1520\u201366). out as provincial governors as part of their political train- ing, Osman, like his father, was raised within the private The very short reign of Osman II coincided with the quarters of the Topkap\u0131 Palace. The early death of his beginning of what is known in European history as the mother, around 1610, left Osman without a genuine cus- Thirty Years War. The Ottomans were indirectly con- todian and protective shield that had become essential nected to these developments in Europe through their to protect the interests of young princes in the treacher- vassal states\u2014Transylvania, Moldavia, and Wal- ous setting of the Ottoman court. From early childhood lachia\u2014which constituted a buffer zone between the Osman showed a great interest in riding, hunting, and Ottomans and the Polish-Lithuanian commonwealth. the martial arts. The Ottomans and the commonwealth were in friendly relations during the late 16th century. However, this When Ahmed I died in 1617, Osman was only 13 changed in 1620 when a Polish army marched into Mol- years old. Because there were no rules in the Ottoman davia. Although provincial Ottoman forces were able Empire requiring that the sultan\u2019s son succeed his father to repel the aggressors, Osman used the opportunity to on the throne, the powers of the court fixed instead on declare war and lead his armies against Poland. Ahmed\u2019s brother Mustafa I (r. 1622\u201323) as the sultan\u2019s successor, an unprecedented decision. But when, only In order to prevent a power vacuum and a possible three months after Mustafa\u2019s enthronement, there were coup in his absence, Osman II requested an affirmative questions about his mental stability, the new sultan was legal opinion (fatwa) from the state\u2019s chief mufti, Esad deposed by a coup d\u2019\u00e9tat masterminded by Mustafa Efendi, to have his brother Mehmed executed. However, Agha, the chief eunuch of the palace, and Osman II was Esad Efendi denied the sultan\u2019s request, and Osman was enthroned in his uncle\u2019s place. The deposition of a sultan, forced to appeal to the chief judge of Rumelia (the Euro- also unprecedented, was an indication of the political set- pean part of the empire), the second highest jurist of the ting in which Osman II would reign. religious hierarchy, from whom the sultan received affir- mation for his request to execute his brother. From the very beginning of his reign, Osman needed to assert himself. Mustafa Agha, who had engineered The Ottoman campaign began in May 1621, and Mustafa\u2019s deposition, was exiled to Egypt soon after Osman II became the youngest sultan to lead his armies Osman\u2019s enthronement. Osman\u2019s first ally was Ali Pasha, in a military campaign. The confrontation between Otto- the grand admiral of the Ottoman navy who was pro- man and Polish forces at Hotin, in present-day Ukraine, moted to the grand vizierate in 1619. The promotion of was inconclusive. It brought only modest success to the Ali Pasha was closely related to his successful manage- Ottomans, including the recapture of Hotin, which had ment of the treasury. In spite of his unusual methods of belonged to the principality of Moldavia, an Ottoman money-raising, such as confiscating the properties of vassal state. rich statesmen and forcing European merchants to buy certain goods, Ali Pasha succeeded in providing funds Soon after his return to Istanbul Osman II, who was both to the central treasury and to the private treasury of dissatisfied with the performance of the army, announced the sultan. Another person who had great influence on his intention to go on the pilgrimage to Mecca. Prior to Osman was \u00d6mer Efendi, his tutor since 1609 and a for- this, Ottoman sultans had not made the hajj or absented mer preacher at the famous Hagia Sophia mosque. themselves from the capital other than for military cam- paigns and hunting. The rumor spread in Istanbul that Ali Pasha also brought the discipline with which he Osman planned to recruit a new army from the eastern approached finance to Ottoman social life. For instance, provinces under the guise of a pilgrimage and that he soon after his enthronement, Osman issued orders to would take the treasury with him in order to finance the recruitment. The idea of a sultan\u2019s hajj was almost uni-","versally disliked. The chief mufti tried in vain to change Osman Pazvantog\u02c7lu 447 Osman\u2019s mind. 1739 continued at the front; minor disorders that broke On May 18, 1622, the imperial tents were carried to out in the provinces were suppressed with relative ease. \u00dcsk\u00fcdar, which signaled the beginning of the trip. The The two most significant events of Osman\u2019s three-year troops of the central army who had gathered in the Hip- reign were the freezing of the Golden Horn and of the podrome, the civic center of the Ottoman Istanbul, asked Bosporus and the Cibali fire of July 4\u20135, 1756, one of the the sultan to cancel his pilgrimage. They also demanded greatest ever to break out in Istanbul, which destroyed the execution of the grand vizier Dilaver Pasha and the 3,851 buildings. Osman instituted limitations on wom- tutor \u00d6mer Efendi, whom they considered a bad influ- en\u2019s dress and strictly enforced Ottoman sumptuary laws, ence on the sultan. To prevent further mayhem, Osman causing resentment within the population of Istanbul. cancelled the pilgrimage, but refused to execute his ser- vants. The rebel soldiers were not satisfied with this The opening of the baroque-style Nuruosmaniye answer and the following day entered the palace. In the Mosque on December 5, 1755 was one of the achieve- third courtyard of the palace the frenzied crowd found ments of his reign. Another important event was the Mustafa, who had been kept in the harem since his depo- appointment of Koca Rag\u0131p Pasha as grand vizier in 1756. sition four years before. After freeing him, the crowd Rag\u0131p Pasha would hold the post for six years (1757\u201363) declared Mustafa sultan and the jurists who were present and become one of the most celebrated grand viziers in were forced to swear allegiance to Mustafa. That night Ottoman history. After the Cibali fire, Osman III under- Osman II, who was unaware of Mustafa\u2019s enthronement, took a major construction program that resulted in the went in disguise to the barracks of the commander of the building of the Ah\u0131rkap\u0131 Lighthouse, the fountain at Janissaries, hoping to turn the tide by bribing the sol- the Nuruosmaniye Mosque, the Osman III Kiosk in the diers. However, the commander could not persuade the palace, and numerous buildings, some of which are still Janissaries and he also fell victim to the rage of the rebels. standing today. Osman was captured in the residence of the commander and imprisoned in the citadel of Seven Towers. On Satur- Kahraman \u015eakul day May 21, 1622, he was killed, becoming the first vic- Further reading: J. H. Kramers, \u201cOsman III\u201d in Encyclo- tim of regicide in the history of the Ottoman Empire. paedia of Islam, 2nd ed., vol. 8 (Leiden: Brill, 1960\u2013), 182\u2013183; A. D. Alderson, The Structure of the Ottoman Dynasty (Oxford: Osman II\u2019s reign and his murder should be Clarendon, 1956). approached in the context of the evolution of the court and favorites that had been the primary elements of Osman Pazvanto\u011flu (Osman Passvan-Oglou; Osman power politics in the empire since the late 16th century. Pasvanoglu; Osman Pasvano\u011flu of Vidin; Osman Paz- The assertive yet untimely policies of Osman II, aimed van O\u011flu) (ca. 1758\/1762\u20131807) quasi-independent ruler at restoring the sultan\u2019s authority, were fiercely opposed in northwestern Bulgaria and northeastern Serbia, pasha by the other contenders for power within the court and of Vidin, major opponent of Nizam-\u0131 Cedid reforms Os- resulted in regicide. man Pazvanto\u011flu was an important political figure in the Balkans in the late 18th and early 19th century. A pow- \u015eefik Peksevgen erful opponent of the Ottoman Sublime Porte, insofar Further reading: Caroline Finkel, Osman\u2019s Dream: The as it functioned to exploit his own region, and especially Story of the Ottoman Empire, 1300\u20131923 (London: John Mur- resolute in his resistance to the Nizam-\u0131 Cedid reforms ray, 2005), 196\u2013205; Baki Tezcan, \u201cSearching for Osman: A of Selim III (r. 1789\u20131807) that threatened the his- Reassessment of the Deposition of the Ottoman Sultan Osman torical power and privileges of the Janissaries, Osman II (1618\u20131622)\u201d (Ph.D. diss., Princeton University, 2001). Pazvanto\u011flu was successful in his military and politi- cal objects and left behind him a small territory nearly Osman III (b. 1699\u2013d. 1757) (r. 1754\u20131757) Ottoman independent of Ottoman control. Osman Pazvanto\u011flu sultan and caliph The son of Mustafa II (r. 1695\u20131703) was born into an elite family in Vidin, a port town on the and \u015eehsuvar Kad\u0131n, Osman III succeeded his elder Danube in present-day northwestern Bulgaria. His father brother, Sultan Mahmud I (r. 1730\u201354). When Osman was a wealthy agha of a Janissary regiment in the local acceded to the throne at the age of 55, he was the old- garrison, with a long record of opposition to the sultan\u2019s est sultan to be enthroned to date. Few details regarding authority in the region; his mother was from a schol- Osman\u2019s early life are available since he spent most of his arly, or ulema, family. A devout Muslim, Pazvanto\u011flu\u2019s life in the seclusion of the palace. Regarded as an ill-tem- primary goal was the restoration of the former glory of pered, nervous, and hesitant man, Osman changed grand the Ottoman Empire and of the Janissary corps as the viziers seven times in two years. During his reign, the embodiment of its power in the classical age. This he period of peace that began with the Treaty of Belgrade in planned to achieve by reviving the principles of govern- ment from the time of Sultan S\u00fcleyman I (r. 1520\u201366)","448 Ottomanism tory whose reintegration into the empire was achieved only after the death of his successor in 1814. Long after and blocking the introduction of governmental ideas his death, Pazvanto\u011flu\u2019s name continued to be associated inspired by Europe, especially the Nizam-\u0131 Cedid. with the firm entrenchment of the \u00e7iftlik (large landed estate) regime in the region that lasted until the 1850s. Pazvanto\u011flu\u2019s rise to power began around 1791 or 1792 when he established an alliance with both the Janis- Rossitsa Gradeva saries banished from Belgrade and the bands of brig- Further reading: Stanford Shaw, Between Old and New: ands that riddled the core territories of Rumelia (the The Ottoman Empire under Sultan Selim III, 1789\u20131807 (Cam- European part of the empire). Pazvanto\u011flu expanded his bridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1971), 237\u201346, 298\u2013 possessions several times, often attacking Wallachia. 