Handbook of Psychology Vol. 5

Violence and Its Control 579 the form of police violence in the streets or violence within habilitation, a general failure to distinguish between what prisons in the form of torture or cruel and unusual punish- might help different types of prisoners, and a general lack of ment. In the United States the reported instances of death compassion for those who find themselves in prison. from police violence are relatively low, about 300 deaths per year. It seems evident that laws and strong civilian control Torture is the most troublesome form of police violence, must demand a professional force that minimizes the use of and it often leaves its victims crippled both physically and violence and that excellent training is crucial. Toch, Grant, psychologically. This is particularly true when, as is often the and Galvin (1974) argued that the best way to achieve control case, the aim of the torture was not to obtain information but over unacceptable police violence is to have peer review pan- to intimidate and destroy a person so that he or she could no els who review all arrest reports, tally deployed violence, and longer function as a leader of resistance to those in authority. work with those officers who exceed a predefined number of While victims differ widely in their posttorture symptoms incidents. Such officers are helped to understand their behav- and some have demonstrated an incredible capacity to for- ior and create alternative approaches to handling the situa- give and heal, many need both physical and psychological tions that provoked their violence. When their incidents treatment. Elsass (1997) has described effective treatment decrease, they themselves are enlisted to become members of methods, and the journal Torture is devoted to the prevention the panel. of torture and the rehabilitation of its victims. In the United States an increasing number of persons are As defined in the 1984 United Nations Convention being imprisoned: The prison population in maximum- Against Torture, torture involves the intentional infliction of security prisons more than doubled from 1987 to 1997. There severe pain or suffering, by or with the agreement of a public are now over 1.6 million persons in federal and state prisons, official, in order to obtain information or a confession, or to and inmates outnumber guards 38 to 1 (U.S. Department of punish, intimidate, or coerce. Perhaps the most evident indi- Justice, 1999). Note that this figure does not include persons cation of the extent of the problem is that by the year 2000 in county and city jails. Much of this increase is due to non- only 119 of the 188 member states had endorsed the rules violent drug offenders and targets African American and against torture promulgated by the UN convention. Black men. As Haney and Zimbardo (1998) pointed out, the increased use of imprisonment reflects a policy choice to im- Amnesty International (2000) enumerated a 12-point pro- prison individual lawbreakers rather than to correct the social gram to eliminate torture. These include calling for every conditions that contribute to crime. There are troubling indi- nation to officially condemn and enact laws against torture, cations that the increased privatization of prisons is leading to refuse evidence obtained under torture, make the location of abusive practices such as the increased use of stun belts and all prisoners known, allow prisoners to communicate, have solitary confinement. Further, there is every indication that all allegations of torture investigated by an authority inde- prisons are failing to rehabilitate a majority of those who are pendent of the prison system, have authorities clearly state incarcerated. Thus, Beck and Shipley (1997) reported that an their opposition to the use of torture, punish torturers, and estimated 62.5% of the prisoners released from 11 state pris- compensate victims. ons were rearrested for a felony or serious misdemeanor within three years of their release and that 41.4% were re- Societal Violence turned to prison or jail. Many prisons appear to be dominated by gangs (Lerner, 1984), and violence and domination occur Although community violence often reflects what is happen- between inmates and are often used by guards. It is evident ing within a society, there are forms of violence that occur that most prisons are providing an environment that encour- throughout the society in which communities are embedded. ages learning violence rather than responsibility (Haney & This include the violence in its media and the violence that Zimbardo, 1998). occurs when a society engages in war, is subjected to civil war, ethnic violence, and genocide, or must deal with terrorism. There are managerial approaches that reduce violence (Reisig, 1998), vocational programs that offer structure and Media Violence reduce assault rates (McCorkle, Miethe, & Drass, 1995), and educational programs that reduce violence and recidivism We saw how aggressive behavior can be learned by following (Matthews & Pitts, 1998). However, neither governmental the models provided on film and TV. Hence, it is troubling to officials nor the American public seems willing to spend note that Hepburn (1997) reported that 57% of the TV pro- money on what is often seen as coddling prisoners. There ap- grams monitored at four different locations in the United pears to be a general attitude that favors punishment over re- States contained some sort of violence, whereas only 4% pre- sented an antiviolence theme. American children are exposed

580 Aggression, Violence, Evil, and Peace to vast amounts of violence on TV; Signorelli, Gerber, and ernment. The probability of war decreases geometrically with Morgan (1995) estimated that the average 12-year-old has each decade of common government. seen over a 100,000 acts of violence. There is little doubt that this sort of exposure contributes to violence (see Eron, Which disputes result in war? Vasquez and Henehan Heusmann, Lefkowitz, & Walder, 1996). The violence is (2001) showed that the probability of war is greater when most apt to be learned when an attractive perpetrator with there is a territorial dispute than when there is a policy dis- whom the viewer can identify engages in justified and re- pute. Wallace (1979), who investigated 99 serious interna- warded violence that fails to depict the harm suffered by the tional disputes occurring between 1815 and 1965, reported victim of the violence (S. L. Smith & Donnerstein, 1998). that 26 resulted in war and that in 23 of these cases the war was preceded by an arms race. There were only five cases Media violence appears to promote violence in a number where an arms race did not lead to war, and we are probably of different ways (see Berry, Giles, & Williams, 1999). Be- fortunate that the arms race between the United States and the sides modeling violent behavior and weakening inhibitions Soviet Union proved to be in this category. about violence, it numbs or desensitizes reactions to violence and decreases empathy for victims. Similar negative effects When arms races occur, there is instability in the balance occur as a consequence of playing violent video games of power, and the race accelerates exponentially in a way that (Anderson & Bushman, 2001). Although the evidence for the Richardson (1960b) can describe with a simple pair of differ- danger of viewing violence is increasing, warnings against ential equations. Basically, this elegant mathematical model viewing such violence appear to be decreasing in the U.S. reveals that races occur when a pair of nations are more afraid mass media (Bushman & Anderson, 2001). of each other than they are concerned with the cost to their own economy. A more complex model dealing with more Interstate Warfare than two nations and chaotic transitions is described by Behrens, Feichtinger, and Prskawetz (1997). Richardson’s Richardson (1960a) began the statistical study of war when model stresses deterministic factors, and Rapoport (1960) his concern for human life led him to define war in terms of has pointed out how such an approach may be contrasted human deaths rather than in terms of declarations or histori- with an approach that involves strategic gaming over inter- cal significance. Setting 1,000 deaths as a lower limit and the ests or struggles involving different ideologies. Applying this log of deaths as a scale of magnitude (thus 1,000 deaths is a latter approach, R. Smith, Sola, and Spagnolo (2000) demon- magnitude-3 war), he argued that counting was the best anti- strated that in the conflict between Greece and Turkey, the septic for prejudice and proceeded to count the wars between amount each nation spends on arms does not depend on what 1820 and 1945. He showed that many magnitude-6 wars the other is spending but is a function of bureaucratic and (about a million deaths) were not remembered because they political inertia. Current spending by the United States also lacked political significance (e.g., the Taiping rebellion, the appears to evidence this pattern. war in La Plata), and many of the 188 magnitude-3 wars were completely overlooked. He also established that the nation Subsequent to Richardson’s work, the Stockholm Interna- responsible for the most wars keeps changing in different tional Peace Research Institute has kept an ongoing account of periods so that focusing on containing any given aggressor wars that focuses on number of deaths. Their statistics reveal cannot prevent war. millions of largely overlooked deaths, with 10 magnitude- 6 wars that have occurred since 1945 and about 30 wars going Richardson proposed a sort of molecular model of war on in any given year. Over recent years the number of inter- that imagined nations as bumping up against each other, with state wars has decreased while the number of intrastate (civil) some of these conflicts resulting in war. Those with more bor- wars has increased. There have also been an increasingly large ders and energy have a greater chance of collisions. In accord percentage of civilian deaths, which now account for about with such a model, he shows that the number of wars that a 85% of the casualties. One ray of hope for decreasing inter- nation fights correlates highly with its number of borders (he state conflict is offered by statistics that demonstrate that includes colonies in this count), and the number of wars fewer militarized disputes occur when nations have important breaking out in any given year follows a Poisson (chance) trade relations and when nations are democracies (Oneal, distribution. Factors we might think of as lessening the prob- Oneal, Maoz, & Russett, 1996). Under such conditions war is ability of war, such as common language or religion, do not. not in the interest of those in power. However, these statistics What does lessen the probability of war between peoples is do not consider support for covert interference, as in the U.S. the number of years in which they live under a common gov- involvement in overthrowing the democratically elected gov- ernments of Guatemala and Chile. Nor do they consider that

Violence and Its Control 581 the number of reasonably democratic nations is not high and control some language use in education, local law, and mar- that the conditions for democracy may be difficult to achieve riage rites. The state identity could control currency, border (see de Rivera, in press). Nevertheless, we are reminded that defense, and other factors necessary for a nation-state to sur- interstate war is not inevitable. vive in a global economy. Psychologically, such an arrange- ment makes sense because, as Brewer (1999) notes, it is quite Civil War, Ethnic Violence, and Genocide possible to have a positive in-group identity that is indepen- dent of negative attitudes toward out-group members. Such Although civil wars sometimes simply reflect a struggle for in-group identities may be less threatened when clear bound- power within a dominant group, they often involve ethnic aries between groups are recognized within the bounds of a group interests or ideological differences that become in- common state. volved in a struggle for power. Their complexity is nicely captured in a series of case studies that deal with the wars in In some nation-states, such as in Turkey in 1915, Germany Central America, Ireland, Israel, Rwanda, and Sri Lanka from in the 1930s, Iraq in the 1980s, and Rwanda in the 1990s, po- a psychological point of view. In Ireland (Cairns & Darby, litical decisions lead to genocide. Most students of genocide 1998), Sri Lanka (J. D. Rogers, Spencer, & Uyangoda, 1998), argue that genocides are not the inevitable results of ethnic and many other nations, important ethnic groups have both differences. They point to the fact that people often have inflicted and experienced the sort of prejudicial treatment lived together peacefully for years, often with a considerable so aptly demonstrated in Tajfel’s (1982) studies. Niens and amount of intermarriage. The genocide occurs when leaders Cairns (2001) applied social identity theory to the under- emphasize group identity, often in order to consolidate power standing of ethnic conflict and have concluded that overcom- or mobilize support in a power struggle. Yet the genocide is ing the stereotypes that are involved requires contact only possible when rapidly arousing fear and hatred. In the situations in which people’s group memberships are more case of Rwanda, D. N. Smith (1998) argued that official hate rather than less emphasized. propaganda combined with projective sexual envy, a belief in sorcery, authoritarianism, and a breakdown in traditional In considering these disputes it is important to note that restraints and opportunities. there are often many people within each group who are will- ing to treat the other group fairly. However, extremists within Staub (1989) examined a number of genocides in an each group oppose any efforts to take the interests of the attempt to conceptualize the common processes involved. He other group into consideration. Rather than creating a com- finds that they occur under circumstances of material depri- mon intergroup political front, the moderates appear con- vation and social disorganization that frustrate basic human strained by their intragroup identity with their extremists so needs. In such circumstances, individuals feel helpless and that rational compromises that would be in the interest of increasingly rely on their group membership. The seeds of both groups are impossible to achieve. Some methods that genocide are sown if the group develops a destructive ideol- may be helpful in resolving these conflicts will be discussed ogy in which an enemy group is perceived to stand in the way when techniques of negotiation are considered. of the fulfillment of a hopeful vision. The conditions for the genocide evolve as violence begins to occur and is justified Gurr (1996) identified 268 politically significant national by an increasing devaluation of the enemy group, a devalua- and minority peoples (about 18% of the world’s population), tion that may easily be mobilized for political purposes. three fourths of whom experienced political disadvantages. Although Staub emphasized that genocide is the outcome of Almost 100 of these groups participated in violent conflict normal group processes, he noted that there appear to be cul- between 1945 and 1990. He argued that it is important to rec- tural preconditions. These include prejudices that become ognize the grievances of minorities, the fact that cultural part of a cultural background, an ideology of antagonism, and identities are important aspects of human being, and that it is the lack of a pluralistic culture. In many cases there also not always possible to assimilate a minority culture. A critical appears to be a particularly strong respect for authority that problem is posed by the fact that conflicting parties often find makes it difficult to resist immoral orders and may contribute it difficult to create a common historical narrative. An exam- to the threat and anxiety experienced when authority is ple is furnished by Rouhana and Bar-Tal’s (1998) balanced unable to fulfill basic needs. account of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. Once civil war has occurred, processes of reconciliation Gottlieb (1993) argued that some conflicts may be man- must restore the fabric of the society. The difficulties are im- aged by allowing people to have two identities, a formal na- mense, requiring a balance between needs for justice, the sav- tional identity and a state identity. The national identity could ing of face, and the support of sources of power that may be

582 Aggression, Violence, Evil, and Peace implicated by revelations of human rights abuses. Above all, on aggression. However, terrorism is situated in historical as Lederach (1997) observed, the relationship between circumstances that have interesting and largely unexplored groups must change so that out-group members are no longer psychological aspects. excluded from one’s moral framework, and this must occur at the grassroots level as well as at the level of top leadership. An example is provided by the September 11, 2001, attack Lederach stressed the need for years of work in rebuilding on the United States. Most of the terrorists were from Saudi trust in teams from different strata of the society. He showed Arabia. Although the government is repressive in that there that such reconciliation requires the assistance of third parties are no ways to express discontent, the United States supports who can accompany disputants with an attitude of humility as the regime in exchange for access to oil. The alternative they, both individuals and communities, wrestle with the to the king Monarchy would probably be an Islamic state problems of combining truth, justice, and mercy. rather than a secular democracy. Such a state is fundamen- tally religious and is conceived hierarchically rather than de- Governmental initiative is often required, and certainly mocratically. Vatikiotis (1986) noted that it is not based on the most successful effort to date has been the South African the skepticism, experimentation, and tolerance essential to government’s establishment of its Truth and Reconciliation pluralistic politics. It is based on a different psychology, and Commission. Rather than attempting to punish those respon- its stability would require the cultivation of a different set of sible for the torture and murders that occurred during the emotional relationships and customs (de Rivera, in press). maintenance of apartheid, the commission was charged with Hence, we are dealing with the problems of psychological establishing what happened—making known the fate of vic- identity and the ambiguous role of religion that will be con- tims and providing them with the opportunity to relate their sidered when we discuss the nature of evil. An examination accounts and achieve some measure of reparation, facilitat- of past attempts to deal with revolutionary terrorism suggests ing the amnesty of offenders who made full disclosure, and that the more successful have involved meeting the underly- recommending measures to prevent future violations (de la ing needs that fuel the terrorism, as well as the suppression of Rey, 2001). Although justice was not achieved in the sense of terrorist elements. adequate reparations, of punishment of the guilty, or even of an adequate admission of guilt or request for forgiveness, the Structural Violence public hearings held by the commission provided a forum that allowed a public acknowledgment of what had happened The concept of structural violence has been articulated by and the establishment of a common moral framework. In Galtung (1969, 1975ր1980, 1996) to capture how economic contrast to the situation in Argentina, where there is still no and political structures may place constraints on the human public recognition for the abuses under the military dictator- potential. It sees violence as present when humans are dimin- ship or condemnation of those involved in torture and disap- ished and points to the fact that this occurs when social struc- pearances, the South African public can speak of what tures prevent the meeting of human needs. Galtung pointed occurred and move on with a new public identity and history. out that modern society is organized hierarchically and that those on top often use their position in ways that exploit those Terrorism below, preventing them from having the resources they need. The top dogs are in control of resource distribution, and their Terrorism may be distinguished from the guerilla tactics of decisions determine who has access to education, health care, rebels who are fighting a military opponent within their own and good jobs. Further, he argued that the top dogs maintain territory. Terrorism involves random attacks on civilians as a their power by a series of devices that work against the means of gaining political ends and has been used by both underdogs organizing a resistance. states and revolutionaries (J. R. White, 1998). In the former case, a government that is engaged in a war attempts to One measure of structural violence is furnished by the destroy its opponent’s will to fight, or a despotic government human poverty index (HPI; United Nations Development Pro- maintains its power by creating an emotional climate of ter- gramme, 1999). This index uses five variables that reflect the ror that prevents the organization needed for political opposi- loss of potentials that could be resolved by public policies. tion (de Rivera, 1992). In the latter case, groups without These are the percentage of the population dying before age 40, access to political power use terror to publicize their griev- the percentage of underweight children (under age 5), the per- ances, extort concessions, or overthrow a regime that is expe- centages of the population without access to potable water and rienced as repressive. All cases involve the training for without health care, and the percentage of illiterate adults. aggression and moral desensitization described in the section It is important to realize that the hierarchies of power and privilege that exist within each society are connected to those