327; Robert Zens, \u201cPasvano\u011flu Osman Pa\u015fa and the Pa\u015fal\u0131k of Well informed about the rapidly changing situation in Belgrade, 1791\u20131807.\u201d International Journal of Turkish Studies 8 Europe, Pazvanto\u011flu tried to establish direct diplomatic (Spring 2002): 88\u2013104; Rossitsa Gradeva, \u201cOsman Pazvanto\u011flu relations with France and Russia and to obtain political of Vidin: Between Old and New,\u201d in The Ottoman Balkans, recognition from them. His revolt against Sultan Selim 1750\u20131830, edited by Frederick Anscombe (Princeton, N.J.: was seen as particularly dangerous by the Ottoman cen- Markus Wiener Publishers, 2006), 115\u2013161. tral authority, which undertook three unsuccessful cam- paigns against Vidin in 1795\u201396, 1798, and 1800. After Ottomanism A counterpoint to the nationalism that the siege of 1798, Selim granted Pazvanto\u011flu the title of began to emerge in the early 19th century, Ottomanism vizier (the highest possible rank for a provincial gover- was a state policy designed to unite the diverse cultural nor) of Vidin. Around 1802 a balance of power emerged and ethnic components of the existing empire under the between Pazvanto\u011flu and Ismail T\u0131rseniklio\u011flu of Ruse. umbrella of a shared political identity. The idea of Otto- The Vidin governor\u2019s expansion was also checked by the manism was that the state recognized and embraced the outbreak of the First Serbian Uprising (1804\u201313) to the religious and ethnic differences of its people, but applied west and by Austria and Russia from the north. its laws and privileges universally, without discriminating on the basis of faith or national group. Coming to the fore Unlike most of his contemporaries, Osman Paz- during the reign of Mahmud II (1808\u201339), Ottomanist vanto\u011flu declared his resistance to the Nizam-\u0131 Cedid, thought was defined in part by the sultan, who accord- or New Order, from the outset, upset by the establish- ing to Yusuf Ak\u00e7ura allegedly proclaimed that he wanted ment of new military detachments at the expense of the to see religious differences among his subjects only when Janissary corps and the introduction of the taxes that they entered into their respective houses of worship. It supported it. This resistance made him popular among was hoped that this policy of treating each group equally Muslims, especially the Janissaries. would create a center of loyalty above religious and eth- nic differences, thus effectively consecrating the state Osman Pazvanto\u011flu had a special policy with regard and the sultan as its head. Ottomanist policies were also to Christians, ordinary taxpaying subjects (reaya), mer- supposed to bring about a secular ideal of and love for chants, and high clergy. Christians formed a significant vatan (the fatherland), creating a consecrated sense of part of his own military forces. They were among his the Ottoman land. By creating a universal \u201cOttoman\u201d most trusted spies, advisors, and agents in his diplomatic political identity and loyalty, above religious and ethnic relations with the European powers most involved in the differences, Ottomanism thus repositioned the state as a region\u2014Russia, France, the Habsburg Empire\u2014and par- secular entity. ticipated in his administration. At the peak of his power in the 1790s, Pazvanto\u011flu also seems to have established Ottomanism was pursued most eagerly in the late contacts with the Greek revolutionary Rhigas Velestin- 19th century at a time when Serbian, Greek, and other lis. Within the territory he controlled, Pazvanto\u011flu suc- nationalist movements pervaded and threatened the ceeded in maintaining relative security and order. In millet system that had been established to secure the keeping with Islamic principles, he fixed taxes at an mutual coexistence of various ethnic and religious com- affordable rate, allowed some religious freedom, and munities. Although this suggests that Ottomanism was a undertook, especially in Vidin, a number of projects continuation of an existing Ottoman administrative tra- related to the improvement of the commercial and com- dition, the idea of Ottomanism actually signified a signif- munication infrastructure, such as development of the icant rupture from the traditional ideology of the state. road system, paving and regulation of the streets in the Above all, in this period, the categorization of subjects on town, and construction of inns and administrative build- the basis of religion (the millet system) was abandoned ings. While he introduced measures that improved the and all subjects\u2014irrespective of their religious or eth- situation of ordinary taxpaying subjects, he never aimed nic origin\u2014began to be acknowledged as legally equal at full equality of the faiths. citizens. Pazvanto\u011flu died on February 5, 1807, probably of tuberculosis. He left behind great wealth in cash and landed property and a small, almost independent, terri-","The idea of an Ottoman nation was most prominent \u00d6zi 449 in the 1850s when Mehmed Amin \u00c2l\u00ee Pasha and Fuad Pasha served as grand vizier and foreign minister. It is belief that they would be represented in larger numbers believed that the term citizen was first used in official in parliament if they continued to hold their privileges Ottoman documents at this time, most notably in the as defined millet groups; most groups thought that many 1856 Islahat Fermani (reform edict), which stressed the more Turks would enter into parliament if all subjects equality of all subjects due to the justice of the sultan. The became equal citizens and if all differences before the Islahat Fermani acted to strengthen the principles of the law were abolished. Obviously, this attitude was a signifi- Tanzimat Fermani (imperial rescript): \u201cthe establishment cant obstacle to the diffusion and successful implemen- of guarantees for the life, honor and property of the sul- tation of the policy of Ottomanism. Moreover, when it tan\u2019s subjects,\u201d the \u201cequality before the law of all subjects, was understood that this policy would not be successful whatever their religion,\u201d and the implemenation of laws in precluding the independent nationalisms of other eth- \u201cprohibiting the use of any injurious or offensive term, nicities, nationalist sentiments also strengthened among either among private individuals or on the part of the the Turkish intelligentsia. authorities.\u201d In this document, the sultan further declares that \u201cas all forms of religion are and shall be freely pro- The Balkan wars of 1912\u201313 and the January 1913 fessed in my dominions, no subject of my Empire shall coup d\u2019\u00e9tat by the Committee of Union and Progress be in any way annoyed on this account and no one shall (CUP) effected the total defeat and eradication of the be forced to change his religion.\u201d policy of Ottomanism. The loss of territories in Europe as a result of the wars meant not only that the empire was In order to fully realize the objectives of Ottoman- shrinking geographically but also that it was losing its ism, the administrative and legal structure of the state multiethnic character, hence nullifying the Ottomanist had to be radically transformed. Efforts were made to goal of collecting different religious and ethnic elements establish a constitution, to form periodical parlia- into a unified whole, leading in turn to the end of a cen- ments, to constitute a new public law, and to come up tury-old political ideal. At the same time, the increas- with legal text that would provide equality and inclusion ingly centralist administration of the CUP ultimately for all Ottoman subjects and secure their common loy- put an end to those opposition political parties that had alty. These elements of transformation constituted the favored an Ottomanist policy: H\u00fcrriyet ve Itilaf F\u0131rkas\u0131 very basis of the new Ottoman constitution, or Kanun- (Party of Freedom and Understanding), Osmanl\u0131 Ahrar \u0131 Esasi, embraced both by Ottoman bureaucrats and by F\u0131rkas\u0131 (Party of Ottoman Liberals), Osmanl\u0131 Demokrat the opposition movements that emerged in this period. F\u0131rkas\u0131 (Party of Ottoman Democrats), and Mutedil H\u00fcr- Marking the apex of Ottomanist policies pursued by riyetperveran F\u0131rkas\u0131 (Party of Moderate Liberals). Thus Tanzimat reformers and Ahmed Midhat Pasha, the proc- Turkish nationalism took the place of Ottomanism in the lamation of Kanun-\u0131 Esasi in 1876 included an official modern period. definition of Ottomanness: \u201cAll elements that are subject to the Ottoman State, without any exception based on Y\u00fccel Bulut religion or sect, are called Ottomans.\u201d Further reading: Yusuf Ak\u00e7ura, \u00dc\u00e7 Tarz-\u0131 Siyaset (Ankara: T\u00fcrk Tarih Kurumu, 1991); \u015eerif Mardin, The Genesis Despite these radical changes, the policy of Otto- of Young Ottoman Thought (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton Univer- manism was ultimately doomed, for it forced unpopular sity Press, 1962); Yusuf Ak\u00e7ura, \u201cThree Types of Policies,\u201d in concessions on all sides. The new constitutional frame- Central Asia Reader: The Rediscovery of History, edited by H. B. work that restricted the power of the sultan was mostly Paksoy (Armonk, N.Y.: M. E. Sharpe, 1994). guided by a practical concern to preclude secession from the empire by securing equality among Ottoman subjects \u00d6zi (Ott. and Tatar: Cankerman; Ott.: \u00d6z\u00fc; Ukr.: and creating parliamentary representation, but these Ochakiv; Rus.: Ochakov; Pol.: Oczakow) This town developments were little valued by the various population and fortress on the right bank of the Dnieper River groups within the empire. Despite some exceptions, the (called \u00d6zi River in Ottoman) was originally constructed policy did not find heartfelt supporters among its constit- by the Crimean Tatars in the 1490s and called Can- uent elements. In fact, the sole defenders of Ottomanist kerman. It was taken over by the Ottomans during policy were the Turkish elements, who believed that this the reign of S\u00fcleyman I (r. 1520\u201366) in his Moldavian was the only way to avert imperial collapse. Although expedition of 1538. \u00d6zi\u2019s original strategic importance Albanian, Kurdish, and Arab nationalists lent grudging lay in its control of a major ford of the Dnieper, giving support to the policy, this was only because they believed the Tatars access for slave raids into Moldavia and the that present circumstances were not conducive to pro- right bank of Ukraine. \u00d6zi was also on the route used claim their nationalism. Among the reasons other eth- by the cavalry forces of the Crimean Tatars in their aux- nicities did not advocate the Ottomanist policies was the iliary service on Ottoman campaigns in central Europe. When the Ukrainian Cossacks began their raids of the","450 \u00d6zi In order to put the defense of the Ottoman Black Sea on a surer footing, in the 1590s a new beylerbeyilik or northern seaboard of the Black Sea shortly after the province, also named \u00d6zi, was created. As well as the area Ottoman takeover, \u00d6zi became a vital defensive outpost around of \u00d6zi and across the Dnieper (together known (and, for this reason, a prime target of Cossack raids). By as the sancak of K\u0131lburnu), this bulwark against the Cos- the end of the 16th century, when the Cossacks began to sacks included the northwestern shore of the sea and descend southward along the western shores of the sea, the southern bank of the lower Danube\u2014the sancaks of and in the early 17th century, when they began attack- Akkerman (Bilhorod-Dnistrovsky; at times it belonged to ing large towns such as Caffa, Varna, Trabzon, and even Caffa), Vize, K\u0131rk Kilise, \u00c7irmen, Nigbol\u0131, Silistra, and the suburbs of Istanbul, \u00d6zi\u2019s strategic importance was Vidin. This enabled the Ottomans to marshal the man- heightened. This was because the best chance to protect power, materiel, and financial resources of the region for the sea from the Cossacks was to block their entry into its defense, leaving other sectors of the empire free for the sea or engage them on their return when they were other undertakings. laden down with booty. Accordingly, additional walls and even fortress constructions were built. The original During the struggle to maintain Ottoman control of fortress on a bluff overlooking the mouth of the Dnieper the northern Black Sea against the encroachments of the was extended all the way to the bank of the river. A sepa- Russian Empire, the Ottomans radically reconstructed rate fort was built downriver in order to be able to hit the the \u00d6zi fortress complex along the lines of artillery-resis- Cossacks with cannon fire. On the other shore, opposite tant bastions developed in western Europe. Nonetheless, this point, the small fort of Kilburnu also had the capa- the fortress fell during the Russo-Ottoman wars of bility to fire directly at the Cossacks. However, because 1736\u201339 and 1787\u201392. By the Treaty of Jassy in 1792, of the width of the river mouth (ca. 2.5 miles; 4 km), it \u00d6zi was formally ceded to Russia. proved impossible to completely block Cossack entry to and return from the sea. Nonetheless, the expansion of Victor Ostapchuk the fortress complex meant that by the end of the 1620s, Further reading: Caroline Finkel, Victor Ostapchuk. large Cossack flottillas of up to a few hundered boats \u201cOutpost of Empire: An Appraisal of Ottoman Building Regis- could no longer enter the sea from the Dnieper with near ters as Sources for the Archaeology and Construction History impunity; as a consequence, in the 1630s, the proportion of the Black Sea Fortress of \u00d6zi.\u201d Muqarnas: An Annual on the of raids mounted from the Don River increased. Visual Culture of the Islamic World 22 (2005): 150\u201388.","P palaces The Ottoman palace was at the heart of was constructed near Tunca. After a fire in 1457 Sultan the empire since it was there that the government was Mehmed II (r. 1444\u201346; 1451\u201381), who restored the city, administered, council meetings were held and the sul- enlarged the palace. During these years the sultan con- tan\u2014with his family and his close relatives, servants, tinued to use Edirne Palace, although construction of the and guards\u2014lived. Thus the palace was both the cen- Old Palace at Istanbul had been completed. ter of the state and the residence of the sultan. In the 17th century, when the Imperial Council meetings Upon the conquest of Constantinople in 1453, and administrative units gradually moved to the grand Mehmed built the city\u2019s first Ottoman palace. Located in vizier\u2019s palace, the function of the palace as the center of the center of the city and surrounded by an outer wall, the state lessened, but the palace was never used solely this palace was plain but spacious. It had all the sec- as the sultan\u2019s residence. There were two kinds of sultan\u2019s tions of a typical Ottoman palace. This first palace was palaces in Ottoman history. The first was the permanent occupied for only a short while. A new palace was soon center of the government; the second was a place for built on the west side of Istanbul overlooking the Sea relaxing. As the Ottoman capital moved from one city of Marmara, the east side of the city, and Galata. Pre- to another in the 14th and 15th centuries, a new palace viously used as an olive grove, this site stretched over would be built, and the existing palace would be used for 700,000 square meters (840,000 square yards). Known as relaxation or for administrative purposes. From the 16th the Topkap\u0131 Saray\u0131 or Topkap\u0131 Palace, it soon became the century to the mid-19th century, Topkap\u0131 Palace was most important palace in Ottoman history. the main palace. The multisectioned buildings where the grand viziers, Bursa Palace was the first sultan\u2019s palace in Ottoman princes, and princesses lived were also called palaces. In history. Residences mentioned as palaces before its con- the 15th and 16th centuries the palaces of the Ottoman struction were probably simply large houses. Bursa Palace princes were used as centers of provincial administra- was constructed in the inner part of Bursa after 1326; it tion. The palace in the city of Manisa was the largest of was used until the 1360s, when the Ottoman capital was these. Between the 17th and 19th centuries, princesses moved to Edirne. After that the Bursa Palace was used were permitted to live outside the sultan\u2019s palace, and pal- primarily for military and administrative purposes. aces were built for princesses in different parts of Istan- bul. During this period the Ottoman princes were not When Edirne was captured from the Byzantine allowed to leave the Topkap\u0131 Palace and live separately. Empire in the 1360s, Sultan Murad I (r. 1362\u20131389) It was only after the 19th century that princes were again moved the capital from Bursa to Edirne, built a palace allowed to live outside the palace, but the big houses in around the place where the Selimiye Mosque was to be which they lived were not called palaces. constructed in the 16th century, and moved his admin- istrative center there. During the last years of the reign of The palace residences of the grand viziers were, like Murad II (r. 1421\u201344; 1445\u201351), the New Edirne Palace the sultan\u2019s palace, used to conduct government business. After participating in meetings held in the sultan\u2019s palace 451","452 Palace School service of the sultan. Those who were unsuccessful, or who received disciplinary penalties, were sent to work four mornings a week, the grand vizier convened a