Evil 583 in other societies in ways that support one another. The top the evil involved in bystanders who allow genocides to occur. dogs in a poor nation are often quite wealthy and well con- Stohl (1987) showed that nations are typically bystanders, nected to the top dogs in other nations, so they are positioned and this is reflected in the minimal news devoted to accounts to use aid in ways that maintain their power. Although of genocidal actions. However, the judgment that genocide is Galtung does not deny that domestic problems may generate evil is reflected by the development of an international norm international conflict, he stresses that many domestic prob- against genocide that may eventually be enforced by the lems are exacerbated by the policies of exploitation of the establishment of a permanent international court. elites in powerful countries. The entire system—the hierar- chies and the connections between them—completely masks Without the concept of evil it might be easy for people to the responsibility for the terrible violence that it occasions. avoid making judgments that need to be made. In this regard, For specific examples from Sub-Saharan Africa see Nathan Miller, Gordon, and Buddie (1999) have evinced concern that (2000) and Tandon (2000). situational explanations of criminal actions may result in per- sons’ condoning such actions. They demonstrate that when While we have discussed both direct violence and the persons make judgments after situational explanations, they structural violence that can be attributed to greed and the fear have less unfavorable attitudes and punitive responses to- of losing power, a considerable amount of violence on both ward the perpetrator. However, they do not show that the the personal and state level is motivated by what can only be criminal action is condoned, and many would argue that the considered as “good” motives. As Butigan (1999, p. 13) action rather than the person should be considered evil. To pointed out, “Violence is often motivated by fear, unre- consider a person or group evil may evade an examination of strained anger, or greed to increase domination or power over the situational conditions. others. It can also be motivated by a desire for justice in the face of injustice: a longing to put things right, to overcome an Although psychologists have considered the concept of imbalance of power, or end victimization or oppression.” evil, they have not yet addressed evil as an experience. The This fact requires us to look at the nature of evil. concept of evil implies an objective judgment; the evil is experienced as “real.” Of course, one may argue that evil EVIL and all values are really subjective and relative—simply what a person likes or wants. Value in this view is reduced While aggression and violence are largely matters of fact, to what someone is willing to pay. Yet we continue to expe- evil involves a moral judgment. We must consider how it is rience value as existing apart from ourselves and as differ- conceptualized and how religions attempt to contain it. ent from mere taste. As F. Heider (1958) asserted, value differs from what we want. It is characterized by what an Conceptions of Evil and Its Experience objective order wants. We experience goodness and evil as objective in nature, as existing apart from our judgment of What is meant by evil? Berkowitz (1999) argued that it them, although we may recognize that our judgment may be should be distinguished from mundane badness and that there faulty and may change with time. In the latter regard, Rozin, is a commonly shared prototype for evil. This prototype re- Markwith, and Stoess (1997) pointed out that smoking has flects action that not only is morally wrong but also reveals recently become moralized. That is, smoking is now re- an excessive departure from social norms. The judgment of garded by many as bad in a moral sense, an object of dis- evil has to do with the helplessness of victims, the responsi- gust. Note that the process of moralization involves bility of the perpetrator, and the imbalance between the great emotional responses that help constitute the very value that wrong that is done for a relatively small gain. is perceived as objective. Staub (1999) argued that a conscious intention to destroy Evil exists in relation to what is Good, and the latter is is not a necessary aspect of evil. Rather, the word evil is ap- what is necessary for life, for fertility, health, and success in propriately used to categorize the repetition of intensely getting food and outwitting enemies. In any society that is harmful actions that are not commensurate with instigating not completely secularized, Goodness exists because hu- conditions. He recognizes that the term communicates horror, mans exist and could not exist without it. Evil is more prob- and although he is opposed to romanticizing evil as mythic lematic. Although some persons and religions regard Evil as and incomprehensible, he believes that the concept of evil essential and in primary opposition to the Good, others view may be a useful way to mobilize prosocial group norms. As it as secondary and existing because of the actions of hu- an example of evil and the need for the concept, he discusses mans; still others view it as illusory, as existing only as an object of our perception. Likewise, the relationship between Good and Evil may be seen in different ways. Evil may be

584 Aggression, Violence, Evil, and Peace viewed as a malevolent force or as ignorance, as repellant to subscribes to Judeo-Christian ideals of justice and believes in Goodness or as the simple absence of Goodness. Thus, it the freedom to choose between good and evil. may be symbolized as an active Devil or as darkness, as de- structive choice or as the obstacles between humans and The Ambiguous Role of Religion Goodness. Ricoeur (1967) pointed out that humans have symbolized evil in three quite different ways that reflect dif- Taking Otto’s (1923) idea of the Holy as a starting point, ferent experiences and conceptualizations. As stain, evil is Appleby (2000) argued that the sacred can either be the locus contagious, and one may unintentionally become contami- of violence as a sacred duty or a militant nonviolence dedi- nated by its impurity. As sin, evil is a ruptured relationship cated to peace. Defining religion as a response to a reality that with God, a departure from a path or missing of the mark is perceived as sacred, he showed that it gives the authority to that may be affected by the actions of one’s people. As guilt, kill or to heal and argued that religious leadership determines evil is a personal responsibility that occurs because of one’s which course is taken, appealing to religious identity either to intentions. In all cases, one is removed from Goodness and exploit or to transcend ethnic animosities. On the one hand, must be relived of the stain, sin, or guilt in order to reconnect Appleby showed how religion was an important element in with Goodness. the destruction of Bosnia and the development of Islamic ter- rorism. He distinguished fundamentalism as a response to sec- K. G. Heider (1991) argued that in some cultures the basic ularization (describing the terrorist violence that developed in moral conflict of life is more between order and disorder than 2 of 10 such movements) from the ethnonationalistic use of between good and evil. Thus, in Indonesian and Japanese religion (and often violence) to unify a state and discussed films the dominant concern appears to be the restoration of how both differ from cult violence. On the other hand, he gave order rather than the triumph of the good over the bad. This concrete examples of dozens of Gandhi-like figures who have may be related to a cultural tendency to see persons as more worked for peace and discussed the role that religious organi- socially embedded than individually autonomous. The “vil- zations have played in peace meditations. He convincingly lain” is not inherently bad but is more an agent of disorder demonstrated that religion is always a construction of a sacred who is easily welcomed back into the fold once order is re- past and has the potential to inculcate nonviolence as the reli- stored. However, the restoration of order may involve the gious norm. He argued that religious education should be de- recognition of evil and its removal. Thus, Wessells and voted to this end and supported with the technical skills and Monteiro (2001) described how child soldiers who have material resources it needs to organize peace. engaged in unjustified killings may participate in purification ceremonies to be reintegrated into the community. The choice between good and evil is central to Fromm’s (1955, 1973) analysis of evil. He pointed out that human be- Every society, and certainly our own, appears to have ings, as distinct from all other animals, are aware of them- myths about evil, perhaps because we humans seem to need selves as apart from nature and aware of their ultimate death. to give meaning to our suffering. In Western society, Ricoeur This existential dilemma creates common needs that must be (1967) distinguished four such myths that continue to influ- met. These include needs for an object of devotion and for ence our thinking: the Greek tragic and Platonic myths and affective ties, unity, effectiveness and stimulation. Each the Babylonian and Judaic creation myths. Each views the can be met in either life-enhancing or life-destroying ways. source of evil quite differently. In the Babylonian myth, the An object of devotion can be an ideal or an idol; affective ties world is created in the process of a power struggle between can be of love or sadomasochism; unity can be achieved by the gods; violence is used to create the order that prevents the practicing an open religion or by losing the self in a trance agony of chaos; and humans must serve the state in order to state or a social role, effectiveness by creating or destroying, prevent chaos. By contrast, in the Judaic myth a God peace- stimulation by active or passive excitation. Fromm sees these fully creates an essentially good world in which evil enters choices as determining whether a society and individual will when people do what they are not supposed to do. Both of become good or evil. these myths are operative in our contemporary society. On the one hand, Wink (1992) has pointed out that much of the vio- While Fromm emphasized the role of choice in determining lence portrayed on TV exemplifies the Babylonian myth. That how to meet basic needs, both Staub (1999) and Burton (1990) is, there is a power struggle between bad chaotic forces and saw evil as stemming from the frustration of basic needs such good order, and the good guys use violence to restore order. as security, identity, connective ties to others, effectiveness, Likewise, the strategic policy of the (putatively Christian) control, and autonomy. They believe that if persons cannot ful- United States is actually based on the use of violence to main- fill these constructively, they will engage in destructive behav- tain peace. On the other hand, the nation as a whole still ior. Such an analysis lies in our understanding of some of the

Peace 585 conditions that promote destructive behavior and in encourag- It is this experience, rather than the certainty that one’s be- ing those with power to consider the needs of others. However, liefs are valid, that is the basis of hope. the emphasis on need fulfillment appears to neglect the role of personal responsibility and the fact that a large amount of vio- Kelly’s analysis is supported by aspects of Peck’s (1983) lence stems from greed. It reflects a liberal view of basic examination of the “group evil” involved in the MyLai mas- human goodness (if only needs were met by the state) as op- sacre. On one level, Peck pointed out that it is easier for posed to a conservative view that sees everyone as basically groups to commit atrocities because of the diffusion of re- selfish (and needing the state to enforce law and order). sponsibility and the normal narcissistic influences of group pride and out-group denigration. However, on a societal The previous analyses begin with the needs of individuals. level, Peck argued that the group that killed innocent vil- By contrast, Macmurray (1961) argued that individuals exist lagers manifested a broader societal problem. The group only in relationships with others. He sees these relations as contained men who had been rejected from the broader soci- composed of two strands: a love (caring) for the other and a ety to do the dirty work that others did not want to see. The fear (concern) for the self. Although both strands are always war itself was an attempt to defend a narcissistic image of present, one always dominates. When a caring for the other American perfection, and when the situation in Vietnam pre- dominates, the person is unified. However, any real or per- sented evidence of the fallibility of the American worldview, ceived hurt, betrayal, or abandonment causes the fear for the the government was willing to destroy Vietnam rather than self to dominate, and when this occurs a person suffers dual- acknowledge this error. It may be noted that the research that istic splits (mind from body, reason from emotion, the practi- was recommended to prevent future atrocities was rejected cal from the ideal, the self from the other). At this point a on the grounds that it might prove embarrassing. person (or society) may focus either on individualism (“if the other doesn’t care for me, I’d better care for myself”) or on a The unwillingness to admit the tragic is an aspect of conforming collectivism (“if I’m good, then they will care refusing to acknowledge evil, and Macmurray (1944) argued for me”). Because people assume that others are similar, the that a major problem is posed by the fact that one may do what former leads to a Hobbesian analysis (the need for a strong one ought to do and yet still be involved in evil. A “just war” state to enforce contracts between basically selfish people), may be necessary; but when thousands of innocents are killed, whereas the latter leads to Rousseau, Marx, and the idea that the war is still evil, and the morally correct action of partici- people are basically good and will agree about basic needs. pating in the war does not absolve a person from having par- However, Macmurray asserted that people must continually ticipated in that evil. Note that a person holding such a point of wrestle with the choice as to whether concern for the other or view is protected from the sort of dissonance reduction that is concern for the self will dominate action. In his view, self- involved when a person hurts another and then justifies the ag- development occurs only when acceptance, understanding, gression by devaluating the other. This suggests that public forbearance, and forgiveness lead to the restoration of the ceremonies of atonement might protect a society from becom- dominance of caring for the other. Then, a person’s unity is ing involved in any more evil than is necessary. Perhaps if restored and, with it, the ability for genuine freedom and co- Americans had the opportunity to mourn the deaths of all the operation (see de Rivera, 1989). Koreans and Chinese killed in the Korean War, there would have been less readiness to become involved in Vietnam or How may we relate aggression to values of good and evil? continuing sanctions against Iraq. In any case it seems desir- In an attempt to distinguish between a “good” aggressive au- able to confront the evil that is within as well as without. Such dacity, necessary for human progress, and an aggression that a confrontation leads us to examine the possibility of peace. intends to destroy, Kelly (1965) proposed that the latter in- volves hostility. Hostility occurs when there is a threat to a PEACE person’s belief system and the person extorts evidence in an attempt to maintain beliefs and the way that one is living By peace we do not mean the “negative” peace that is the one’s life in the face of contrary evidence. Examples include absence of war but a “positive” peace (Barash, 1991) that is fundamentalist terrorists or the middle-class Germans who the opposite of evil—not the absence of conflict but the reso- became Nazis. Kelly might assert that the latter were not lution of conflict in creative rather than destructive ways. We simply frustrated by inflation. Rather, they saw their belief may imagine different aspects of this peace: the personal system—their commitment to the value of hard work and peace of inner harmony and compassion, the communal thrift—crumple as the savings from their hard work were peace that exists when social norms and institutions promote wiped away by inflation (see Moore, 1978). For Kelly, the a concern for the welfare of others and a peaceful resolution alternative to hostility is to allow the experience of tragedy.

586 Aggression, Violence, Evil, and Peace of conflict, and the peace that results from an environment These problems have given rise to two quite different so- that allows people to satisfy their basic needs. There are at lutions: the development of nonviolent defense systems and least four different paths to peace: paths of strength, negotia- the strengthening of the United Nations so that it could begin tion, justice, and personal transformation. Each may be to function as a world government with an international viewed as involving types of aggression. police force. Peace Through Strength Nonviolent Defense It is said that the sword is the olive leaf’s brother, and it Nonviolent defense may not be as impracticable as one might seems self-evident that weakness invites attack while imagine. There are effective nonviolent self-defense forms strength discourages it. Bullies pick on the insecure; crimi- such as aikido and tai chi, in which the defense maintains a nals flourish in the absence of police; and history is filled calm center of gravity to take advantage of the momentum of with one people’s expanding at the expense of another. Few an attack and the fact that the attacker is likely to be un- would argue against the idea that some sort of strength is nec- balanced. The defender gains control of the attack and turns it essary for peace, and some, like Sumner (1911), would argue aside (Ueshiba, 1921). There are forms of community polic- that peace is attained only by the imposition of order that oc- ing in which the community prevents violence by maintain- curs when states use their strength to expand their dominion. ing civilized norms (J. Q. Wilson & Kelling, 1989), and However, there are some problems with conventional inter- Canada (1995) has called for the use of unarmed peace offi- pretations of this path or with relying on it to produce posi- cers trained and organized by local colleges. Finally, there tive or even negative peace. Empirically, Singer and Small’s are many examples of the successful use of nonviolent resis- (1979) statistics, examining 59 recent wars, fail to show a tance against dictatorial governments. Sharp (1973) pub- significant relationship between strength and the probability lished the results of a historical survey that carefully of being attacked. Consider three problems: examines the methods and dynamics of nonviolent action to influence political decisions. He gives specific examples of First, it is not clear how much strength is sufficient to pro- 198 techniques that have been used, ranging from public vide a sense of security. Surveys repeatedly show that a ma- assemblies and marches, through boycotts and strikes, to jority of the American public feels secure against foreign noncooperation, civil disobedience, and the establishment of attack and favor nuclear disarmament (Kay, 1998), and in alternative structures of government, including successful 1997 U.S. military expenditures were 172% of all its possible uses against the Russian and British empires, the Nazis, Latin enemies combined (Council for a Livable World Education American dictators, and the Soviet Union. Sharp’s (1990) Fund, 1998). However, the government continues to spend far pragmatic examination of when nonviolent defense has more than appears necessary (Defense Monitor, 2000). In part, worked and what factors make such resistance possible the excess funding is due to economic pressure from the mili- distinguishes between situations conducive and noncon- tary-industrial complex (Fogarty, 2000), the need to maintain ducive to nonviolent resistance. Relative power is not as im- a weapons industry, and the desire to export weapons to main- portant as one might imagine. The contest is really one of tain a favorable balance of trade. However, to a large extent the wills, and a central factor is the cohesiveness of the nonvio- extraordinary funding seems driven by an underlying insecu- lent group and the ability to maintain communications so that rity that was not present before the beginning of the Cold War. tactics can be adapted to the changing situation. Second, if we assume that the weak will be attacked, the Although civilian defense may be an alternative to mili- obvious converse is that the strong will expand and attack. tary might, it may be argued that any defense that is orga- Hence, those who build strength will become involved in nized by the state will be used to maintain structural violence. using power to impose their will. This appears to be true of Citizens give the state a monopoly of violence so that it may the United States. maintain order and curb crime. And it may be argued that a democratically run state succeeds in having adequate police Third, when two powers come into conflict with each control and adequate control over its police. However, from other, they each build strength so that the other will not dom- an anarchist standpoint, states—at least nation-states based inate them, and the resulting conflict is simply more deadly. on centralized power—commit far more violence than their History gives us Athens versus Sparta, Rome versus citizens do. Hence, Martin (1984) argued that working with Carthage, the United States versus the Soviet Union, and state systems will never abolish war because states them- dozens of other examples, and we saw earlier that structural selves are the problem. His anarchist solution is to use changes in conflict spirals often have disastrous outcomes. In the future we may witness a race to dominate space weaponry.