meet- outside Istanbul. ing called ikindi divan\u0131 (afternoon council) in his own palace. After the 17th century, meetings in the sultan\u2019s In the 16th century there were as many as 700 pages palace ceased, and the grand vizier\u2019s palace became the in Palace School. Each boy\u2019s temperament and capa- center of government administration. In the 19th century bilities were carefully considered. Those who showed an the palace of the grand vizier became the official center ability in the religious sciences were prepared for the reli- of Ottoman governance and was given the name Bab-\u0131 gious profession; those who were proficient in the scribal \u00c2li (Sublime Porte); at this time, the grand vizier started arts prepared for a career in the bureaucracy. The sul- to live in a separate mansion. The best-known example tans\u2014particularly Bayezid II (r. 1481\u20131512), who some- of a grand vizier\u2019s palace is Istanbul\u2019s Ibrahim Pasha Pal- times came to examine them personally\u2014took a great ace (today the Museum of Turkish-Islamic Works), con- interest in their education. structed by Grand Vizier Ibrahim Pasha in the reign of Sultan S\u00fcleyman I (r. 1520\u201366). The subjects taught at the Palace School included the Quran, hadith, Islamic theology, calligraphy, Ara- Zeynep Tar\u0131m Ertu\u011f bic and Persian languages, poetry, philosophy, history, See also Dolmabah\u00e7e palace; Palace School. mathematics, and geography, subjects that were also taught at the conventional Ottoman madrasas or col- Palace School (Enderun-i H\u00fcmayun Mektebi) The leges. The main difference was that students at the Palace Palace School (Enderun Mektebi) was the second essen- School studied and were trained in military and admin- tial educational institution in the empire, after the istrative fields, receiving instruction in horsemanship, madrasas. This was a special type of institution that did archery, fencing, wrestling, and use of the jeered (javelin). not resemble any of the institutions in the pre-Ottoman Each page also studied the craft or fine art for which he Turkish state, other Islamic states, or Europe. Located in showed an aptitude. The Palace School education was the inner section, or third court, of the Topkap\u0131 Palace, designed to produce warrior-statesmen and loyal Mus- the Palace School was made up of officials in the sultan\u2019s lims, men of letters with eloquent speech and high mor- personal service. It functioned as a formal school of gov- als. At the same time, the school aimed to instill complete ernment for Ottoman princes and others designated for obedience and loyalty to the sultan. All means were important political positions within the empire. The Pal- used to inculcate this ideal in the students of the Palace ace School was founded by Sultan Murad II (r. 1421\u201344; School who were destined to fill the highest offices of the 1446\u201351) in Edirne, but it was his successor, Mehmed empire. They were schooled in the idea that death in the II (the Conqueror) (r. 1444\u201346; 1451\u201381) who estab- sultan\u2019s service was the greatest blessing. lished the practice of using the Palace School to educate the future administrators of the empire. The children A great majority of the elite class, who held admin- recruited from Christian families through the dev\u015firme, istrative positions in the empire, were educated at the or child-levy system, were first placed for training within Palace School. The first great change in the Palace School Muslim Turkish families so that they could learn Turk- came about during the reign of Mahmud II (r. 1808\u201339) ish customs. Later the conscripted boys were educated at when the Auspicious Incident abolished the Janis- the Palace School and the military barracks. When the saries in 1826. In 1830, the ministry of the Enderun- youths arrived in Istanbul the best of them were selected i H\u00fcmayun was established. After a time, the Palace as i\u00e7o\u011flans (pages) for the palace, with the sultan himself School lost its previous stature; it was finally abolished sometimes presiding at the selection. with the reorganization arising out of the proclamation of the second constitution on July 1, 1909. The i\u00e7o\u011flans then received special training at the Palace School in Istanbul and Edirne, the former Otto- Mustafa Ka\u00e7ar man capital, whose palace was also used to educate Further reading: Halil \u0130nalc\u0131k, The Ottoman Empire: future statesmen. Under the strict discipline of the The Classical Age, 1300\u20131600, trans. Norman Itzkowitz and aghas, the pages received instruction from the palace Colin Imber (London: Weidenfeld & Nicolson, 1973), 79\u201380; tutors for two to seven years. At the end of that period Ekmeleddin \u0130hsano\u011flu, \u201cOttoman Educational and Scholarly they underwent a second selection called \u00e7\u0131kma (a grad- Scientific Institutions,\u201d in History of the Ottoman State, Soci- uation system, passing from the palace to the Janis- ety and Civilization, vol. 2, edited by Ekmeleddin \u0130hsano\u011flu saries) while those who did not join the Janissaries (Istanbul: IRCICA, 2002), 357\u2013515. became members of the sultan\u2019s cavalry divisions. The pages normally received four years training in one of Palestine Palestine did not exist in the geographical the chambers and then, after another selection, the most imagination of the Ottomans. But due to its biblical asso- suitable went to the chambers reserved for the personal ciations, Christians continued to use that name for the","land that today comprises the state of Israel and the Pal- Pan-Islamism 453 estinian territories. Jews referred to the same territory as Eretz Yisrael, the land of Israel. Throughout the Ottoman settlers with some anxiety, as they feared that the Zionist period, pilgrims and clergy from both religious traditions settlements would eventually displace them. In response, visited what they considered the \u201cHoly Land,\u201d following a the representatives of what would become Palestine in route from the port of Jaffa to Jerusalem. The Ottoman the Ottoman Parliament petitioned the Ottoman gov- sultans were well aware of the importance of the region ernment in 1911 to restrict Jewish settlement in Pales- to the religious geography of both Jews and Christians. tine. Once World War I began, the Ottoman government They sought to keep the pilgrims\u2019 route secure from Bed- arrested some of the Jewish settlers who were citizens of ouin raiders and bandits, even while exacting profitable Russia, but it did not impose restrictions on Jewish set- transit taxes from the pilgrims. Sultan S\u00fcleyman I (r. tlement in Palestine. However, because of the economic 1520\u201366) sought to enhance the Muslim religious claim hardship created by the British blockade of Ottoman to the territory by rebuilding the walls of Jerusalem and seaports, many Jewish settlers did leave the region dur- refurbishing the two most important Muslim sites in the ing the war. During the war, leaders of the Zionist move- city, the Dome of the Rock and the al-Aqsa Mosque, both ment actively sought British support for their cause of located on the Haram al-Sharif, or Temple Mount. establishing a Jewish state in Palestine. In 1917 Foreign Secretary Alfred Balfour announced that the British gov- For most of the Ottoman period, Jerusalem was the ernment was in favor of the establishment of a Jewish largest city in Palestine. But as the Bedouins increasingly homeland in Palestine after the war. In 1920 the League mounted raids against settlers and travelers in the coastal of Nations established a British mandate in the terri- plain, peasants fled the area for the relative safety of the tory of Palestine. The question of which people\u2014Jews or hill towns of Nablus and Hebron. For most of the Otto- Arabs\u2014had primary claim to the territory is still unre- man period, Palestine was administered as a set of sub- solved. Although the Ottoman government was largely provinces (sancaks) of Damascus; in the 16th and 17th indifferent to the conflicting claims of ownership of the centuries, Jerusalem, Nablus, Safed, and Gaza formed land, it permitted the founding of the Zionist settlements separate political districts. The governor of the province in the territory that would become the nucleus of the of Sidon, in present-day Lebanon, generally adminis- State of Israel in 1948. The unresolved Palestine Question tered Galilee, the northern region of the territory. In the is, therefore, one of the legacies of the Ottoman Empire. 18th century Cezzar Ahmed Pasha emerged as the strongman in that region. Although his title was gover- Bruce Masters nor of Sidon, he ruled his domain from the Palestinian Further reading: Amnon Cohen, Palestine in the 18th seaport of Acre. During his reign, Acre was probably the Century: Patterns of Government and Administration (Jeru- most populous city in Palestine. With the return of direct salem: Magnes, 1973); Beshara Doumani, Rediscovering Pal- political control from Istanbul in the 19th century, the estine: Merchants and Peasants in Jabal Nablus, 1700\u20131900 northern region of Palestine was placed under the pro- (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1995); Neville vincial governor of Beirut. Mandel, The Arabs and Zionism before World War I (Berke- ley: University of California Press, 1976). Throughout the centuries of Ottoman rule in Pal- estine, Jews from Europe settled there. Many of these Pan-Islamism Pan-Islamism was an idea, movement, settlers were old or infirm and hoped that they might and policy advocating unity of all Muslims inside and be buried in the Holy Land, but others came to study outside the empire, under the leadership of the Ottoman and teach. In addition to Jerusalem, the towns of Safed caliphate; it emerged as a reaction against the Euro- and Tiberias were noted centers of Jewish learning that pean Great Powers\u2019 intervention in the Ottoman Empire attracted scholars and students from Europe, North and their colonialism in other parts of the Islamic world. Africa, and the Ottoman Empire. Safed was especially There have always been conflicting and even contradic- noted as a center for the study of Kabbalah, or Jewish tory notions about the origins, character, and definition mysticism. That pattern of settlement started to change in of Pan-Islamism; nevertheless, as a religious doctrine, the late 19th century as eastern European Jews, inspired the unity of all Muslims or the Islamic world-community by the Jewish nationalist ideology of Zionism, began to (ummah) across regional, national, and linguistic bound- settle in Palestine. aries, has existed since the beginning of Islam. By the outbreak of World War I in 1914, although Pan-Islamism emerged as a political idea in the their numbers were still only in the tens of thousands, the Ottoman Empire during the second half of the 19th cen- Zionists had transformed the landscape of Palestine with tury. The term Ittihad-\u0131 Islam (Union of Islam) was first the construction of agricultural settlements and a mod- used in its political sense by Ottoman intellectuals and ern, wholly Jewish city, Tel Aviv. Muslim and Christian journalists in the late 1860s. It was widely discussed and Arabs living in the region viewed the arrival of the Jewish advocated in the Ottoman press and to some extent in","454 Pan-Islamism Sultan Abd\u00fclhamid\u2019s position as caliph of all Muslims, to be used against European colonial powers with a large official circles. The most representative examples can be number of Muslim subjects. It was not an actively and found in the writings of Nam\u0131k Kemal, a leading mem- continuously implemented state policy that constituted ber of the Young Ottomans, and in the pages of the a good part of the sultan\u2019s foreign policy as claimed by newspaper Basiret. European sources; it was merely used at certain times as an element of potential threat, enabling the empire to Pan-Islamism was primarily an indigenous reac- take a firm stand against Russian Pan-Slavism and Euro- tion to European (including Russian) intervention and pean colonialism. colonialism in the Islamic world. Following the example of Pan-Slavism and Pan-Germanism, it originated as For Abd\u00fclhamid, external Pan-Islamism was not a defensive policy, aimed at saving all Muslims, inside an attempt to rebuild a unified, solitary Islamic state led and outside the empire, by uniting them against foreign by the caliph, but an attempt to realize a strong solidar- domination. The progress of Pan-Islamic sentiment and ity among Islamic people and countries concerned with Muslim loyalty to the Ottoman sultan-caliph followed their problems. For this purpose the sultan used influ- the spread of European colonialism in Islamic lands. The ential religious notables, especially the sheikhs of various Sublime Porte increasingly fashioned a Pan-Islamic iden- Sufi dervish orders (tariqa) and their networks, as well as tity for the Ottoman Empire in response to appeals by the press, propaganda, education, and financial aid. foreign Muslims who were seeking help against European aggression and expansion. These officially sponsored tariqa networks, religious propaganda, and the growing pro-caliphate sentiments Pan-Islamic ideas in the Ottoman Empire and the among colonial Muslims were seen as a serious political Islamic world had two sources. First, a growing interest or military threat by the European chanceries. A substan- emerged in Ottoman public opinion about the Muslims tial literature appeared in Western journals and news- of Russia, China, India, and Sumatra, along with a grow- papers around the myth of a Pan-Islamic threat. In fact, ing discontent and resentment toward the policies of the there were only a few examples of Pan-Islamic initiatives Great Powers, especially Russia and Britain. Second, as a in the Abd\u00fclhamid period. These were prior to 1878 and result of European domination of formerly Muslim-ruled included attempts to encourage the Muslims of Russia in territories in North Africa, Central Asia, South Asia, the Caucasus and central Asia to rebel during the 1877\u2013 and Southeast Asia, non-Ottoman Muslims (those under 78 war between Russia and the Ottoman Empire. foreign domination or foreign threat) turned to the Otto- man caliphate for help. INTERNAL POLITICAL PAN-ISLAMISM These new features of political Pan-Islamism were The internal political dimension of Pan-Islamism made possible by the emergence of public opinion in the focused on Muslim elements within the Ottoman Empire Ottoman Empire as a result of the development of mod- in an effort to establish a new axis for the state. For ern communications media and the press in the second Abd\u00fclhamid, internal Pan-Islamism was a way to pre- half of the 19th century. The result was the development serve of the state through unity of all Ottoman Muslims of a Pan-Islamic idea of Islamic unity or solidarity among regardless of their ethnicity. Abd\u00fclhamid\u2019s reign wit- Muslims worldwide against European domination of the nessed a fundamental shift away from the Tanzimat, or Islamic lands. Articles and pamphlets in favor of this idea Ottoman reform, policies that had been initiated in the had begun to appear in the late 1860s, and some associa- period between 1839 and 1876. Operating in support tions were formed to promote it. The Pan-Islamic ideas of the Tanzimat was the state policy of Ottomanism, of the late 1860s and early 1870s blossomed into a full- which afforded equal rights to all subjects of the empire, fledged movement during the Great Eastern Crisis of regardless of their religious affiliation. The greatest chal- 1875\u201378 and became a policy under Abd\u00fclhamid II (r. lenge of the Tanzimat statesmen had been to integrate 1876\u20131909). In the Abd\u00fclhamid period, three types of the empire\u2019s non-Muslim communities, who accounted Pan-Islamism appeared: external political Pan-Islamism, for almost 40 percent of the population, into the imperial internal political Pan-Islamism, and the Sunni-Shii unity state, thus ensuring their loyalty. During the Tanzimat movement. period, the already limited resources of the empire had thus been allocated primarily to the Balkans, whereas the EXTERNAL POLITICAL PAN-ISLAMISM Anatolian and Arab provinces had been neglected. The external political type of Pan-Islamism refers to Because the empire lost its important Christian prov- the foreign policy dimension upon which almost all lit- inces with the Berlin Treaty of 1878, and received sub- erature in the West on Pan-Islamic movements since stantial Muslim immigration from the Balkans and the the late 19th century has concentrated. External Pan- Caucasus, the non-Muslim ratio of the empire\u2019s popula- Islamism called for the unity or solidarity of all Muslims tion had decreased to around 20 percent. It was agreed worldwide under the political leadership of the Ottoman caliphate. It was largely a propaganda weapon based on","that the policy of Ottomanism was of no use in prevent- Pan-Islamism 455 ing the rise of non-Muslim nationalism and the desire for independence among the non-Muslim population of the Abd\u00fclhamid\u2019s greatest concern regarding the Arabs empire. However, not only did the Tanzimat and Otto- was the possibility of the establishment of an Arab manist policies fail to satisfy the empire\u2019s non-Muslims, caliphate centered in Egypt or Hejaz and supported they also increased the frustration against the state, espe- by the European powers, which could lead to the com- cially in the Arab and Albanian provinces where some plete collapse of the empire. Particularly in such places sparks of nationalist feelings were being ignited. as Syria, the Hejaz, Egypt, and the Sudan, Abd\u00fclhamid saw Muslim solidarity, expressed as a common loyalty to Abd\u00fclhamid believed that, in order to survive, the the caliphate, to be crucial to the empire\u2019s efforts to resist Ottoman state needed a new common bond or a base European imperialism and the separatist aspirations of his of political identity for the unity and welfare of its Mus- non-Muslim subjects. The sultan\u2019s concern was expressed lim subjects. This did not mean that Ottomanism was in official deference to Islam and to religious leaders, and completely abandoned; it meant rather that the prior- in officially sponsored religious propaganda, some of ity of the government changed to the bringing together which assumed a Pan-Islamic form, appealing to the soli- of Muslims of different ethnic groups within the empire. darity of Muslims both within and without the Ottoman The focus of attention shifted to the neglected Anatolian Empire\u2019s borders. and Arab provinces. From then on, material, financial, social and cultural facilities were directed toward regions PAN-ISLAMISM AND SHII-SUNNI UNITY inhabited by Muslims, and investments were made in the infrastructure of those regions. Pan-Islamism in this Pan-Islamism is also related to the promotion of Shii- sense was the adoption of a series of policies that gave Sunni unity or a rapprochement between Sunni Islam priority to Muslim communities within