Peace 587 grassroots strategies to build alternative institutions to the in the use of any UN forces), an interesting psychological state and its existing bureaucracies. problem is posed by why conservative representatives feel the need to maintain tight national control by blocking any Developing the United Nations permanent UN forces. This need for the maintenance of con- trol is manifested also in the reluctance to endorse a nuclear To some extent we already have the rudiments of a democra- test ban treaty or an international criminal court for war tic world police force. The United Nations forces have been crimes. engaged in over 50 missions. These have included the moni- toring of elections, the provision of the international police Peace Through Negotiation presence needed after civil turmoil, the maintenance of buffer zones between former combatants, and armed interventions Instead of regarding the other as an enemy, it is often possible needed to prevent extensive civilian casualties. to search for mutual gains, and trade has often been an alter- native to war. While horse trading has been known for mil- Clearly, the last case, armed interventions, is the most lennia, there have been a number of advances in the tactics problematic form of intervention. Studies of the military in- and strategies of negotiation. One promising approach that terventions in northern Iraq, Somalia, Bosnia, Rwanda, and has been advanced by Fisher and Ury (1981) is “principled” Haiti (Weiss, 1999) have attempted to assess the degree of the negotiation. Rather than either strongly maintaining a bar- civilian costs incurred before intervention, the cost of mili- gaining position or softly compromising in order to maintain tary intervention, and the civilian benefits of the intervention. a valued relationship, they argue that one should search for Weiss discussed the quandaries faced by those hoping to use the interests that underlie the bargaining positions. The nego- military forces to achieve humanitarian assistance and rec- tiator than attempts to create a solution that meets the inter- ommended careful “conflict impact assessment” before at- ests of both parties and searches for objective criteria to tempting to use military force in situations where a presence determine what is fair. Note that this approach uses aggres- is not desired by both sides of the conflict. sion in the sense of attempting to get what one wants and insisting on fairness. Although many problems are posed by military interven- tion once armed conflict has erupted, it may be argued that to Although principled negotiation is a practical approach have the possibility of military intervention may be helpful in that can often be used, it assumes that the conflict to be nego- influencing decisions in the early stages of a conflict that tiated is essentially a conflict about interests. However, some threatens to degenerate into military struggle. This is the conflicts involve past wounds, different values, and the very position taken by Jentleson (2000) in his analysis of the possi- identities of the parties to the conflict. This is often true when bilities of preventative diplomacy. He argued that the parties to ethnic conflicts are involved. The Israelis and Palestinians, a conflict are often driven to military action by the uncertainty for example, do not simply have conflicting interests con- of a situation in which the other side may strike first. In such cerning security and sovereignty, but issues about the identity situations, diplomacy—with the possibility of intervention of the Jewish and Palestinian peoples as well. To deal with and rewards—may be used to influence the calculus of these sorts of conflicts, Burton (1990) advanced a form of whether to attack or negotiate. The participants in the volume “transformative” negotiation in which the negotiating edited by Jentleson present 10 cases where preventative diplo- process deals with the sharing of underlying needs and iden- macy either succeeded in averting potential disaster (as in the tities as well as interests. Such negotiations require a deeper Baltics and North Korea) or missed opportunities (as in level of trust and, when successful, involve a transformation Chechnya and Yugoslavia). They discuss the use and misuse of identities so that definitions that reflect enmity or involve of intelligence; the strategy of using mixes of deterrents, in- devaluations of the other are no longer aspects of identity. A ducements, and reassurances; and the necessity for fast action. discussion of such needs may be helpful in intractable con- flicts. For example, Cross and Rosenthal (1999) randomly Unfortunately, fast action is currently limited by the fact paired 20 Jewish and 20 Arab students to discuss the dispute that there is no permanent UN military force so that each UN over the control of Jerusalem, and they contrasted different action requires the new recruitment of troops, equipment, and methods of negotiation. Participants who used a method in money from whatever nations are willing to donate (Holt, which they identified needs and fears about identity, recogni- 1995). It would be easy to create a small standing force, but tion, and security before they attempted to generate ideas for the major powers are reluctant to set a precedent and begin an mutual satisfaction became less pessimistic about the conflict international force that could conceivably challenge their and showed a more positive attitude change toward the other. military preeminence. Given the fact that the United States has a veto power in the Security Council (which must concur

588 Aggression, Violence, Evil, and Peace In order to deal with the pain and shame of past injuries and When a negotiation between parties can be arranged, it is the conflicts between identity needs, C. R. Rogers and Ryback more successful than third-party mediation. Jackson (2000) (1984) and Kelman (1996) used problem-solving workshops studied 295 conflicts that occurred between 1945 and 1995 in which people may share underlying pains, fears, and needs. and found 1,154 negotiation efforts, with 47% success (82% In the approach used by Rogers and Ryback, a facilitator lasting more than 8 weeks), and 1,666 mediations, with models the role of respectfully listening and accepting the 39.4% success (51.7% lasting). Of course, mediation is prob- initial hostility expressed by both parties. Without the accept- ably more often attempted when the level of hostility is high ing presence of the mediator, the hostility would be responded and interferes with negotiation, but it seems clear that third to defensively, but the authors write that after the mediator parties should first encourage direct negotiation. When hos- accepts the hostility, the underlying pain is expressed, and this tility is high, there are innovative approaches to conflict man- is responded to sympathetically. This approach should be agement that stress the use of third parties as go-betweens. contrasted with the reframing of hostile statements in couples Galtung and Tschudi (2001) argued that when emotions hin- therapy, in order to avoid shame-hostility cycles, which is ad- der the ability of conflicting parties to dialogue with one an- vocated by Scheff (1999). other, it is often possible to create better dialogue with neutral conflict workers who can then work separately with the con- Kelman’s workshops are carefully structured in ways that flicting parties to create a solution that transcends deep dif- lead both parties to share their underlying needs. Since polit- ferences. Patai (1973) pointed out that in Arabic cultures a ical leaders are usually hindered by the demands of their mutually respected third party may be used to request solu- position and constituency, he attempted to work with opinion tions that conflicting parties can grant out of generosity and leaders and those who may come into political power in the respect, without appearing to give in to the other party with future. These workshops are quite effective in getting partic- whom they are in conflict, and Pedersen (2001) reminded ipants to understand and empathize with opposing views. conflict workers that collectivistic cultures may manage con- However, the participants are then confronted with the prob- flicts in ways that are substantially different from those lem of explaining their new tolerance to their compatriots in favored in the West. ways that avoid an accusation of being traitors. From my out- sider perspective it appears that these sorts of workshops Negotiation is increasingly being used to settle civil dis- need to occur between the liberal and conservative parties putes, and in the future it may be used increasingly in crimi- within the opposing sides of a conflict. It would be fascinat- nal cases. Zehr (1990) convincingly argued that many crimes ing to see the extent to which transformative negotiation rupture human relationships and that it is these relationships could be used to arrive at creative solutions to the sort of clas- that need to be repaired. Currently, crime is viewed as con- sic problems that have divided political parties. trary to the state, and the state punishes an offender (who is made into a “criminal,” who often attempts to avoid respon- Differences in values are usually expressed in the rhetoric sibility by offering a defense) and largely ignores the victim. of political parties and typically are debated by having oppo- Zehr suggested that, as an alternative, the state ask the victim nents state their conflicting views and then rebut the views of if he or she would like to meet the offender and see what the their opponent as both attempt to create a rhetoric that will in- offender could do to restore the human relationship between fluence third parties and capture their support. However, them. Studies of trial programs of such “restorative justice” Rapoport (1960) has advocated another strategy, which he have found that about 50% of victims want to meet the per- believes is more apt to produce creative solutions and mini- son who wronged them, that it is usually possible to negotiate mize devaluation of the opponent. He suggested that each a way to restore the human relationship, and that in such opponent should state the other’s point of view until the other cases there is much less recidivism. Justice has been attained agrees that it has been correctly presented. Then, rather than nonviolently, by restoration rather than retribution. rebutting the other’s view, the opponent should create ways to agree with the other’s view, not by role playing the other Peace Through Justice side but by honestly finding points of agreement. Rapoport pointed out that any statement has a region of validity. Thus, There are times when repressive forces are so strong that a if the other says, “11 plus 2 is 1,” a person may respond by completely unjust “peace” may exist for years. However, sit- agreeing to the extent that one is referring to clock time. Pre- uations inevitably change, and when opportunities arise, re- liminary studies (de Rivera, 1968) have shown that the tech- bellion and revolution occur, often killing some who opposed nique is usable, and it would be interesting to see if it could the injustice that existed. Yet the path of peace through justice be used to create acceptable public policies for divisive issues is much more than an attempt to stave off violent revolution. such as legalized abortion.

Peace 589 It is an attempt to achieve a positive peace, a fundamentally political space essential for democracy (see Mahony & just world. Egeren, 1997). Building on such efforts, Hartsough and Duncan (2001) are attempting to organize a volunteer nonvio- The conflict between those desiring justice and those re- lent global peace force that could be used in situations where sisting it could be achieved by negotiation. However, this can unarmed peacekeepers could function as neutral observers. only occur if parties are willing to negotiate, and there are many situations in which people with property and power do Peace Through Personal Transformation not wish to negotiate, particularly when oppression and ex- ploitation are involved. Hence, the building of structural Although each of the previous paths toward peace have peace often requires the creation of social strain and disequi- merit, it may be argued that correctly following any of them libria (Montiel, 2001). Attempts at organization are often met requires a sort of personal development that can only be with violence, and this may result in counter violence. Even called transformational. This is perhaps most evident in the when the oppressed succeed in using counter violence, it person who commits to Gandhi’s path of nonviolent action often happens that the success only replaces one system of and develops a willingness to suffer rather than inflict injury exploitation with another. Knowing these facts and facing in- as he or she acts to further justice. However, it is also required justice within the context of the British colonialism led in the negotiator who develops an ability to acknowledge Gandhi to create his method of nonviolent resistance. shame and refuses to allow egoistic needs to interfere with the skillful conduct of a negotiation, or the practitioner of de- By nonviolence (literally, satyagrha or “truth power”) fense who remains centered and balanced in dealing with a Gandhi (1983) did not mean either passivity or the use of so- situation of potential violence, the type of self required if we cially acceptable nonviolent tactics to coerce his opponent to are to have a more peaceful world (de Rivera, 1989). Form- give in. He meant asserting the truth as one saw it while being ing such a self constitutes another path toward peace that open to the perceptions of opponents and their interests, treat- takes personal transformation as its means. Rather than fo- ing them with respect and attempting to convince them, and cusing on strength, negotiation, or justice, it emphasizes the accepting suffering rather than inflicting it or giving in to in- development of an inner peacefulness that may spread out- justice. Inherent in his approach are the unity of means and ward to influence the conduct of others. An exemplar is the end and the unity of all life. Gandhi’s approach is aggressive Vietnamese monk Thich Nhat Hanh (1991). in the sense of asserting one’s will, and some have argued that his methods were coercive. However, Burrowes (1996, Thich Nhat Hanh, who has helped thousands of refugees chap. 7) established that he always attempted to change the and has established a number of meditation centers, is com- heart of his opponent and that any coercion that existed was a mitted to living in the sacredness of each moment and devel- coercion for a negotiation that could satisfy the needs of both oping a compassion for all being. He and dozens of other parties. Several of his nonviolent campaigns have been de- activists who have published accounts, along with hundreds scribed and evaluated by Bondurant (1965); a general history of less well known activists (see True, 1985), have dedicated of nonviolent methods and the dynamics of how they influ- their lives to a practical living of nonviolence that they ence political decisions has been presented by Sharp (1973); assume will influence the people around them and gradually and the psychology of nonviolence, in both its positive and create an atmosphere of peace that will affect the communities problematic aspects, has been discussed by Pelton (1974). A in which they live and, eventually, national policy. Although recent history of nonviolent social movements since 1970 there are numerous anecdotal accounts of the sorts of effects may be found in the volume by Zunes, Kurtz, and Asher they have generated, there has been little systematic study (1999), and Sutherland and Meyer (2000) contrasted the role of their influence. The personal transformations involved in played by both nonviolence and violence in the struggle for the development of nonviolence may be examined in the con- freedom and social justice in Africa. text of character development or in uses of the imagination to promote the development of peaceful action. Peace Brigades International (PBI) is an example of current nonviolence in practice. This nonhierarchical organization Character Development furnishes unarmed volunteers who accompany human rights workers who are committed to nonviolence but have received Although the public is acquainted only with a few well- death threats because of their work. Working in a nonpartisan known peace activists, there are many persons who have way with the government of the nation where atrocities are risked or devoted their lives to working for peace and justice, being committed, and backed by an international emergency and one may ask how such commitment develops. Oliner and response network that communicates with embassies through- out the world, PBI has been successful in the effort to open the

590 Aggression, Violence, Evil, and Peace Oliner’s (1988) inquiry into the background of people who lated that it is the relationship between these characters that risked helping Jews during the Holocaust reveals a family governs whether a person’s energy is available for peace background that combined both warmth and caring within work. Accordingly, she asked her subjects to imagine the two the family with the welcoming of people from different characters meeting each other and attempts to structure these groups into the family. Both these factors seem important in meetings so that the two accept rather than reject one another. Hannon’s (1990) study of a sample of 21 Boston peace ac- Preliminary evidence suggests that when persons are able to tivists. He found that many had some sort of religious social- imagine a friendly meeting, they are more likely to engage in ization that provided a moral basis that was challenged by actions that promote peace. radicalizing college experiences. He argued for an identity crisis that could in part be understood in terms of Erikson’s Macy (1983) used imagination in still other ways in the (1963) fifth stage, in which the adolescent seeks an ideology course of the workshops she has created to deal with the de- that can be affirmed by peers and that defines what is good spair that she believes prevents many persons from taking and evil. However, in these activists the resolution of the cri- action to stop the use of nuclear weapons. After exercises de- sis also involved a transition to Kohlberg’s (1973) postcon- signed to help people feel and express pain and despair, she ventional moral reasoning and Fowler’s (1981) transition involved participants in empowering exercises. For example, from conventional to individualistic/reflective faith. This was persons may be asked to imagine themselves before they often influenced by one or more adults who served as a sort were born, looking at the earth and deciding to help. They ev- of sponsor to the new identity, which usually also involved idently choose a particular time to be born, a nation and fam- participation in a network of like-minded peers. In their study ily to be born into, and a specific gender and personality so of 28 moral exemplars, Colby and Damon (1999) reported that they could act for peace. Next, they were asked to re- that the exemplars did not begin as exceptional people but be- member why they made the choices they did. What are they came increasingly caring as their goals were transformed by here to do? Although Macy’s and Boulding’s workshops have their interactions with others. They found that the exemplars clear immediate effects, we lack data on whether they affect were characterized by an absence of conflict between selfish long-term commitments. and moral goals. In accord with Macmurray’s (1961) concep- tualization, the absence of the more typical split between self Developing Cultures of Peace and other coincided with a faith in the eventual triumph of goodness for humanity. Each of the four paths toward peace may be seen as ways to develop cultures of peace that could replace the cultures of The Use of Imagination violence that exist in many contemporary societies. Although such a goal is idealistic, it is not unrealistic. Peaceful cultures Boulding (1988) pointed out that action is guided by a vision have existed in the past, and there are small peaceful cultures of the future and that many people lack a vision of what a that exist today. An examination of such cultures reveals a peaceful world would be like. (In my own experience, students number of interesting characteristics. Bonta’s (1993) anno- find it much easier to imagine alien abductions than a peaceful tated bibliography describes over 60 traditional peoples and world.) Accordingly, she has experimented with workshops in contemporary subcultures. Although they differ in many which people are asked to imagine a future world that is peace- ways, they all emphasize cooperative rather than competitive ful. She has found that such a world needs to be placed about relationships, dislike power and downplay individual recog- 30 years in the future so that it seems possible but not too re- nition and wealth, have many ways to prevent and resolve mote. After imagining some of the details of a peaceful world, conflict, value group harmony over abstract concepts of jus- participants are asked to imagine the steps that enabled such a tice, and think of themselves as essentially peaceful. world to come into being and, finally, to come up with a plan for the steps they might personally take. Ross (1993), who has contrasted the extent of conflict in a sample of 90 preindustrial societies, showed that the level of Working from a neo-Jungian perspective, Watkins (1988) conflict is related to socialization practices. Cultures without postulated that the imagination needed to work for peace is much conflict tend to place a high value on children, are high checked by a conflict with other aspects of the self. She asked in warmth and affection, and are low in male gender identity persons to imagine the part of them that wants to work for conflict. These psycho-cultural roots of peace are orthogonal peace and to construct a character to represent that part (Is it with the way a society is structured, and Ross showed that the a man or a woman, rich or poor, how old, how dressed?). extent to which aggression is directed out at external targets, Similarly, persons create a character to represent the part of rather than expressed within the society, depends on the ex- them that has other interests and things to do. Watkins postu- tent to which there are strong cross-cutting interest ties within the society.

Peace 591 Turning to modern societies, the Peace Forum’s (2000) so- We may imagine a global culture of peace involving the phisticated index of the peacefulness of contemporary na- previous transformations along with an environment in tions is based on a combination of measures of external and which armaments were controlled and human rights were en- internal conflict and measures of domestic justice. The index sured. Such a culture has been advocated by 20 Nobel peace reveals the relative peacefulness of the developed but small laureates and promoted by UNESCO. To assist this develop- nations such as Denmark, the Netherlands, and Portugal, as ment, the General Assembly of the United Nations has contrasted with many of the less developed nations and the launched a decade of initiatives to achieve a culture of peace powerful permanent members of the Security Council (the and requested a progress report from the secretary general United States ranks 51st among the 74 nations for which data (see Adams, 2000). Current research is attempting to develop are available). The people of these smaller nations may feel indicators for the eight aspects of such a culture so that it will more secure because their life is more predictable. People can be possible to assess progress toward its development. trust one another and their social institutions (Fogarty, 2000), and they may find it easier to accept the need for the mutual Of course, a global culture of peace both influences and is obligations and responsibilities stressed by Hearn (1997). dependent upon the specific cultures of peace developed by different societies. Each nation has its own particular chal- Although powerful societies are often relatively violent, lenges, and it seems clear that peace, like human rights, must Boulding (2000) has described how there are always many be developed by a discourse between groups from within each peaceful elements mixed in with the violent components. In society as theses groups dialogue with groups from without religion, for example, there is the idea of a holy war but also (An-Na’ im, 1992). The movement toward a culture of peace is the image of the peaceful garden. And it may be noted that the first social movement that includes nation states as well as after the putatively Islamic terrorist attack on the United people. However, progress toward its goal cannot depend on States, the president of Iran phoned the pope to discuss the the initiative of those powerful states whose interest is in importance of Christian-Muslim dialogue (Catholic Free maintaining the status quo. Rather, the development of each Press, 2001). Boulding argued that these peaceful elements of the components of cultures of peace will depend on the less make it possible to conceive realistically of developing powerful nations and on the hundreds of grassroots initiatives peaceful cultures in modern society. by nongovernmental organizations that are constructing the paths of peace described previously. Each of these paths, How might we conceptualize what such cultures could be along with an understanding of aggression, violence, and evil, like? One way is to consider the transformations that would is critical to developing the aspects of peaceful culture. be involved in moving from the culture of violence to which many of us have become accustomed to a culture of peace. International arms control and the maintenance of human Adams and True (1997) suggested that these transformations rights require some system of international security. Given might be characterized as follows: the current state of human development, this security must rest on the strength of some international authority that can 1. The redefinition of power so that it was understood to take aggressive action when it is required, but whose vio- involve joint problem solving and active nonviolence lence is checked by a division of power and civilian control. rather than the use of hierarchies that require violent Whenever that system of authority is reduced to the use of vi- domination. olent means, this must be publicly acknowledged as an evil. Such an authority will develop only when the strengthening 2. The mobilization of people and the attainment of solidar- of emotional ties leads powerful nations to surrender their ity by building relationships of understanding and trust monopoly of violence. NATO and other regional forces are between groups rather than having one group dominate steps in this direction, and we may see a strengthening of UN another or by achieving solidarity by focusing on the police forces in an effort to control terrorism. defeat of a common enemy. The challenges to achieving a consensus about interna- 3. The participation of all people in the decisions that affect tional norms on terrorism involve issues that must be aggres- their lives. sively negotiated. The path of negotiation, as well as an understanding of the structural changes that perpetrate con- 4. The open sharing of information in the press and in civic flict, is also involved in attempts to increase democratic par- society. ticipation, the sharing of information, and intergroup trust. The latter rests on a mastery of transformative as well as prin- 5. The development and empowerment of the caring and cipled negotiation. Such negotiation will be much easier if nurturing qualities traditionally associated with the role of synergistic societal structures lead those who want power to women. meet the needs of those without it. 6. The development of a cooperative and sustainable (rather than exploitative) economies.

592 Aggression, Violence, Evil, and Peace The transformation of hierarchies of power and the attain- Weiner (Eds.), Interpersonal violent behaviors: Social and cul- ment of an equitable and sustainable economy require the de- tural aspects (pp. 63–88). New York: Springer. velopment of justice by nonviolent action. The evil of structural violence can only be overcome by methods that Atlas, R. S., & Pepler, D. J. (1998). Observation of bullying in the employ the creative use of aggression pioneered by Gandhi. classroom. The Journal of Educational Research, 92, 86–98. This will require a learning of a different set of scripts and myths, heroes, and heroines who overcome negative emo- Azar, S. T. (1991). Models of child abuse: A metatheoretical analy- tions and moral disengagement, as well as the development sis. Criminal Justice & Behavior Special Issue: Physical child of norms for intervening when violence occurs. abuse, 18(1), 30–46. Gender equality and the development of the nurturance Azar, S. T., Povilaitis, Y. T., Lauretti, F. A., & Pouquette, L. C. (1998). and caring that is required for domestic and civil peace will The current status of etiological theories in intrafamilial child require personal transformations. This path will also be maltreatment. In J. R. Lutzker (Ed.), Handbook of child abuse needed to develop the sense of security that constrains the de- research and treatment (pp. 3–30). New York: Plenum Press. sire for power of those in authority, to restrict the egoism that can hinder negotiation, and to develop the compassionate Bandura, A. (1973). Aggression: A social learning analysis. Engle- nonviolence needed to attain justice. These personal transfor- wood Cliffs, NJ: Prentice Hall. mation need not depend solely on individual efforts. If a cul- ture of peace develops, there will be ceremonies that Bandura, A. (1999). 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CHAPTER 24 Personality in Political Psychology AUBREY IMMELMAN PERSONALITY IN POLITICAL PSYCHOLOGY 600 The Utility of Millon’s Model as a Generative Framework THE EMERGENCE OF PERSONALITY INQUIRY IN for the Study of Personality in Politics 609 POLITICAL PSYCHOLOGY 600 The Core Characteristics of a Comprehensive Model of Origins of Personality-in-Politics Inquiry 600 Personality in Politics 609 Types of Personality-in-Politics Inquiry 600 THE EVOLUTION OF PERSONALITY INQUIRY IN STRUCTURAL ATTRIBUTES OF PERSONALITY 610 POLITICAL PSYCHOLOGY 601 Self-Image 610 The Postwar Era 601 Object Representations 610 The Cold War Era 602 Morphologic Organization 611 The New World Order 603 Mood or Temperament 611 OBSTACLES TO THE ADVANCEMENT OF THE PERSONALITY-IN-POLITICS ENTERPRISE 603 FUNCTIONAL ATTRIBUTES OF PERSONALITY 611 Scholarly Skepticism and Inadequate Conceptual Expressive Behavior 611 Interpersonal Conduct 611 and Methodological Tools 604 Cognitive Style 611 Inadequate Transposition From Source Regulatory Mechanisms 612 to Target Discipline 604 PERSONALITY DESCRIPTION, PSYCHOGENETIC Inadequate Progress From Description of Observable UNDERSTANDING, AND PREDICTIVE POWER 612 Developmental Causal Analysis 612 Phenomena to Theoretical Systematization 604 A Framework for Risk Analysis 612 A Lack of Systematic Import 604 TOWARD A GENERATIVE THEORY OF PERSONALITY ASSESSMENT METHODOLOGIES 613 AND POLITICAL PERFORMANCE 605 Content Analysis 613 Toward a Politically Relevant Theory of Personality Expert Ratings 613 Psychodiagnostic Analysis of Biographical Data 613 in Politics 606 A Theory-Driven Psychodiagnostic Toward a Psychologically Grounded Theory of Assessment Methodology 615 Political Performance 606 SITUATIONAL VARIABLES, EXPERIENTIAL FILTERS, CONCEPTUAL PROBLEMS IN THE STUDY AND POLITICAL PERFORMANCE 615 Filter Variables That Modulate the Impact of Personality OF PERSONALITY IN POLITICS 606 on Political Performance 616 Levels of Analysis 606 Systematic Import in a Generative Theory of Personality Scope of Inquiry 607 and Political Performance 616 Theoretical Orientation 607 Necessary Conditions for Operationalizing AN EVOLUTIONARY MODEL OF PERSONALITY AND POLITICAL PERFORMANCE: Research Designs 607 THE STRATEGIC MODALITIES 617 A PERSONALITY-IN-POLITICS AGENDA FOR THE Aims of Existence: The Pain–Pleasure Polarity 617 Modes of Adaptation: The Passive–Active Polarity 618 NEW CENTURY 609 Strategies of Replication: The Other–Self Polarity 619 From Cognitive Revolution to Predilections of Abstraction: The Cognitive Polarities 620 Evolutionary Psychology 609 AN EVOLUTIONARY MODEL OF PERSONALITY AND POLITICAL PERFORMANCE: Portions of this chapter draw extensively from the author’s earlier THE TACTICAL MODALITIES 620 publications cited in the references, especially Immelman (1993, Biophysical Level 621 1998, 2002). Preparation of this chapter was supported in part by a Behavioral Level 621 Faculty Development and Research grant from St. John’s University Phenomenological Level 621 and the College of St. Benedict. I wish to thank Richard Wielkiewicz Intrapsychic Level 621 and Sara Wonderlich for their careful reading of the manuscript and their critical comments. CONCLUSION 621 REFERENCES 622 599

600 Personality in Political Psychology PERSONALITY IN POLITICAL PSYCHOLOGY exploit the fruitful possibilities he saw for a productive union of the two disciplines, his “intellectual progeny,” Harold Political psychology “has a long past, but as an organized Lasswell, “was the first to enter boldly into the psychological discipline, it has a short history,” wrote William F. Stone in house of ill repute, establish a liaison, and sire a set of ideas The Psychology of Politics (Stone & Schaffner, 1988, p. v). and influences of great vitality” (p. 18). Niccolò Machiavelli’s political treatise, The Prince (1513/1995), an early precursor of the field, has modern-day Machiavelli’s famous treatise serves as testimony that, echoes in Richard Christie and Florence Geis’s Studies in from the beginning, the study of personality in politics consti- Machiavellianism (1970). The formal establishment of polit- tuted an integral part of political-psychological inquiry. In the ical psychology as an interdisciplinary scholarly endeavor modern era, the tradition dates back to Sigmund Freud, who was anticipated by notable precursors in the twentieth century collaborated with William Bullitt on a psychological study of with a focus on personality, among them Graham Wallas’s U.S. president Woodrow Wilson (Freud & Bullitt, 1967). Human Nature in Politics (1908); Harold Lasswell’s Psy- chopathology and Politics (1930) and Power and Personality Types of Personality-in-Politics Inquiry (1948); Hans Eysenck’s The Psychology of Politics (1954); Fred Greenstein’s Personality and Politics (1969); and the In examining the state of the personality-in-politics litera- Handbook of Political Psychology (1973) edited by Jeanne ture, Greenstein (1969) proposed three types of personality- Knutson, who founded the International Society of Political in-politics inquiry: individual, typological, and aggregate. Psychology in 1978. Individual inquiry (Greenstein, 1969, pp. 63–93), which is The purpose of this chapter is to sketch the rich history of idiographic in orientation, involves single-case psychological personality in political psychology, to take stock of the cur- analyses of individual political actors. Although the single- rent state of personality-in-politics inquiry, and to map out case literature historically comprised mostly psychological new directions for this emerging application of personality biographies of public figures, such as Alexander and Juliette theory informed by the rich possibilities of contextually adja- George’s Woodrow Wilson and Colonel House (1956) and cent scientific fields such as evolution, of which Theodore Erik Erikson’s Gandhi’s Truth (1969), it also encompassed Millon wrote in the opening chapter of this volume. in-depth studies of members of the general population, such as Robert Lane’s Political Ideology (1962). With increasing THE EMERGENCE OF PERSONALITY INQUIRY specialization in political psychology since the 1960s, the IN POLITICAL PSYCHOLOGY focus has shifted progressively to the psychological examina- tion of political leaders, while single-case studies of ordinary In the present chapter, the terms personality and politics are citizens have become increasingly peripheral to the main employed in Greenstein’s (1992) narrowly construed sense. focus of contemporary political personality research. Politics, by this definition, “refers to the politics most often studied by political scientists—that of civil government and Typological inquiry (Greenstein, 1969, pp. 94–119), of the extra-governmental processes that more or less directly which is nomothetic in orientation, concerns multicase analy- impinge upon government, such as political parties” and ses of political actors. This line of inquiry encompasses the campaigns. Personality, as narrowly construed in political main body of work in political personality, including the in- psychology, “excludes political attitudes and opinions . . . and fluential work of Harold Lasswell (1930, 1948), James David applies only to nonpolitical personal differences” (p. 107). Barber (1965, 1972/1992), Margaret Hermann (1974, 1980, 1986, 1987), and David Winter (1987, 1998) with respect to Origins of Personality-in-Politics Inquiry high-level political leaders; however, part of this literature focuses more on followers (i.e., mass politics) than on leaders Knutson’s 1973 Handbook, most notably the chapter “From (i.e., elite politics)—for example, Theodor Adorno, Else Where and Where To?” by James Davies, defined the field at Frenkel-Brunswik, Daniel Levinson, and Nevitt Sanford’s the time of its publication (Stone & Schaffner, 1988, p. v). classic The Authoritarian Personality (1950) and Milton Davies (1973) credits political scientist Charles Merriam of Rokeach’s The Open and Closed Mind (1960). Greenstein the University of Chicago with stimulating “the first notable (1992) has submitted that typological study “is of potentially liaisons between psychology and political science” (p. 18) in great importance: if political actors fall into types with known the 1920s and 1930s. Though Merriam did not personally characteristics and propensities, the laborious task of analyz- ing them de novo can be obviated, and uncertainty is reduced about how they will perform in particular circumstances” (p. 120).