the empire that and Shia Islam, especially in the context of the Shii demonstrated their loyalty to the state. This policy was threat in Ottoman Iraq and a potential Iranian threat. applied in all areas, from education to transportation. All The Iraqi vilayets of Baghdad and Basra were home to a the Muslim groups in the empire, such as Turks, Kurds, substantial population of Arabic-speaking Shii Muslims. Arabs, Albanians, and Circassians, benefited from this They constituted an absolute majority of the population new policy in varying degrees. Traces of the policy were in the two provinces. Furthermore, throughout the 19th seen in a variety of venues, from symbolic gestures such century, the Shii population appeared to have increased as placing Arab provinces at the beginning of the state through conversion, at the expense of the Sunnis. To the yearbooks (salnames) to crucial investments in infra- Ottoman authorities, the presence of a large and grow- structure such as the construction of the Baghdad and ing Shii population in Iraq represented a serious political Hejaz Railroads. problem. Shiis were regarded as potentially disloyal, and the growth of Shia Islam among the tribal population in This new policy also had a long-term political and Iraq alarmed the Abd\u00fclhamid regime and prompted the ideological dimension that could be called an attempt palace to embark upon a serious consideration of the to create a Muslim nation through the unity of Muslims Shii issue. Steps were taken to forestall the growth of Shia within the empire. After 1878, a clear Muslim major- Islam. Several commissions were sent to the region; local ity dominated what was left of the empire, and the state officials were asked to write detailed reports on the sub- adhered to a policy of prioritizing Muslim concerns. But ject; and some measures were taken in the field of edu- there was no homogeneous Muslim element. It was nec- cation including the opening of Sunni madrasas in the essary that these Muslim elements, which were socially region so that local people would not be attracted to the and culturally heterogeneous, be unified into a proper Shii ulema. However, these steps resulted in little change. and homogeneous group of subjects, that is, a Muslim nation within the Muslim state. This would arise with After a period of consideration and consultation, the the development of a modern educational system with sultan came to the conclusion that a policy of Sunni-Shii both religious and secular components. The new Mus- unity would be the best long-term solution to the \u201cShii lim nation had to form around a common ideology and a problem\u201d in Iraq, and decided to promote a radical pro- common identity. The required cement was Islam. From gram to secure a rapprochement between Shia and Sunni this perspective, Islam was seen as an element of shared Islam. His chosen tool was Jamal al-Din al-Afghani, identity, a basis for social or national solidarity, a key fac- the Iranian-born political activist and philosopher, who tor in common citizenship, a point of reference in the arrived in Istanbul in the late summer of 1892. The relations between the state and its subjects, and a social implementation of the project for the creation of Islamic catalyst to bring together the Muslim elements of the unity began in early 1894. A working group was set up empire and guarantee their loyalty to the sultan above under Afghani that sent hundreds of letters to prominent any nationalist or separatist tendencies. Shii ulema all over the Islamic world. However, when Shah Nasir al-Din of Iran learned about the correspondence between Afghani\u2019s Istanbul","456 parliament Ottoman parliament usually refers to the body that came together briefly during the Ottoman constitutional period circle and the Shii ulema, he quickly responded. Tehran under the reign of Sultan Abd\u00fclhamid II (r. 1876\u20131909). demanded the deportation of Afghani and his disciples. The Iranian authorities also used this issue to bring the A tradition of partially representative councils existed \u201cArmenian question\u201d to the fore, putting pressure on the in 18th-century Ottoman towns. The process of adminis- Ottoman sultan by giving a free hand to Armenian revo- trative modernization associated with the 19th-century lutionaries, both inside Iran and on the border. Under Tanzimat reform period included the foundation of the pressure of the Armenian crises both in Anatolia semilegislative councils such as the Supreme Council for and in Istanbul, and because of this Iranian support for Judicial Ordinances (Meclis-i Vala-y\u0131 Ahkam-\u0131 Adliye, Armenian revolutionaries in eastern Anatolia, Abd\u00fclha- 1838) and the Council of State (\u015eura-y\u0131 Devlet, 1868). mid appears to have been forced to give up his scheme for Administrative councils with limited representative char- Sunni-Shii unity. The project was abandoned, Afghani\u2019s acteristics were also set up in the provinces in the 1840s. relations with Abd\u00fclhamid deteriorated, and Afghani After 1856 non-Muslim communities transformed their remained in Istanbul as a virtual prisoner until his death religious assemblies into secular bodies. However, none in 1897. During this period, the opposition of the Shii of these amounted to a parliament in the sense of demo- ulema to the Iranian government was partly expressed cratic representation and full legislative powers. in Pan-Islamic ideas, in terms of Sunni-Shii rapproche- ment, and as open sympathy toward the Ottoman caliph. An Ottoman parliament was founded after the coup Abd\u00fclhamid\u2019s contacts with the Shii ulema both in Iraq d\u2019\u00e9tat of May 30, 1876, when\u2014following the deposing of and Iran continued, as did the Pan-Islamic ideas among the sultans Abd\u00fclaziz (r. 1861\u201376) and Murad V (r. the Iranian opposition in the early 20th century. 1876)\u2014Abd\u00fclhamid II acceded to the throne. However, the liberal parliament, devised in the original constitu- The Committee of Union and Progress that seized tion of Grand Vizier Midhat Pasha, was redefined by control of the government in 1908 took over all three of Abd\u00fclhamid into an assembly with limited powers. Abd\u00fclhamid\u2019s Pan-Islamic policies and used them at dif- ferent times and in varying degrees. External Pan-Islamism The Ottoman parliament was a bicameral body was used especially during periods of war, such as the Trip- consisting of the Chamber of Deputies (Meclis-i Mebu- olitanian War (1911\u201312), Balkan Wars (1912\u201313), World san) and the Senate (Meclis-i Ayan). The members of War I (1914\u201318), and to some extent, the Turkish War of the Senate were appointed by the sultan and were given Independence (1919\u201322). Internal political Pan-Islamism a wide-ranging veto power on the laws proposed by the became a crucial policy after the Balkan Wars, when Otto- Chamber of Deputies. The parliament had the power manism lost its credibility once again. Pan-Islamism in the to discuss law drafts only when they were proposed by context of Shii-Sunni unity also bore fruit for the Sublime the government or the sultan. During the constitutional Porte during World War I in the contexts of Iraq and Iran. period of 1877\u201378, the Chamber of Deputies consisted However, the most fruitful results of Pan-Islamism were of 115 members (69 Muslims and 46 non-Muslims), and seen among Indian Muslims after the 1870s. Indian Mus- the Senate was composed of 36 members (25 Muslims lims had always been receptive to Pan-Islamic ideas and and 11 non-Muslims). Despite limitations, the parlia- propaganda, and eager to serve the movement and policy, ment of 1877\u20131878 was a politically dynamic institution, during both the reign of Abd\u00fclhamid and Young Turk unexpectedly critical of the government and the sultan. regime (1908\u201318). The apex of Indian Pan-Islamism was Abd\u00fclhamid\u2019s authoritarian inclinations and the inde- the Indian Khilafat Movement of 1919\u20131924 that cam- pendent attitude of the deputies led to the dissolution of paigned for the cause of the Ottoman caliphate against the the first Ottoman parliament on February 13, 1878. British government. Pan-Islamism in the Ottoman Empire ended with the abolition of the caliphate in 1924. The parliament was reopened on December 17, 1908 following the Young Turk Revolution, a military insur- G\u00f6khan \u00c7etinsaya rection that ended Abd\u00fclhamid\u2019s reign. In its first period Further reading: Jacob M. Landau, The Politics of Pan- (December 1908\u2013January 1912) the Chamber of Depu- Islam: Ideology and Organization (Oxford: Clarendon, 1990); ties consisted mainly of those elected from the lists of Azmi \u00d6zcan, Indian Muslims, the Ottomans and Britain, the Committee of Union and Progress (CUP), the 1877\u20131924 (Leiden: Brill, 1997); G\u00f6khan \u00c7etinsaya, \u201cThe revolutionary political organization of the Young Turks. Caliph and Mujtahids: Ottoman Policy towards the Shi\u2019i Among the 288 deputies, there were 147 Turks, 60 Arabs, Community of Iraq in the Late Nineteenth Century.