The Evolution of Personality Inquiry in Political Psychology 601 Aggregate inquiry (Greenstein, 1969, pp. 120–140) in- participation, party identification, voting behavior, and public cludes a large and diverse body of work on national charac- opinion, which could be studied more systematically than the ter, conflict among nations, behavior in groups, and global impalpable notion of national character. psychologizing about humanity and society (pp. 15–16). Greenstein (1992) has written that the impact of mass publics THE EVOLUTION OF PERSONALITY INQUIRY on politics, except for elections and drastic shifts in public IN POLITICAL PSYCHOLOGY opinion, “is partial and often elusive,” in contrast to the political impact of leaders, which tends to be “direct, readily Political psychology, as much as any social-scientific en- evident, and potentially momentous in its repercussions” deavor, has evolved in sociohistoric context. Accordingly, the (p. 122). evolution of personality-in-politics inquiry in the second half of the twentieth century can be viewed against the backdrop In his review of “Personality and Politics” in the Hand- of three defining events: the legacy of the Nazi Holocaust and book of Personality (Pervin, 1990), Dean Keith Simonton World War II; the Cold War and the threat of nuclear annihi- (1990) observed that the psychometric examination of politi- lation; and the collapse of communism in Central and Eastern cal leaders represents the leading edge of current personality- Europe and the Soviet Union, with its attendant new world in-politics research (p. 671). Moreover, by 1990 the dominant order. paradigm in the psychological examination of leaders had undergone a shift from the earlier preponderance of qualita- The Postwar Era tive, idiographic, psychobiographic analysis, to more quanti- tative and nomothetic methods—in other words, Greenstein’s The rise of Hitler and the Nazi Holocaust stimulated person- (1969) typological inquiry. Simonton’s assessment is as ality research in the areas of authoritarianism, belief systems, valid now as it was more than a decade ago. Contemporary and ideology, as represented in the work of Adorno et al. personality-in-politics inquiry focuses almost exclusively on (1950) and Rokeach (1960), noted previously—precisely the the psychological examination of high-level political leaders historical juncture that in the domain of social psychology and the impact of personal characteristics on leadership per- stimulated vigorous research programs in conformity (e.g., formance and policy orientation. Asch, 1955) and obedience (e.g., Milgram, 1963). Its other principal avenue of inquiry, the study of ordinary In a definitive 1973 review of research developments in citizens, has retreated from the political personality landscape, political psychology since Lasswell (1951), Davies identified although it left a legacy of momentous works such as Adorno four distinct lines of inquiry in post–World War II political et al. (1950), Rokeach (1960), and others. As Simonton (1990) psychology: (a) the study of voting behavior in stable democ- has noted, “the heyday of personality studies conducted on the racies, the dominant trend, which had become “increasingly typical citizen is past; the personality traits germane to citizen dull, repetitious, and a precious picking of nits”; (b) cross- ideology and candidate preferences have been inventoried national comparative research in relatively stable, democratic many times” (p. 671). This trend represents a distinct shift polities (which included “the vexed post–World War II from the personality-and-culture era of the 1940s and 1950s national character literature” noted by Greenstein, 1992, (McGuire, 1993), in which psychobiography, studies of (p. 122); (c) the genesis of behavioral patterns established in national character, and research involving the authoritarian childhood (i.e., political socialization), which, along with personality syndrome flourished (Levin, 2000, p. 605). In this cross-national research, “provided some relief from the regard, Greenstein (1992) pointed to “the vexed post–World [dominant trend’s] rather static study of behavior under stable War II national character literature in which often ill- circumstances”; and (d) psychological political biography documented ethnographic reports and cultural artifacts . . . (p. 21). Concerning the latter, which is most closely allied to were used to draw sweeping conclusions about modal national contemporary political personality inquiry, Davies (1973) character traits,” with the result that by the 1950s, “there was noted the futility of attempting to ascertain the psychological broad scholarly consensus that it is inappropriate simply to determinants of why some individuals emerge as leaders, attribute psychological characteristics to mass populations on given the rudimentary nature of available conceptual tools the basis of anecdotal or indirect evidence” (p. 122). Accord- and measuring devices. More useful, according to Davies, ingly, political personality inquiry became more leadership would be analysis and description of leadership style, which oriented in emphasis, with the study of followers (or mass had become increasingly sophisticated, as evidenced by publics) in the domain of political psychology increasingly the work of Barber (1972–1992)—“the boldest step yet in shifting to cognate areas such as political socialization, political attitudes, prejudice and intergroup conflict, political

602 Personality in Political Psychology establishing a typology applicable to all American presi- science field, namely international relations” (p. vi). Ole dents,” successfully making a case for “the predictability Holsti (1989) asserted that the psychological perspective of. . . . how presidents will act” (Davies, 1973, p. 25). constituted a basic necessity in the study of international politics. As the 1980s drew to a close, Jervis (1989), in a The Cold War Era paper outlining major challenges to the field of political psy- chology, wrote, “The study of individual personalities and By the 1960s, the Cold War, punctuated by the 1962 Cuban personality types has fallen out of favor in psychology and missile crisis, brought about an important shift in the direc- political science, but this does not mean the topics are tion of political personality research. In the shadow of the unimportant” (p. 491). Significantly, two decades earlier nuclear sword, the focus of interest shifted from the mass George (1969) and Holsti (1970) had published influential politics of followers to the elite politics of foreign-policy papers that revived the World War II–era operational code decision making. In social psychology, this trend was paral- construct, in part because perception and beliefs were viewed leled by research endeavors such as Charles Osgood’s (1962) as more easily inferred than personality—given “the kinds of explication of graduated reciprocation in tension-reduction data, observational opportunities, and methods generally (GRIT) and Irving Janis’s (1972/1982; Janis & Mann, 1977) available to political scientists” (George, 1969, p. 195). influential work on groupthink and decision-making fiascoes. In his review of advances in the study of personality and The renewed focus on operational codes—beliefs about politics, Greenstein (1992) noted that the 1970s and 1980s the fundamental nature of politics, which shape one’s world- were marked by “burgeoning inquiry into political perception view, and hence, one’s choice of political objectives—steered and cognitive psychology more generally” (p. 112), as repre- political personality in a distinctly cognitive direction. sented by Robert Jervis’s (1976) text on threat perception and Stephen Walker (1990, 2000) and his associates (Dille & deterrence and Richard Lau and David Sears’s (1986) edited Young, 2000; Schafer, 2000) would carry this line of inquiry collection of papers on political cognition. forward to the present day. Moreover, Hermann (1974) initiated a research agenda that accorded cognitive variables As a field, political psychology thrived in the sociohistoric a prominent role in the study of political personality. environment of the Cold War, as witnessed by the publication Hermann’s (1980) conceptual scheme accommodated four of the Handbook of Political Psychology in 1973, with an kinds of personal characteristics hypothesized to play a cen- important chapter on “Personality in the Study of Politics” by tral role in political behavior: beliefs and motives, which its editor, Jeanne Knutson; William F. Stone’s (1974) ground- shape a leader’s view of the world, and decision style and breaking introductory political psychology textbook; and the interpersonal style, which shape the leader’s personal founding of the International Society of Political Psychology political style. Hermann’s model warrants particular attention in 1978. Greenstein, in his now classic Personality and Poli- because of the degree to which it integrated existing perspec- tics (1969), set about the task of clearing a path “through the tives at the time, and because of its enduring influence on the tangle of intellectual underbrush” (Greenstein, 1987, p. v) of study of personality in politics. conflicting perspectives on whether personality in politics was amenable to, and worthy of, disciplined inquiry. Conceptually, Hermann’s notion of beliefs is anchored to the philosophical beliefs component of the operational code Well into the 1980s, however, three powerful influences construct. Her interest in motives stems from Lasswell’s would subdue the impact of Greenstein’s (1969) and Knutson’s Power and Personality (1948) and Winter’s The Power (1973) important work in mapping out a conceptual frame- Motive (1973)—an approach to political personality that work conferring figural status upon the personality construct in Winter (1991) would elaborate into a major political person- the evolving study of personality in politics: the dominant in- ality assessment methodology in its own right. Hermann’s terest in foreign-policy decision making against the backdrop construal of decision style overlaps with the instrumental be- of the Soviet-U.S. struggle for superpower supremacy; the liefs component of George’s (1969) operational code con- cognitive revolution (see McGraw, 2000; Simon, 1985), which struct and aspects of Barber’s (1972/1992) formulation of extended its reach from its parent discipline of psychology into presidential character, focusing particularly on conceptual mainstream political science; and the person–situation debate complexity (see Dille & Young, 2000)—once again, an ap- (see Mischel, 1990) then raging in personality psychology. proach to political personality that would later develop into a major branch of political personality assessment, as In a preface to the new edition (1987) of Personality and represented in the work of Suedfeld (1994) on integrative Politics, Greenstein observed that “one kind of political complexity. Finally, Hermann’s interpersonal style domain psychology—the cognitive psychology of perception and encompasses a number of politically relevant personality misperception—has found a respected niche in a political

Obstacles to the Advancement of the Personality-in-Politics Enterprise 603 traits such as suspiciousness, Machiavellianism, and task instead of direct analysis of biographical data. The focus of versus relationship orientation in leadership (see Hermann, psychometric inquiry is less on cognitive variables and 1980, pp. 8–10). foreign-policy decision making and more on a personological understanding of the person in politics, his or her personality Methodologically, a common strand of cognitively and attributes, and the implications of personality for leadership motivationally oriented trait approaches—such as those of performance and generalized policy orientation. Hermann (1987), Suedfeld (1994), Walker (1990), and Winter (1998)—is their reliance on content analysis of public George and George’s (1956) psychoanalytically framed documents (typically speeches and other prepared remarks or study of Woodrow Wilson, which relied on clinical insights interviews and spontaneous remarks) for the indirect assess- rather than psychometric evaluation of biographical data, is ment of political personality (see Schafer, 2000, for a recent the best known precursor of the personological trend in polit- overview of issues in at-a-distance methods of psychological ical personality research. In Simonton’s (1990) judgment, assessment). qualitative, nonpsychometric psychobiographical analyses “have leaned heavily on both theoretical perspectives and As Simonton (1990) has noted, “The attributes of charac- methodological approaches that cannot be considered a cen- ter that leave the biggest impression on political affairs in- tral current in mainstream personality research” (p. 671). Al- volve both cognitive inclinations, which govern how an though some highly informative personological studies (e.g., individual perceives and thinks about the world, and motiva- Glad, 1996; Post, 1991; Renshon, 1996a, 1998) continued in tional dispositions, which energize and channel individual the older psychobiographic tradition, the twentieth century actions in the world” (pp. 671–672). Hermann’s model, in closed with a distinct shift in a psychometric direction (Im- capturing cognition (including beliefs or attitudes) and moti- melman, 1998, 2002; Kowert, 1996; Lyons, 1997; Rubenzer vation (recognizing the importance of affect in politics and et al., 2002). checking the tendency in political psychology toward overemphasis of human rationality), clearly fills Simonton’s Although some contemporary psychobiographically ori- prescription. On the other hand, Hermann’s construal of deci- ented studies are theoretically eclectic (e.g., Betty Glad’s sion style as a personality (or input) variable is problematic. 1996 study of the transfer of power from Gorbachev to Renshon’s (1996b) integrative theory of character and politi- Yeltsin in Russia and from De Klerk to Mandela in South cal performance, for example, specifies political and policy Africa), the modern psychoanalytic reformulations of Heinz judgments and decision making, along with leadership, as Kohut (1971, 1977) and Otto Kernberg (1984) have acquired performance (output) variables. Finally, Hermann’s construal considerable cachet in political psychology. Swansbrough of personality in terms of interpersonal style is too restrictive (1994), for instance, conducted a Kohutian analysis of for a comprehensive theory of personality in politics. George Bush’s personality and leadership style in the Persian Gulf war. Similarly, Stanley Renshon’s (1996a) psychobiog- The New World Order raphy of Bill Clinton is informed primarily by Kohutian self psychology. Jerrold Post’s (1991) psychobiographical analy- Epochal events such as the fall of the Berlin Wall in 1989, the sis of Saddam Hussein is more indebted to Kernberg’s notion collapse of communist rule in Central and Eastern Europe of narcissistic personality organization (see Post, 1993). in 1989–1990, the disintegration of the Soviet Union in Despite Simonton’s (1990) grim prognostication and Jervis’s 1991–1992, South Africa’s transition from apartheid state to (1989) observation that “Freudian analysis and psychobi- nonracial democracy in 1994 following Nelson Mandela’s ographies are out of fashion” (p. 482), the psychobiographic release from prison in 1990, and the Persian Gulf War in 1991 tradition has been revitalized by the analytic insights of marked the beginning of a new world order, which stimulated scholars such as Post and Renshon. renewed research interest in psychometric inquiry—an area that contemporaneously began to emerge as a new paradigm OBSTACLES TO THE ADVANCEMENT OF THE for the study of personality in politics (Immelman, 1988, PERSONALITY-IN-POLITICS ENTERPRISE 1993; Simonton, 1990). In psychometric personality-in- politics inquiry, standard psychometric instruments were Greenstein (1992) has formulated what may be the most con- adapted to “derive personality measures from biographical cise statement of the case for studying personality in politics: data rather than through content analysis of primary materials” “Political institutions and processes operate through human (Simonton, 1990, p. 678), although some investigators (e.g., agency. It would be remarkable if they were not influenced by Kowert, 1996; Rubenzer, Faschingbauer, & Ones, 2002), the properties that distinguish one individual from another” though similar in intent, opted for indirect expert ratings

604 Personality in Political Psychology (p. 124). Yet, specialists in the study of politics “tend to con- have an impact beyond the narrow confines of academic centrate on impersonal determinants of political events and political psychology, it will need to account, at a minimum, outcomes” or define away personal characteristics, “positing for the patterning of personality variables “across the entire rationality . . . and presuming that the behavior of actors can matrix of the person” (Millon & Davis, 2000, pp. 2, 65). Only be deduced from the logic of their situation” (p. 106). The then will political personality assessment provide an ade- relevance of the study of personality with respect to political quate basis for explaining, predicting, and understanding leadership is nicely captured in Renshon’s (1996b) con- political outcomes. Moreover, political personologists will tention that need to advance an integrative theory, not only of personality and of political leadership, but also of the personality-politics many of the most important aspects of presidential performance nexus. In The Psychological Assessment of Presidential Can- rely on the personal characteristics and skills of the president. . . . didates (1996b), Stanley Renshon provides a partial blueprint It is his views, his goals, his bargaining skills . . . , his judgments, for this daunting task. his choices of response to arising circumstance that set the levers of administrative, constitutional, and institutional structures into Inadequate Progress From Description of Observable motion. (p. 7) Phenomena to Theoretical Systematization In this regard, Glad (1996), writing about the collapse of the Ultimately, scholarly progress in personality-in-politics in- communist state in the Soviet Union and the apartheid state quiry hinges on its success in advancing from the “natural in South Africa, has shown convincingly that the personal history stage of inquiry” to a “stage of deductively formu- qualities of leaders can play a critical role at turning points in lated theory” (Northrop, 1947). The intuitive psychologist’s history. “ability to ‘sense’ the correctness of psychological insight” (chapter by Millon in this volume) presents an easily over- Scholarly Skepticism and Inadequate Conceptual looked obstacle to progress in political-personological in- and Methodological Tools quiry. Early in the development of a scientific discipline, according to philosopher of science Carl Hempel (1965), in- Despite the conviction of personality-in-politics practitioners vestigators primarily strive “to describe the phenomena in the worth of their endeavor, the study of personality in pol- under study and to establish simple empirical generalizations itics is not without controversy (see Lyons, 1997, pp. 792– concerning them,” using terms that “permit the description of 793, for a concise review of “controversies over the presi- those aspects of the subject matter which are ascertainable dential personality approach”). Greenstein (1969, pp. 33–62) fairly directly by observation” (p. 140). Hermann’s (1974, offered an incisive critique of “two erroneous” and “three 1980) early work illustrates this initial stage of scientific partially correct” objections to the study of personality in pol- development. In the words of Hempel (1965), itics, lamenting that the study of personality in politics was “not a thriving scholarly endeavor,” principally because The shift toward theoretical systematization is marked by the in- “scholars who study politics do not feel equipped to analyze troduction of new, “theoretical” terms, which refer to various personality in ways that meet their intellectual standards. . . . theoretically postulated entities, their characteristics, and the [thus rendering it primarily] the preserve of journalists” processes in which they are involved; all of these are more or (p. 2). The optimistic verdict more than three decades later is less removed from the level of directly observable things and that political personality has taken root and come of age as a events. (p. 140) scholarly endeavor, as evidenced by the inclusion of the present chapter in this volume. Hermann’s (1987) proposal of a model suggesting how lead- ers’ observable personal characteristics “link to form role Inadequate Transposition From Source to orientations to foreign affairs” (p. 162) represents consider- Target Discipline able progress in this direction; however, it lacks systematic import. Although the enterprise of studying personality in politics has largely succeeded in countering common objections to its A Lack of Systematic Import usefulness, it has been hampered by inadequate transposition from the source discipline of personality assessment to the Theoretical systematization and empirical import (opera- target discipline of political psychology. For political person- tional definitions) are necessary but not sufficient for ality inquiry to remain a thriving scholarly endeavor and

Toward a Generative Theory of Personality and Political Performance 605 scientific progress. development of an integrated psychological theory of leader- ship performance. He ventures that “more clinically based To be scientifically useful a concept must lend itself to the for- theories . . . might form the basis of a more comprehensive mulation of general laws or theoretical principles which reflect psychological model of presidential performance” (p. 11). uniformities in the subject matter under study, and which thus provide a basis for explanation, prediction, and generally scien- The problem bedeviling contemporary personality-in- tific understanding. (Hempel, 1965, p. 146) politics inquiry, however, is more profound than the precari- ous perch of leadership performance theories on a fragmented The most striking instance of this principle of systematic personological foundation. In his critique of postwar research import, according to Hempel (1965), “is the periodic system directions in political psychology, Davies (1973) declared: of the elements, on which Mendeleev based a set of highly specific predictions, which were impressively confirmed There is . . . a kind of atrophy of theory and research that can help by subsequent research” (p. 147). Hempel chronicled similar us link observable acts with their deeply and generally an- scientific progress in biological taxonomic systems, which tecedent causes in the human organism, notably the nervous and proceeded from primitive classification based on observable endocrine systems. Aristotle sought such relationships. So did characteristics to a more advanced phylogenetic-evolutionary Hobbes, whose Leviathan (1651) founded its analysis of politi- basis. Thus, “two phenomenally very similar specimens may cal institutions on a theory of human nature. And likewise, be assigned to species far removed from each other in the Lasswell has sought to relate fundamental determinants to evolutionary hierarchy, such as the species Wolf (Canis) and observable effects—and vice versa. (p. 26) Tasmanian Wolf (Thylacinus)” (Hempel, 1965, p. 149). Similarly, but with greater theoretical precision, Millon For personality-in-politics inquiry to continue advancing (1990), in explicating his evolutionary theory of personality, as a scholarly discipline, it will have to come to grips with the distinguished between “true, theoretically deduced” nosolo- canon of systematic import. At base, this means that theoret- gies and those that provide “a mere explanatory summary of ical systematizations cannot be constructed on the foundation known observations and inferences” (p. 105). He cited Hempel of precisely those personal characteristics from which they (1965), who proposed that scientific classification ought to were originally inferred (see chapter by Millon in this vol- have an “objective existence in nature, . . . ‘carving nature at the ume). As Kurt Gödel (1931) demonstrated with his incom- joints,’ in contradistinction to ‘artificial’ classifications, in pleteness theorem, no self-contained system can prove or which the defining characteristics have few explanatory or disprove its own propositions while operating within the predictive connections with other traits” (p. 147). Ultimately, axioms of that system. “in the course of scientific development, classifications defined by reference to manifest, observable characteristics will tend to TOWARD A GENERATIVE THEORY give way to systems based on theoretical concepts” (Hempel, OF PERSONALITY AND POLITICAL 1965, pp. 148–149). PERFORMANCE Greenstein (1987), pointing to the work of Gangestad and Ideally, conceptual systems for the study of political person- Snyder (1985) and Morey (1985), acknowledged the substan- ality should constitute a comprehensive, generative, theo- tial progress since the publication of his seminal Personality retically coherent framework consonant with established and Politics (1969) “in grounding complex psychological principles in the adjacent sciences (particularly the more typologies empirically,” yet pessimistically proclaimed that mature natural sciences; see Millon’s chapter in this volume), “complex typologies are not easily constructed and docu- congenial with respect to accommodating a diversity of mented” (Greenstein, 1987, p. xiv). Although Greenstein was politically relevant personal characteristics, and capable of clearly correct on both counts, he failed to report that these reliably predicting meaningful political outcomes. In this typologies had already been constructed and empirically regard, Renshon (1996b) is critical of unitary trait theories documented (see, for example, Millon, 1986). Greenstein’s of political personality (such as those relying primarily on (1987) conclusion, that the difficulty of constructing a com- isolated personality variables, motives, or cognitive vari- plex typology renders it “productive to classify political ables), noting that “it is a long causal way from an individual actors in terms of single traits that differentiate them in trait of presidential personality to a specific performance out- illuminating ways” (p. xiv), is therefore patently founded come” and that unitary trait theories fail to contribute to the on a false premise. This pitfall of overlooking parallel de- velopments in clinical science is reminiscent of Barber’s (1972/1992) construction, de novo, of a rudimentary 2 × 2 model for assessing presidential character, which yields little

606 Personality in Political Psychology more systematic import or prototypal distinctiveness than the shaped by character: mobilization, the ability to arouse, en- humoral doctrine of Hippocrates, 24 centuries earlier. gage, and direct the public; orchestration, the organizational skill and ability to craft specific policies; and consolidation, Toward a Politically Relevant Theory the skills and tasks required to preserve the supportive rela- of Personality in Politics tionships necessary for implementing and institutionalizing one’s policy judgments (pp. 227, 411). Renshon (1996b) has argued persuasively that a president’s character serves as the foundation for leadership effective- However, those seeking to develop a generative theory of ness, in part because political parties (in the United States) personality and political performance confront a conceptual have lost much of their ability to serve as “filters” for evalu- minefield—a problem highlighted previously with respect to ating candidates, who are no longer mere standard-bearers of the overly restrictive, psychodynamically framed character party platforms and ideologies (pp. 38–40). Renshon exam- component of Renshon’s model, which limits its integrative ines the psychology of presidential candidates using theories potential. This issue is examined more closely in the next of character and personality, theories of presidential leader- section. ship and performance, and theories of public psychology. For a concise, schematic outline of Renshon’s model, which is CONCEPTUAL PROBLEMS IN THE STUDY OF anchored to Kohut’s (1971, 1977) psychoanalytic self theory, PERSONALITY IN POLITICS the reader is referred to appendix 2 (pp. 409–411) of his book, The Psychological Assessment of Presidential Candi- Unresolved conceptual problems that cloud personality-in- dates (1996b). politics inquiry include a lack of agreement about the appro- priate levels of analysis; a lack of clarity about the requisite For the great majority of psychodiagnosticians, who are scope of inquiry; theoretical stagnation; and a failure of some more familiar with Axis II of the Diagnostic and Statistical approaches to satisfy basic standards for operationalizing Manual of Mental Disorders (4th ed.; DSM-IV) of the the personality construct. American Psychiatric Association (APA; 1994) than with Kohutian self psychology as a framework for recording per- Levels of Analysis sonality functioning, Renshon’s (1996b) particular clinically based theory of political personality may be somewhat In his early efforts to chart a course for the field’s develop- restrictive, if not arcane. Fortunately, the value of Renshon’s ment, Greenstein (1969) noted that the personality-in-politics work with respect to mapping out an integrated theory of char- literature was “formidably gnarled—empirically, method- acter and leadership for political personality assessment is not ologically, and conceptually” (p. 2). He identified three oper- contingent upon the utility of the personological component ational levels for the assessment of personality in politics: of his model; it can easily be molded to the theoretical pro- phenomenology, dynamics, and genesis. In Greenstein’s clivities of the practitioner, including—perhaps especially— opinion, these distinctions are useful those favoring a theoretical orientation more compatible with the DSM-IV. for sorting out the different kinds of operations involved in the psychological diagnosis of political actors, and for ordering Toward a Psychologically Grounded Theory of diagnostic operations in terms of both the directness of their Political Performance bearing on explanations of political action and the degree to which they can be carried out in a more or less standardized In developing a psychologically grounded theory of political fashion. (p. 144) performance, Renshon (1996b) distinguished between two key elements of presidential role performance: “making good Phenomenology—regularities in the observable behavior policy and political decisions” and “pursuing and realizing of political actors—according to Greenstein, is “the most im- policy purposes” (p. 12). With regard to the former, Renshon mediately relevant supplement to situational data in predict- (1996b) proposed a model of judgment and decision making ing and explaining the actor’s behavior” (p. 144), whereas (pp. 206–223, 411) capable of accommodating those cogni- explanations of genesis are “remote from the immediate tive constructs that became popular in Cold War–era political nexus of behavior” and pose “difficult questions of valida- psychology (e.g., integrative complexity). Concerning the tion” (p. 145). With the increasing dominance of descriptive second aspect of political performance, Renshon (1996b) pro- approaches and the dwindling influence of psychoanalysis in poses “three distinct aspects” (p. 226) of political leadership

Conceptual Problems in the Study of Personality in Politics 607 contemporary personality assessment (Jervis, 1989, p. 482; Greenstein (1992) resolved, “The study of personality and Simonton, 1990, p. 671), preoccupation with personality politics is possible and desirable, but systematic intellectual dynamics can be expected to wane, while psychogenesis progress is possible only if there is careful attention to prob- already occupies a peripheral role in political personality, of lems of evidence, inference, and conceptualization” (p. 105). primary interest to psychohistorians. He went on to assert, however, that “it is not appropriate to recommend a particular personality theory,” suggesting that Millon’s (1990) evolutionary model refines Greenstein’s the theories of “Freud, Jung, Allport, Murray, and . . . many three operational levels of analysis (phenomenology, dynam- others” (p. 117) are all potentially useful. Although there is ics, and genesis) by redefining genesis as a conceptual merit in Greenstein’s (1973) counsel to “let many flowers construct, relabeling dynamics as the intrapsychic level of bloom” (p. 469), professional psychodiagnosticians—who analysis, disaggregating phenomenology into phenomeno- tend not to treat the classic schools of personality theory as logical and behavioral data levels, and adding a fourth, templates for tailoring their assessment tools—might find biophysical, data level. this assertion quite striking. Burgeoning scientific and tech- nological progress in clinical science over the past half- The critical operational constructs are the clinical domains century practically dictates that assimilating contemporary (or personality attributes), which provide an explicit basis for approaches to psychodiagnostics and personality assessment personality assessment. Millon’s (1990) evolutionary model provides a less obstacle strewn passage for personality-in- specifies four structural domains (object representations, politics practitioners than steering a course illuminated solely self-image, morphologic organization, and mood or tempera- by the radiance of the great pioneers of personality theory. ment) and four functional domains (expressive behavior, Despite major advances in behavioral neuroscience, evolu- interpersonal conduct, cognitive style, and regulatory mecha- tionary ecology, and personality research in the past two nisms) encompassing four data levels: behavioral (expressive decades (see chapter by Millon in this volume), personality- behavior, interpersonal conduct); phenomenological (cogni- in-politics inquiry arguably has become insular and stagnant, tive style, object representations, self-image); intrapsychic with few fresh ideas and—with the exception of cognitive (regulatory mechanisms, morphological organization); and science—little indication of meaningful cross-pollination of biophysical (mood or temperament). ideas from adjacent disciplines. Scope of Inquiry Necessary Conditions for Operationalizing Research Designs Beyond simply refining Greenstein’s (1969) specification of operational levels for personality-in-politics inquiry, the In the original Handbook of Political Psychology (1973), scope of this endeavor must be elucidated if political person- Knutson implored that, to be feasible for studying personality ality is to extricate itself from the “tangled underbrush.” The in politics, conceptual models should fulfill three critical re- requisite scope of inquiry is implied in the organizational quirements for operationalizing research designs in political framework of a representative undergraduate personality text personality: Clearly conceptualize the meaning of the term (Pervin & John, 2001), which presents theory and research in personality; delineate attributes of personality that can be terms of structure, process, development, psychopathology, quantified or objectively assessed, thereby rendering them and change—a formulation consistent with the organizing amenable to scientific study; and specify how the personality framework of structure, dynamics, development, assessment, attributes subjected to scientific inquiry relate to the per- and change that Gordon Allport employed in his seminal text, sonality construct (pp. 34–35). As shown next, Millon’s Personality: A Psychological Interpretation (1937). Millon’s (1990, 1996) evolutionary model of personality satisfies all (1990, 1996) contemporary clinical model of personality fol- three of Knutson’s criteria, making it eminently useful for lows this time-honored tradition by construing personality in studying personality in politics. terms of its structural and functional domains, normal and pathological variants, developmental background (including Defining Personality hypothesized biogenic factors and characteristic develop- mental history), homeostatic (self-perpetuation) processes, From Millon’s evolutionary-ecological perspective, person- and domain-based modification strategies and tactics. ality constitutes ontogenetic, manifest, adaptive styles of thinking, feeling, acting, and relating to others, shaped by Theoretical Orientation interaction of latent, phylogenetic, biologic endowment and In an important recapitulation nearly a quarter-century after his landmark work in Personality and Politics (1969),

608 Personality in Political Psychology social experience (chapter by Millon in this volume). This target discipline of contemporary political personality— construal is consistent with the contemporary view of per- specifically the psychological examination of political sonality as leaders. a complex pattern of deeply embedded psychological character- Although necessary for operationalizing research designs, istics that are largely nonconscious and not easily altered, Knutson’s (1973) three criteria provide an insufficient basis expressing themselves automatically in almost every facet of for applied personality-in-politics modeling. A theoretically functioning. Intrinsic and pervasive, these traits emerge from a sound, comprehensive, useful personality-in-politics model complicated matrix of biological dispositions and experiential with adequate explanatory power and predictive utility must learnings, and ultimately comprise the individual’s distinctive meet additional standards. I propose the following basic stan- pattern of perceiving, feeling, thinking, coping, and behaving. dards for personality-in-politics modeling: (Millon, 1996, p. 4) 1. The meaning of the term personality should be clearly Delineating the Core Attributes of Personality defined. In constructing an integrated personality framework that ac- 2. Quantifiable personality attributes amenable to objective counts for “the patterning of characteristics across the entire assessment should be clearly specified. matrix of the person” (Millon & Davis, 2000, p. 2), Millon (1994b) favors a theoretically grounded “prototypal domain 3. The personality attributes subject to inquiry should be model” (p. 292) that combines quantitative dimensional explicitly related to the personality construct as whole. elements (e.g., the five-factor approach) with a qualitative categorical approach (e.g., DSM-IV). The categorical aspect 4. The conceptual model for construing personality in of Millon’s model is represented by eight universal attribute politics should be congruent with personality systems domains relevant to all personality patterns, namely expres- employed with reference to the general population. sive behavior, interpersonal conduct, cognitive style, mood or temperament, self-image, regulatory mechanisms, object 5. The conceptual model for construing political personal- representations, and morphologic organization. ity should be integrative, capable of accommodating diverse, multidisciplinary perspectives on politically Assessing Personality on the Basis of Variability relevant personal characteristics. Across Attributes 6. The conceptual model should offer a unified view of Millon specifies prototypal features (diagnostic criteria) normality and psychopathology. within each of the eight attribute domains for each personal- ity style (Millon, 1994a; Millon & Everly, 1985) or disorder 7. The conceptual model should be rooted in personality (1990, 1996) accommodated in his taxonomy. The dimen- theory, with clearly specified referents in political leader- sional aspect of Millon’s schema is achieved by evaluating ship theory. the “prominence or pervasiveness” (1994b, p. 292) of the diagnostic criteria associated with the various personality 8. The personality-in-politics model should be embedded types. in a larger conceptual framework that acknowledges cultural contexts and the impact of distal and proximal Additional Considerations situational determinants that interact with dispositional variables to shape political behavior. Traditionally, political personality assessment has borne little resemblance to the conceptualization of personality shared by 9. The methodology for assessing political personality most clinically trained professional psychodiagnosticians, or should be congruent with standard psychodiagnostic to their psychodiagnostic procedures. In satisfying Knutson’s procedures in conventional clinical practice. three criteria, Millon’s personological model offers a viable integrative framework for a variety of current approaches to 10. The assessment methodology should be inferentially political personality, thus narrowing conceptual and method- valid. ological gaps between existing formulations in the source dis- ciplines of personology and personality assessment and the 11. The assessment methodology should meet acceptable standards of evidence for reliability. 12. For purposes of predictive utility, the assessment methodology should be practicable during political campaigns. 13. For considerations of efficiency, the assessment method- ology should be minimally cumbersome or unwieldy. 14. For optimal utility, the assessment methodology should be remote, indirect, unobtrusive, and nonintrusive.