\u201d Middle 27 Albanians, 26 Greeks, 14 Armenians, 10 Bulgarians, Eastern Studies 41 (July 2005): 561\u2013574. and 4 Jews. However, after 1909, an increasing number of liberal-minded deputies left the CUP and founded their parliament Although there was a localized parliamen- own parliamentary groups and political parties. In 1911 tary tradition in some Ottoman towns and provinces, the all opposition groups came together and founded the Freedom and Friendship Party (H\u00fcrriyet ve \u0130tilaf F\u0131rkas\u0131).","In the elections of 1912, the CUP used physical violence Phanariots 457 to subdue the opposition and to regain absolute control over the parliament. Following the coup d\u2019\u00e9tat of January cratic Byzantine lineage they claimed for themselves was 23, 1913, the Ottoman parliament became a body that often not authentic. They retained earlier personal and rubber-stamped the decisions of the military regime. In commercial connections with Italian states, in particular the elections of winter 1913\u201314 the only party joining the with Genoa through the Istanbul quarter of Galata and elections was the CUP. the Aegean island of Chios, which was held by the Geno- ese until the Ottoman conquest in 1566. Following the collapse of the Ottoman Empire in World War I, the leaders of the CUP left the country. One outcome of these connections between early On November 23, 1918, Sultan Mehmed VI (r. 1918\u2013 Phanariot families and the Italian states, aside from the 22) dissolved the parliament, which he considered to be accumulation of capital stemming from their engagement loyal to the Young Turks. However, national resistance in commerce, was that the sons of such families were often in Anatolia exerted pressure on the sultan\u2019s government, sent to Italian cities, particularly Padua, Rome, and Milan, which was known to be loyal to the victorious Allied for schooling, especially medical school. Upon their return Powers (England, France, and Russia), thus forcing they engaged in commerce or became physicians at the new elections. The last Ottoman parliament (January Ottoman palace. Some Phanariots engaged in the long- 12, 1920\u2013March 18, 1920) was predominantly Turkish distance commerce that was beginning to flourish (by sea nationalist in membership. This parliament issued the in the Mediterranean and by land through the Balkans). National Pact (Misak-\u0131 Milli) declaring the political indi- Others entered the Ottoman court, finding employment visibility of Anatolia. The occupation of Istanbul by the as physicians or, thanks to their knowledge of European Allie Powers led to the dissolution of this parliament. languages, as advisors and translators to members of the sultan\u2019s household, to viziers, or even to the sultan himself. Sel\u00e7uk Ak\u015fin Somel The Phanariot physician Panagiotis Nikousios accom- Further reading: Robert Devereux, The First Otto- panied the Ottoman fleet to Crete as they were battling man Constitutional Period: A Study of the Midhat Constitu- the Venetians for that island in the mid-17th century. As tion and Parliament (Baltimore, Md.: Johns Hopkins Press, a reward for his service and due to his close connections 1963); Stanford J. Shaw and Ezel K. Shaw, History of the with the K\u00f6pr\u00fcl\u00fc dynasty of grand viziers, Nikousios was Ottoman Empire and Modern Turkey, 2 vols. (Cambridge: made grand dragoman, a position that commanded great Cambridge University Press, 1977). influence at the Ottoman Court because of the dragoman\u2019s involvement in foreign relations and diplomacy. Passarowitz, Treaty of See Austria; Hungary; Kar- lowitz, Treaty of. A turning point for the Phanariots was the Treaty of Karlowitz in 1699, negotiated by Reis\u00fclk\u00fcttab (chief Persia See Iran. scribe) Rami Mehmed Efendi and Nicholas Mavrocor- datos as grand dragoman. Although the treaty marked Phanariots (Fenerliler; Phanariotes) Phanariots is territorial losses for the empire, it was deemed by the a term referring to the Greek (or Greek-identified) elite Ottomans to have been successfully negotiated, and Mav- who held an influential political and social position in rocordatos was granted the title minister of the secrets the Ottoman Empire from the 17th century until the (ex aporiton), or official confidante of the sultan. In 1711 Greek War of Independence in 1821. Associated with Dimitri Cantemir, the voievod, or prince, of Moldavia the Phanar (from the Greek phanarion, meaning lantern, (in present-day Romania), was accused of conspiring and Turkish fener, meaning lighthouse) quarter of Istan- with the Ottomans\u2019 perennial enemy, Russia. As a result bul where the Orthodox Patriarchate has been head- the Ottomans came to consider the local notables in quartered since 1586, this Orthodox Christian elite came Moldavia and Wallachia to be disloyal and decided to traditionally to occupy four positions of major impor- appoint Phanariots from Istanbul to the post of voievod, tance\u2014grand dragoman (chief translator) of the court, first of Moldavia, then of Wallachia. Nicholas Mavrocor- dragoman of the fleet, and the voievods (lords) of Molda- datos was the first Phanariot voievod of Moldavia in 1711 via and Wallachia. and of Wallachia in 1716, establishing Phanariot rule in these Danubian principalities that would last until the The Phanariots first came into a position of power in Greek War of Independence. the late 16th and early 17th centuries as a small group of prominent Greek families that had remained in Istanbul In the 18th century the Phanariots began to take a after the Ottoman conquest in 1453, although the aristo- more prominent position in church affairs (as archons) as well as entrenching their place in the Ottoman Court as grand dragoman, dragoman of the imperial fleet, and as the voievods of Moldavia and Wallachia. These positions gave them a foothold in the Ottoman court and divan or council, in foreign relations (and the commercial advan-","458 Philiki Hetairia involvement in Ottoman governance by remaining loyal servants to the sultan. tages that brought with it), in the provincial government of the Danubian principalities (an important source of Christine Philliou grain for the Ottoman capital), and in the administra- Further reading: Christine Philliou, \u201cWorlds, Old and tion of the Aegean islands and the Anatolian coast (now New: Phanariot Networks and the Remaking of Ottoman under the authority of the kapudan pasha, or Ottoman Governance, 1800\u20131850\u201d (Ph.D. diss., Princeton Univer- admiral, whom the dragoman of the fleet would serve). sity, 2004); Mihail-Dimitri Sturdza, Dictionnaire historique They also became purveyors of meat and luxury items, et g\u00e9n\u00e9alogique des grandes familles de Gr\u00e8ce, d\u2019Albanie et such as furs, to the Ottoman palace. de Constantinople (Paris: M. D. Sturdza, 1983); Symposium L\u2019\u00c9poque phanariote, 21\u201325 octobre 1970: \u00e0 la m\u00e9moire de Although there were only four \u201cprincely\u201d positions Cl\u00e9obule Tsourkas (Thessaloniki: Institute for Balkan Stud- available to Phanariots (grand dragoman and dragoman ies, 1974). of the fleet, and the voievods of Moldavia and Wallachia), with the success of the Phanariots, the number of families Philiki Hetairia Philiki Hetairia, which means that joined the retinues of these princes and their clients \u201cFriendly Society,\u201d was a secret society founded in Rus- grew rapidly as the 18th century wore on. The families of sian Odessa in 1814 whose aim was to overthrow Otto- the Rosettos, Cantacouzinos, and Mavrocordatos were man rule in what is now Greece and the Balkans and to joined at the upper echelons of power in the Phanar by the establish an independent state. Odessa, a Crimean port Kallimakis, Caradjas, Ghikas, Soutsos, Hantzeris, Mavroy- city, had only been founded a generation before by Cath- enis, Aristarchis, and Hypsilantes. While the earlier fami- erine the Great, who invited groups such as Greeks to lies often claimed some connection to a Byzantine ancestor settle and trade there. Located on the Black Sea, Odessa or claimed to have originated on the island of Chios, later was conveniently situated for Greek merchants who, since families, such as the Ghikas, Soutsos, and Aristarchis, had the Treaty of K\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck Kaynarca in 1774, had come to risen from non-Greek origins and come to identify cul- play a more prominent role in Black Sea trade between turally as Greek in order to gain membership in the elite the Ottoman Empire and Russia. As Greek merchants, Phanariot circles; the Ghikas and Soutsos families were of they had also forged commercial ties to the agricultur- Albanian origin, and the Aristarchis family was reportedly ally rich Danubian principalities (present-day Romania), of Armenian origin in Anatolia before Helleniting. which were run by the influential Greek Ottoman fami- lies known as Phanariots. As the geographic and political reach of Phanariot grandees expanded, so too did the phenomenon of Hel- A Greek-identified merchant middle class had devel- lenization as a prerequisite to entrance into a Phanariot oped in early 19th-century Odessa with connections not retinue. By the later 18th century it was not uncommon only in the Ottoman Empire but also throughout Russia for Balkan and some Anatolian Christians to send their and eastern Europe and in the Italian and French Medi- children to one of the academies founded by Phanariot terranean. Influenced by the Carbonari\u2014secret societ- princes in Bucharest (Wallachia) or Jassy (Moldavia) to ies, literally \u201ccharcoal burners,\u201d formed with the aim of learn Greek. The graduates of these schools took one of obtaining a constitution by force in Italy\u2014and the Free- a number of possible paths. Some left Ottoman territory mason movement, another secret organization with older for medical school in Austria or elsewhere; others entered origins, three Greek merchants in Odessa came together the retinue of a Phanariot or Ottoman military leader in 1814 to form the Philiki Hetairia. Nicholas