A Personality-in-Politics Agenda for the New Century 609 15. For advancing theoretical systematization, the concep- 1996; Millon & Everly, 1985) provides a sound foundation tual model should be nomothetically oriented, permit for conceptualizing and assessing political personality, clas- typological inquiry, and posit a taxonomy of political sifying political personality types, and predicting political personality types. behavior. A PERSONALITY-IN-POLITICS AGENDA Epistemologically, it synthesizes the formerly disparate FOR THE NEW CENTURY fields of psychopathology and normatology and formally connects them to broader spheres of scientific knowledge, In the new world order of the twenty-first century, personal- most notably their foundations in the natural sciences ity-in-politics inquiry is poised to reclaim personality as the (Millon, this volume). Diagnostically, it offers an empirically central organizing principle in the study of political leader- validated taxonomy of personality patterns congruent with ship, informed by insights garnered from the cognitive revo- the syndromes described on Axis II of DSM-IV (APA, 1994), lution preceding the close of the twentieth century and thus rendering it compatible with conventional psychodiag- energized by the quickening evolutionary reconceptualiza- nostic procedures and standard clinical practice in personal- tion of personology at the dawn of the new millennium. ity assessment. From Cognitive Revolution to Evolutionary Psychology Millon (1986) uses the concept of the personality prototype (paralleling the medical concept of the syndrome) as a global On the crest of major breakthroughs in evolutionary biology formulation for construing and categorizing personality sys- during the preceding quarter-century, the emerging evolution- tems, proposing that “each personality prototype should com- ary perspective in psychology since the mid-1980s (see Buss, prise a small and distinct group of primary attributes that 1999; Millon, 1990; Millon, this volume) represents the first persist over time and exhibit a high degree of consistency” major theoretical shift in the discipline since the cognitive rev- (p. 681). To Millon, the essence of personality categorization olution of the 1950s and 1960s. Conceptually, the integrative is the differential identification of these enduring (stable) and capacity of Millon’s (1990; Millon, this volume) evolutionary pervasive (consistent) primary attributes. This position is con- model renders it sufficiently comprehensive to accommodate sistent with the conventional view of personality in the study major tenets of psychodynamic, behavioral, humanistic, inter- of politics (see Knutson, 1973, pp. 29–38). In organizing his personal, cognitive, biogenic, and trait approaches to person- attribute schema, Millon (1986) favors “an arrangement that ality. Methodologically, Millon’s framework provides an represents the personality system in a manner similar to that of empirically validated taxonomy of personality patterns com- the body system, that is, dividing the components into struc- patible with the syndromes described in DSM-IV, Axis II tural and functional attributes” (p. 681; see Millon, 1990, (APA, 1994). pp. 134–135, for a concise summary of these attribute domains). No present conceptual system in the field of political personality rivals Millon’s model in compatibility with con- The Core Characteristics of a Comprehensive ventional psychodiagnostic methods and standard clinical Model of Personality in Politics practice in personality assessment. Moreover, no current sys- tem matches the elegance with which Millon’s evolutionary A comprehensive model for the study of personality in politics model synthesizes normality and psychopathology. In short, (see Fig. 24.1) should account for structural and functional Millon offers a theoretically coherent alternative to existing personality attributes, at behavioral, phenomenological, in- conceptual frameworks and assessment methodologies for trapsychic, and biophysical levels of analysis; permit supple- the psychological examination of political leaders (see Post, mentary developmental causal analysis (i.e., genesis or 2003, for an up-to-date collection of current conceptualiza- etiology); provide an explicit framework for risk analysis (i.e., tions; see Kinder, 1999, for a series of reviews, both critical account for normal variability as well as personality and laudatory, of “Millon’s evolving personality theories and pathology); and provide an assessment methodology. Further- measures”). more, the personality model should be linked with perfor- mance outcomes, recognize the impact of situational variables The Utility of Millon’s Model as a Generative and the cultural context on political performance, and Framework for the Study of Personality in Politics allow for personological, situational, and contextual filters that may modulate the impact of personality on political The work of Millon (1990, 1994a, 1996, and his chapter in performance. this volume; Millon & Davis, 2000; Millon, Davis, & Millon,

610 Personality in Political Psychology Developmental causal analysis Biogenic factors Experiential history (Millon, 1996) Structural personality attributes Functional personality attributes Self-image Expressive behavior Interpersonal conduct Object representations Cognitive style Morphologic organization Regulatory mechanisms Mood or temperament (Millon, 1990, 1996) (Millon, 1990, 1996) Assessment Experiential filters Risk analysis Training or expertise Specific interests (Hermann, 1978, 1980, 1987) Strategic performance modalities Tactical performance modalities Existence: pain–pleasure Biophysical Adaptation: passive–active Behavioral Replication: other–self Abstraction: cognitive Phenomenological Intrapsychic (Millon, 1990, 1994a, 1996) (Millon, 1990, 1996) Situational constraints Historical antecedents Immediate situation (Smith, 1968, 1973) Cultural context Psychological political forecasting Figure 24.1 A generative conceptual model for assessing personality and political performance. STRUCTURAL ATTRIBUTES OF PERSONALITY This domain accommodates self-confidence, an element of decision style in Hermann’s (1980, 1987) conceptual scheme. Structural attributes, according to Millon (1990), “represent a It also offers an alternative theoretical basis for construing deeply embedded and relatively enduring template of im- Renshon’s (1996b) character domain of ambition, derived printed memories, attitudes, needs, fears, conflicts, and so on, from Kohut’s (1971, 1977) psychoanalytic self theory. which guide the experience and transform the nature of ongo- ing life events” (p. 147). Millon (1986, 1990) has specified Object Representations four structural attributes of personality, outlined in the follow- ing subsections. Where relevant, equivalent or compatible The domain of object representations, located at the phenome- formulations in the field of political psychology are noted. nological level of analysis, encompasses the inner imprint left by a person’s significant early experiences with others—in Self-Image other words, the structural residue of significant past experi- ences, composed of memories, attitudes, and affects, which Self-image, located at the phenomenological level of ana- serves as a substrate of dispositions for perceiving and respond- lysis, denotes a person’s perception of self-as-object or the ing to the social environment (Millon, 1986, 1990, p. 149). manner in which people overtly describe themselves (Millon, 1986; 1990, pp. 148–149). This domain accommodates Renshon’s (1996b) character attribute of relatedness, which is steeped in object-relations

Functional Attributes of Personality 611 theory, including Kohut’s (1971) selfobject construct and individual typically appears to others and what the individual Karen Horney’s (1937) interpersonal tendencies. knowingly or unknowingly reveals about him- or herself or wishes others to think or to know about him or her (Millon, Morphologic Organization 1986, 1990, p. 137). Morphologic organization, located at the intrapsychic level Numerous personality traits commonly used to describe of analysis, embodies the overall architecture that serves as political behavior are accommodated by this domain, includ- framework for a person’s psychic interior—the structural ing assertiveness, confidence, competence, arrogance, suspi- strength, interior congruity, and functional efficacy of the ciousness, impulsiveness, prudence, and perfectionism. personality system (Millon, 1986, 1990, pp. 149, 157). Interpersonal Conduct This domain, roughly equivalent to the notion of ego strength, provides a good fit for Renshon’s (1996b) realm of Interpersonal conduct, located at the behavioral level of character integrity, derived from Kohut’s (1971) self theory analysis, includes a person’s typical style of interacting with and elaborated in terms of Erikson’s (1980) notions of ego others, the attitudes that underlie, prompt, and give shape to identity and ego ideal. these actions, the methods by which the individual engages others to meet his or her needs, and the typical modes of cop- Mood or Temperament ing with social tensions and conflicts (Millon, 1986, 1990, pp. 137, 146). Mood or temperament, located at the biophysical level of analysis, captures a person’s typical manner of displaying This domain accommodates the personal political charac- emotion and the predominant character of an individual’s teristic of interpersonal style in Hermann’s (1980, 1987) con- affect, and the intensity and frequency with which he or she ceptual scheme, including its two operational elements, expresses it (Millon, 1986, 1990, p. 157). distrust of others and task orientation. The domain of inter- personal conduct also offers a conceptual niche for Christie This domain provides a suitable fit for Barber’s (1972/1992) and Geis’s (1970) operationalization of Machiavellianism, construal of presidential character along positive–negative which remains popular as a frame of reference for describing (i.e., affective) and active–passive (i.e., predisposition to activ- political behavior. ity, or temperamental) dimensions. In conjunction with the domain of cognitive style, mood or temperament also provides Cognitive Style a conceptual frame of reference for the so-called pessimistic explanatory style of stable (vs. unstable), global (vs. specific), Cognitive style, located at the phenomenological level of and internal (vs. external) causal attribution with respect to ad- analysis, signifies a person’s characteristic manner of focusing versity, which, in combination with excessive rumination and allocating attention, encoding and processing informa- about problems, has been shown to predict not only suscepti- tion, organizing thoughts, making attributions, and communi- bility to helplessness and depression, but the electoral defeat of cating thoughts and ideas (Millon, 1986, 1990, p. 146). presidential candidates (Zullow & Seligman, 1990). This domain accommodates the personal political charac- FUNCTIONAL ATTRIBUTES OF PERSONALITY teristics of beliefs and decision style in Hermann’s (1980, 1987) framework, most notably the conceptual complexity Functional attributes, according to Millon (1990), “represent component of decision style, and integrative complexity (e.g., dynamic processes that transpire within the intrapsychic Suedfeld & Tetlock, 1977; Tetlock, 1985), which rose to world and between the individual’s self and psychosocial en- prominence during the Cold War era as a major construct for vironment” (p. 136). Millon (1986, 1990) has specified four operationalizing personality in politics. The domain of cogni- functional attributes of personality, outlined in the next sec- tive style is also compatible with the notions of nationalism tions. Where relevant, equivalent or compatible formulations and belief in one’s own ability to control events (the two key in the field of political psychology are noted. operational elements of beliefs in Hermann’s conceptual framework) and her operationalization of several beliefs as- Expressive Behavior sociated with contemporary reformulations of the operational code construct (George, 1969; Holsti, 1970; Walker, 1990), Expressive behavior, located at the behavioral level of analy- such as belief in the predictability of events and belief in the sis, refers to a person’s characteristic behavior—how the inevitability of conflict.

612 Personality in Political Psychology Regulatory Mechanisms assessment, or for suggesting alternative hypotheses (Millon & Davis, 2000, p. 74). This benefit notwithstanding, genetic The domain of regulatory mechanisms, located at the in- reconstruction does not constitute an optimal basis for per- trapsychic level of analysis, involves a person’s characteristic sonality assessment and description. mechanisms of self-protection, need gratification, and con- flict resolution (Millon, 1986, 1990, pp. 146–147). A Framework for Risk Analysis The need-gratification facet of the regulatory mechanisms As Sears (1987) has noted, a problem with existing concep- domain provides a potential fit for Winter’s (1973, 1987, tualizations of personality in politics is the dichotomy be- 1991, 1998) approach to political personality, which empha- tween pathology-oriented and competence-oriented analyses. sizes needs for power, achievement, and affiliation, and for Millon’s evolutionary theory of personality bridges the gap the related motives aspect of the personal characteristics com- by offering a unified view of normality and psychopathology: ponent of Hermann’s (1980, 1987) conceptual scheme. “No sharp line divides normal from pathological behavior; they are relative concepts representing arbitrary points on a PERSONALITY DESCRIPTION, PSYCHOGENETIC continuum or gradient” (Millon, 1994b, p. 283). The synthe- UNDERSTANDING, AND PREDICTIVE POWER sis of normality and pathology is an aspect of Millon’s prin- ciple of syndromal continuity, which holds, in part, that The practical value of conceptual systems for assessing per- personality disorders are simply “exaggerated and pathologi- sonality in politics is proportionate to their predictive utility cally distorted deviations emanating from a normal and in anticipating political behavior. Moreover, there is consid- healthy distribution of traits” (Millon & Everly, 1985, p. 34). erable merit in a personality model’s capacity to promote ac- Thus, whereas criteria for normality include “a capacity to curate understanding of the developmental antecedents of function autonomously and competently, a tendency to adjust political personality patterns. to one’s environment effectively and efficiently, a subjective sense of contentment and satisfaction, and the ability to actu- Developmental Causal Analysis alize or to fulfill one’s potentials” (Millon, 1994b, p. 283), the presence of psychopathology is established by the degree to The importance of a developmental component in a com- which a person is deficient, imbalanced, or conflicted in these prehensive model of personality is implicit in Millon and areas (Millon, this volume). Davis’s (2000) contention that, “once the subject has been conceptualized in terms of personality prototypes of the clas- At base, then, Millon (1994b) regards pathology as result- sification system, biographical information can be added” ing “from the same forces . . . involved in the development of to answer questions about the origin and development of the normal functioning . . ., [the determining influence being] the subject’s personality characteristics (p. 73). Greenstein (1992) character, timing, and intensity” (p. 283) of these factors (see cautions against “the fallacy of observing a pattern of behav- also Millon, 1996, pp. 12–13). From this perspective, risk ior and simply attributing it to a particular developmental analysis would entail the classification of individuals on a pattern, without documenting causality, and perhaps even range of dimensions, each representing a normal-pathological without providing evidence that the pattern existed” (p. 121). continuum. Millon (1996, chapter 3) frames developmental causal Despite the emphasis of Millon’s (1996) clinical model on analysis in terms of hypothesized biogenic factors and the personality disorders, the absence of a conceptual distinction subject’s characteristic developmental history. For the major- between normal and abnormal personality—the assertion that ity of present-day personality-in-politics investigators, who personality disorders are merely pathological distortions of generally favor a descriptive approach to personality assess- normal personality attributes (Millon, 1990; Millon & Everly, ment, developmental questions are of secondary relevance; 1985)—his theoretical system is particularly well suited for however, an explicit set of developmental relational state- studying the implications of personality for political perfor- ments is invaluable for psychobiographically oriented analy- mance, because implicit in the principle of syndromal conti- sis. Moreover, precisely because each personality pattern has nuity is a built-in framework for risk analysis. In short, characteristic developmental antecedents, in-depth knowl- Millon’s system offers an integrated framework for constru- edge of a subject’s experiential history can be useful with re- ing normal variability and personality pathology, and suggests spect to validating the results of descriptive personality the likely nature and direction of personality decompensation under conditions of catastrophic personality breakdown.