Skoufas, a in Istanbul; some even entered the Orthodox Christian 42-year-old native of Arta (in present-day southwestern clergy in Istanbul. In this way the tiny group of individ- Greece), 42-year-old Emmanuel Xanthos of the Aegean ual Phanariot families of the late 17th century expanded island of Patmos, and Athanasios Tsakalov, a 26-year-old and began to integrate Balkan Christians into the realm from Epirus (in present-day northwestern Greece and of Ottoman governance. southern Albania) formed the society. In the first two years, they brought in only about a dozen new initiates. This expansion and integration of Phanariots into Ottoman foreign and domestic politics had wide reper- From Odessa, members attempted to recruit Greeks cussions, opening new possibilities for the relationships of Russia and the Ottoman Danubian principalities, with between Muslim rulers and Christian subjects at the little success until 1818. In that year the society expanded dawn of the 19th century but also creating rising expec- dramatically in number and in geographic reach, recruit- tations that ultimately contributed to Phanariot involve- ing throughout Greek communities in the Ottoman ment in the Greek rebellion. Following the Greek War of Empire as well as in Russia and Europe, reaching about Independence, many Phanariots integrated themselves 1,000 members by early 1821. At its height, the Philiki fully into the political and cultural life of the independent Hetairia included Phanariot grandees from the Hypsilan- Greek kingdom. Others stayed in the Ottoman Empire, opting for a life of obscurity by dissociating from the Phanariot name or continuing the tradition of Phanariot","tis and Kallimakis clans, brigand chieftains from Morea photography 459 (Peloponnese) such as Theodoros Kolokotronis and Odysseas Androutsos, clerics of all ranks (such as Ger- in Istanbul within two months of the introduction manos, the bishop of Old Patras), and lay members of the of the daguerreotype in Paris in August 1839. The old- Orthodox Patriarchate establishment (such as Lycourgos est Ottoman document on the subject is a newspaper Logothetis, born Georgios Paplomatas, a secretary in the account from the October 28, 1839 issue of the Takvim-i Istanbul Patriarchate and a native of the Aegean island Vekayi (Calendar of occurrences), the first official Otto- of Samos). man paper, reporting Louis Daguerre\u2019s invention of the daguerreotype and giving technical specifications. On The structure and lexicon of the Philiki Hetairia August 15, 1841, Ceride-i Havadis (Journal of news), the combined freemasonry with Orthodox Christian ecclesi- first privately owned Turkish newspaper, informed its astical terminology. The core entity was initially known readers that Daguerre\u2019s book introducing the daguerreo- as the Invisible Authority; after the 1818 expansion it type (rendered literally as \u201cDaguerre print\u201d) technique became known as the Authority of the Twelve Apostles. had arrived in Istanbul and had been translated. The When a member was initiated into the society he was same report coined the Turkish term for photograph, lit- given a nom de guerre that often combined Orthodox erally \u201cfire print,\u201d a word that would not be used in the Christian-Byzantine and ancient Greek characters, such West for another ten years. On July 17, 1842, Ceride-i as Lycourgos Logothetis, referred to above: Lycourgos Havadis announced that an apprentice of Daguerre had was the ancient lawgiver in Sparta, and Logothetis was arrived in Istanbul and, for a fee, would exhibit photo- a Byzantine-Orthodox title that was still in use in the graphs, teach the art of photography, and take group or Orthodox ecclesiastical hierarchy. Initiates then rose up panoramic pictures. The first treatise on Ottoman pho- through several degrees of membership, although they tography in Turkish, Captain H\u00fcsn\u00fc Bey\u2019s Usul-i foto- never knew the extent of the society\u2019s membership, as grafya risalesi, was printed in 1873 in Istanbul. there was a pyramid structure so as to retain secrecy. The palace saw photography as extremely important. One of the benefits of this secrecy was that, to per- Sultan Mahmud II (r. 1808\u201339) presented medals that suade others to join, members could claim (without carried his pictures, and his portrait was exhibited at the having to give proof) that powerful figures were also Selimiye Barracks. Subsequent Ottoman sultans awarded members. Perhaps a reason for the sudden popularity titles of special merit\u2014ressam-\u0131 \u015fehriyari, fotografi-i haz- of the society in 1818 (in addition to moving the head- ret-i \u015fehriyari, ser-fotograf-i hazret-i \u015fehriyari (designa- quarters from Odessa to Istanbul, the Ottoman capital) tions meaning imperial photographer)\u2014to the empire\u2019s was members\u2019 claim that Czar Alexander I himself was most deserving photographers. The Ottoman princes a member and was promising military and financial sup- took lessons in photography. port to the society. The society had also approached John Capodistrias, a native of the island of Kerkyra who had Although photography quickly became popular, the become Czar Alexander I\u2019s foreign minister, to be their Ottomans never developed its potential uses for research leader, but Capodistrias flatly refused. In April 1821, and industry, the one exception being the technique for Alexander Hypsilantis agreed to become the chief of the photoengraving by acid reduction realized by printer society. Less than a year later, a rebellion broke out in Ahmed Ihsan Tokg\u00f6z and photographer Teodor Vafiya- Moldavia which, though abortive, marked the first in a dis in 1894. This technique was used for many years. string of uprisings that led to the Greek War of Indepen- dence in 1821. PHOTOGRAPHIC RECORDS OF THE OTTOMAN WORLD Christine Philliou Further reading: Richard Clogg, A Concise History of The same week that news of Daguerre\u2019s invention was Greece (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2002); reported in Takvim-i Vekayi, Pierre Joly de Lotbini\u00e8re was George D. Frangos, \u201cThe Philike Etaireia, 1814\u20131821: A already taking pictures along the Nile, while Palestine, Social and Historical Analysis\u201d (Ph.D. diss., Columbia Uni- Syria, Lebanon and various locations in Anatolia were versity, 1971). also being photographed by other early photographers. In the autumn of 1839, No\u00ebl Paymal Lerebours (1807\u201373) photography From their earliest appearance, photog- and his team went to Egypt, Palestine, and Beirut and raphy and photographic techniques found wide applica- took panoramic pictures that were later published in an tion in the Ottoman Empire and were used extensively album called Excursions daguerriennes: vues et monu- by professionals and amateurs as an art form, a means of ments le plus remarquables du globe (Daguerrien excur- documentation and recording, an instrument of obser- sions: The most remarkable sights and monuments in the vation, and a tool for publicity. Photography arrived world). Such activities continued over the years and those pictures came to form an important part of the famous Y\u0131ld\u0131z Collection. Through the efforts of these enterprising people a significant cross section of 19th century Ottoman","460 photography sented an album comprising 55 pictures of Istanbul to Sultan Abd\u00fclmecid (r. 1839\u201361), who granted him the geography and life from various angles was recorded in title fotografi-i hazret-i \u0218ehriyari (imperial photogra- photographs. One of those instrumental in creating this pher). Jules Sandoz is also among the photographers visual record was Joseph-Philibert Girault de Paraguey, who presented their albums to the palace. In 1863, Sul- who took more than 800 pictures of Istanbul and Anato- tan Abd\u00fclaziz (r. 1861\u201376) sent his own photographic lia between the years 1843 and 1845. In 1848 Maxime du portrait to the Prussian Empress Augusta. Sultan Abd\u00fcl- Camp, editor of the Revue de Paris (Paris review), pub- hamid II (r. 1876\u20131909) sent albums to promote the lished pictures and travel notes of his visits to Egypt, Pales- Ottoman state to several prominent people and institu- tine, and Syria, then produced them in an album. tions, among them the U.S. Library of Congress (1881). Because of the historical importance of the Otto- PHOTOGRAPHY AND THE OTTOMAN MILITARY man lands, especially Istanbul, these places constituted a point of interest to many Western photographers and Decades before the development of the daguerreotype, they made a habit of passing through Istanbul. British Ottoman engineers and military personnel were already photographer James Robertson (1813\u201388) is among the recording images using the camera obscura, a pre-photo- best known of these. He came to the empire during the graphic technology. According to a document from 1805, Crimean War (1853\u201356) and wound up living in Istan- two camera obscura devices were purchased from England bul until his death in 1881. The Irish archaeologist John and used in the school of engineering, or M\u00fchendishane, Shaw Smith took photos of Istanbul in November 1851 graduates of which feature prominently among the pio- that still survive. French photographer-architect Alfred neers of Ottoman photographic history. Ottoman military Norman was in Istanbul in January 1852. Immediately afterward another Frenchman, Ernest de Caranja, pre- This photo, taken by the Abdullah brothers circa 1890, shows the public square near the Dolmabah\u00e7e Palace (Courtesy of IRCICA)"]