Assessment Methodologies 613 ASSESSMENT METHODOLOGIES Expert Ratings Approaches to the indirect assessment of personality in poli- Paul Kowert (1996) has endeavored to move beyond the con- tics can generally be classified into three categories: content tent-analytic methods (e.g., Hermann, 1980; Walker, 1990; analysis, expert ratings, and psychodiagnostic analysis of Winter, 1987) that dominated political personality inquiry biographical data. during the Cold War era, by applying Q-sort methodology to single-case analysis. In view of the huge role of public opin- Content Analysis ion polling, focus groups, professional speech writers, and political spin in contemporary politics, it seems prudent to The fundamental assumption of content-analytic techniques find alternatives to speeches and interviews as primary for at-a-distance (i.e., indirect) measures “is that it is possible sources of data for psychological evaluation. to assess psychological characteristics of a leader by system- atically analyzing what leaders say and how they say it” An important advantage of expert ratings is that it yields (Schafer, 2000, p. 512). Content analysis remains the domi- coefficients of interrater reliability. However, this is offset by nant approach to indirect personality assessment and is a variety of validity issues. Specifically, ratings by presiden- widely acknowledged in political psychology as a reliable tial scholars are fundamentally impressionistic and not based data-analytic method. It draws on the assumptions and meth- on systematic personality assessment (see Etheredge, 1978, ods of psychology, political science, and speech communica- p. 438). In some cases, high interrater reliability may merely tion (Schafer, 2000, p. 512) and predates the establishment of reflect a convergence of conventional wisdom and shared political psychology as a discrete field—having been used, myths about the personality characteristics of past presidents. for example, to analyze Nazi propaganda during World War II. Holsti’s (1977) classic overview of qualitative and A major disadvantage of the expert-rating approach is that quantitative content-analytic approaches in political psychol- it is uneconomical, cumbersome, and impractical. To gather ogy remains relevant today, including his examination of data for his study of the impact of personality on American perennial validity concerns such as the logic of psychological presidential leadership, Kowert (1996) solicited 42 experts inferences about communicators engaging in persuasive on American presidents. Rubenzer and his associates (2002), communication (pp. 133–134); the ambiguities of authorship for their ambitious, highly resourceful study of U.S. presi- in documentary sources other than interviews and press con- dents (employing primarily Big Five personality measures), ferences (p. 134); and problems of coding (e.g., word or sym- attempted to contact nearly 1,000 biographers, presidential bol vs. theme or sentence coding) and data analysis (e.g., scholars, journalists, and former White House officials, frequency vs. contingency measures; pp. 134–137). Parallel- eventually securing the cooperation of 115 raters who collec- ing advances in information technology, a recent develop- tively completed 172 assessment packets, each containing ment has been “automated content analysis” (Dille & Young, 620 items. 2000), which “offers a less expensive, quicker, and more reli- able alternative to commissioning graduate students to pore A vexing difficulty with expert ratings is that it is impracti- over and content-analyze texts” (p. 595). cal for studying candidates in the heat of presidential cam- paigns, when—as noted by Renshon (1996b, chapter 13)— Schafer (2000) and Walker (2000) provide good overviews accurate personality assessment is critical with respect to of the current state of content-analytic at-a-distance assess- assessing psychological suitability for office. Historians and ment, its major conceptual and methodological issues, and presidential scholars are not optimal sources of information future research directions. Clearly, content analysis can be a under these conditions. Journalists who cover presidential can- useful tool for dissecting political propaganda, examining psy- didates are potentially more reliable, but may be too immersed chologically relevant images in political rhetoric, and opera- in their own reporting to offer much assistance. A more practi- tionalizing important, politically relevant psychological cal approach would be to extract personality data directly from constructs such as motives and conceptual or integrative com- the writings of journalists, presidential scholars, biographers, plexity. However, content analysis does not offer a congenial and other experts, which obviates the need for soliciting their frame of reference for comprehensive, clinically oriented psy- active cooperation. chological assessment procedures capable, in the words of Millon and Davis (2000), of capturing the patterning of person- Psychodiagnostic Analysis of Biographical Data ality variables “across the entire matrix of the person” (p. 65). Simonton (1990) credits Lloyd Etheredge (1978) with estab- lishing the diagnostic utility “of abstracting individual traits

614 Personality in Political Psychology immediately from biographic data” to uncover the link be- prominence provides a necessary but insufficient basis for tween personality and political leadership (p. 677). Simonton personality assessment; it must be complemented by categor- (1986) argues that “biographical materials [not only] . . . sup- ical distinctiveness—in other words, a comprehensive theory ply a rich set of facts about childhood experiences and career of types. development . . . [but] such secondary sources can offer the basis for personality assessments as well” (p. 150). This concern with categorical distinctiveness is reflected in the work of Lyons (1997), who used the Myers-Briggs Type Etheredge (1978) used a hybrid psychodiagnostic/expert- Indicator (MBTI; Myers & McCaulley, 1985) as a frame of rating approach. As subjects he selected 36 U.S. presidents, reference for systematically extracting data from secondary- secretaries of state, and presidential advisors who served be- source biographies to construct a typological profile of U.S. tween 1898 and 1968 and “assessed personality traits by president Bill Clinton, which he then used as a framework for searching scholarly works, insiders’ accounts, biographies, analyzing President Clinton’s leadership style. However, in and autobiographies” of his subjects (p. 437). Specifically, applying the Myers-Briggs model qualitatively, Lyons’s ap- Etheredge excerpted passages relevant to two dimensions: proach is somewhat impressionistic, lacking the empirical dominance–submission and introversion–extroversion. He basis essential for assessing dimensional prominence and the deleted explicit information and cues regarding the identity nomothetic focus necessary for comparative study. of the political figures and then rated them on the two per- sonality dimensions of interest, along with two independent A noteworthy aspect of Lyons’s method is that he used one judges who were unaware of the subjects’ identities. set of biographies, predating Bill Clinton’s election as presi- dent, for extracting personality data and another set, focusing Etheredge (1978), in commenting on “troublesome on the Clinton presidency, for inferring leadership style (see methodological issues” in such “second-hand assessment of Lyons, 1997, p. 799). This is consistent with the solution historical figures,” raises an important problem with respect implied in Greenstein’s (1992) critique that to atheoretical trait approaches to the study of personality: single-case and typological studies alike make inferences about A man like Secretary [John Foster] Dulles could be dominant over the inner quality of human beings . . . from outer manifestations— his subordinates yet deferential to a superior. This social context their past and present environments . . . and the pattern over time must be standardized explicitly. I chose to assess dominance by of their political responses. . . . They then use those inferred con- assessing dominance over nominal subordinates on the as- structs to account for the same kind of phenomena from which sumption that a person’s inner desire to dominate would be less they were inferred—responses in situational contexts. The danger inhibited and show itself more clearly in this sector of life. In ad- of circularity is obvious, but tautology can be avoided by dition, since America’s use of force has often been directed reconstructing personality from some response patterns and using against smaller countries, I felt this was the most relevant ten- the reconstruction to explain others. (pp. 120–121) dency of international behavior that would generalize. (p. 437) Greenstein’s point is valid insofar as it highlights the in- Etheredge’s concerns highlight the indispensability of sys- herent danger of pseudoexplanations of leadership behaviors tematic import in personality-in-politics theorizing. Theory- in terms of mere diagnostic labels. However, Lyons’s ap- driven conceptualization safeguards the psychodiagnostician proach seems overly reductionistic and risks reifying the against several pitfalls in Etheredge’s reasoning. Most impor- scientific method. At the operational level, it may be useful to tant, in spuriously identifying a problem where none in fact view personality as the independent variable and leadership existed, Etheredge introduced troubling confounds. The as the dependent variable—as if they were causally related. pattern that Etheredge observed with respect to Secretary Conceptually, however, the relationship is fundamentally cor- Dulles transparently conveys a prototypical instance of the relational. The fallacy involved in construing personality and distinctive interpersonal conduct of highly conscientious (or leadership as hypothetical cause and effect, respectively, is compulsive) personalities. In stark contrast, highly dominant akin to the so-called third-variable problem in correlational personalities consistently assert themselves in relation to studies: Rather than manifest personality properties (x) caus- both superiors and subordinates. ing observed leadership style (y), both variables likely express a common latent structure (z); to paraphrase Millon In lacking a prior personality taxonomy and proceeding (1996), the “opaque or veiled inner traits” undergirding the atheoretically, Etheredge missed an important, politically “surface reality” (p. 4) of both observed variables. relevant distinction with respect to dominance. Clearly, a purely dimensional scale can obscure important distinctions Millon’s system offers abundant prospects for psychodi- among disparate personality types. In short, dimensional agnostic analysis of biographical data. Several personality in- ventories have been developed to assess personality from a

Situational Variables, Experiential Filters, and Political Performance 615 Millonian perspective. Best known among these is the widely career), inclusiveness of literary genre (e.g., biography, auto- used Millon Clinical Multiaxial Inventory–III (MCMI-III; biography, scholarly analysis, and media reports), and the Millon, Davis, & Millon, 1996), a standard clinical diagnos- writer’s perspective (e.g., a balance between admiring and tic tool employed worldwide. The Millon Index of Personal- critical accounts). ity Styles (MIPS; Millon, 1994a) was developed to assess and classify personality in nonclinical (e.g., corporate) set- Personality Inventory tings. Similarly, Strack (1991) developed the Personality Adjective Check List (PACL) for gauging normal personality Greenstein (1992) criticizes analysts who “categorize their styles. Oldham and Morris, in their trade book, The New Per- subjects without providing the detailed criteria and justifi- sonality Self-Portrait (1995), offer a self-administered instru- cations for doing so” (p. 120). In Immelman’s (1999) ment congruent with Millon’s model. Immelman (1999; approach, the diagnostic criteria are documented by means of Immelman & Steinberg, 1999) adapted the Millon Inventory a structured assessment instrument, the second edition of the of Diagnostic Criteria (MIDC) from Millon’s work, specifi- MIDC (Immelman & Steinberg, 1999), which was compiled cally for the assessment of personality in politics. and adapted from Millon’s (1990, 1996; Millon & Everly, 1985) prototypal features and diagnostic criteria for normal Immelman (1998, 2002) uses the MIDC to synthesize, personality styles and their pathological variants. The justifi- transform, and systematize diagnostically relevant informa- cation for classification decisions is provided by documenta- tion collected from the literature on political figures (primar- tion from independent biographical sources. The Millon ily biographical sources and media reports) into Millon’s Inventory of Diagnostic Criteria Manual (Immelman, 1999) (1990) four data levels (behavioral, phenomenological, in- describes the construction, administration, scoring, and inter- trapsychic, and biophysical). The next section outlines the pretation of the MIDC. The 12 MIDC scales (see Immelman, Millonian approach to political personality assessment. 1999, 2002, for the full MIDC taxonomy) correspond to major personality patterns posited by Millon (e.g., 1994a, A Theory-Driven Psychodiagnostic 1996) and are coordinated with the normal personality styles Assessment Methodology described by Oldham and Morris (1995) and Strack (1997). Favoring the more systematic, quantitative, nomothetic Diagnostic Procedure approach advocated by Simonton (1986, 1988, 1990), Immelman (1993, 1998, 2002) adapted Millon’s model of The diagnostic procedure can be summarized as a three-part personality (1986, 1990, 1994a, 1996; Millon & Davis, 2000; process: first, an analysis phase (data collection) in which Millon & Everly, 1985) for the indirect assessment of person- source materials are reviewed and analyzed to extract and ality in politics. Immelman’s (1999) approach is equivalent to code diagnostically relevant psychobiographical content; Simonton’s (1986, 1988) in that it quantifies, reduces, and or- second, a synthesis phase (scoring and interpretation) in ganizes qualitative data extracted from the public record. It is which the unifying framework provided by the MIDC proto- dedicated to quantitative measurement, but unlike the cur- typal features, keyed for attribute domain and personality rently popular five-factor model, which is atheoretical, the pattern, is employed to classify the diagnostically relevant in- Millonian approach is theory driven. The assessment method- formation extracted in phase 1; and finally, an evaluation ology yields a personality profile derived from clinical analy- phase (inference) in which theoretically grounded descrip- sis of diagnostically relevant content in biographical tions, explanations, inferences, and predictions are extrapo- materials and media reports, which provides an empirical lated from Millon’s theory of personality, based on the basis for predicting the subject’s political performance and personality profile constructed in phase 2 (Immelman, 1998, policy orientation (Immelman, 1998). 1999, 2002). Sources of Data SITUATIONAL VARIABLES, EXPERIENTIAL FILTERS, AND POLITICAL PERFORMANCE Immelman (1998, 1999, 2002) gathers diagnostic informa- tion pertaining to the personal and public lives of political Greenstein (1992) cautions against “the psychologizing and figures from a variety of published materials, selected with a clinical fallacies” of explaining behavior in terms of person- view to securing broadly representative data sets. Pertinent ality while ignoring situational determinants (p. 121). This, selection criteria include comprehensiveness of scope (e.g., coverage of developmental history as well as political

616 Personality in Political Psychology of course, is simply the familiar fundamental attribution error political performance (see Renshon, 1996a, p. 47; 1996b, (Ross, 1977). Clearly, a comprehensive model of personality pp. 194–199), stripped of its surplus Kohutian self-psycho- in politics should account for the impact of situational vari- logical significance, is not incompatible with Hermann’s no- ables and the cultural context on political performance and tion of experiential filters. recognize that certain personal characteristics (e.g., training and experience) serve as filters for the political expression of Systematic Import in a Generative Theory of personality. Personality and Political Performance The best known integrative framework for political psy- In his introduction to a special issue of the journal Leadership chology is the conceptual map developed by M. Brewster Quarterly devoted to political leadership, guest editor Dean Smith (1968), which illustrates interactions among distal and Keith Simonton (1998) asserted that “political leadership has proximate social antecedents, the social environment, the im- received inadequate attention by researchers who specialize mediate situation, personality processes and dispositions of in the study of leadership” (p. 239). To highlight the dispro- political actors, and political behavior. Smith’s conceptual portionate focus of leadership research on small problem- map has been exhaustively detailed in the political psychol- solving groups, Simonton noted that a recent edition of the ogy literature and will not be recapitulated here. The reader is classic Bass & Stogdill’s Handbook of Leadership (Bass, referred to Smith (1968, 1973), Greenstein (1969, pp. 25–31; 1990) dispensed with the topic of political leadership in only cf. Greenstein’s 1992, pp. 114–116, reformulation), and four pages. Stone and Schaffner (1988, pp. 32–43). Hermann (1986) demarcated the requisite scope of inquiry Filter Variables That Modulate the Impact by specifying five ingredients necessary for understanding of Personality on Political Performance political leadership: An important aspect of Hermann’s (1980, 1987) model of (1) the leader’s personality and background, as well as the [lead- personality in politics is that it stipulates not only the condi- ership] recruitment process . . .; (2) the characteristics of tions under which personal characteristics will most directly the groups and individuals whom the leader is leading; (3) the influence political behavior (e.g., the wide decision latitude nature of the relationship between the leader and those he leads; of leaders in authoritarian regimes), but also specific filter (4) the context or setting in which the leadership is taking place; variables that modulate the impact of personality on political and (5) the outcomes of interactions between the leader and performance. A high-level political leader’s training, experi- those led in specific situations. (p. 169) ence, or expertise has “a dampening effect” on the impact of personal characteristics on government behavior because it Clearly, Hermann accords personality a prominent place increases the range or repertoire of policy-relevant, role- in the study of political leadership. She elaborates by speci- related behaviors available to the leader (Hermann, 1987, fying seven personal characteristics that influence political p. 166). Sensitivity to the environment similarly inhibits the leadership: (a) the leader’s basic political beliefs, which in- impact of personality in politics. According to Hermann fluence “the kinds of goals and strategies the leader will urge (1987), “the more sensitive the leader is to cues from his po- on his [or her] political unit”; (b) the leader’s political style, litical environment, the more likely other types of factors are which contributes to the structure and function of the politi- to intervene in this relationship” (p. 166). Hermann’s em- cal unit; (c) the leader’s motivation for seeking a political ployment of this particular variable as a filter is problematic leadership position, which shapes “the general focus of at- in that social responsiveness is in essence a personality trait. tention of the leader’s behavior”; (d) the leader’s reaction to Finally, interest in foreign affairs (or in any aspect of politics stress and pressure, which has a bearing on the kinds of is- for that matter, depending on the political domain of interest) sues prone “to cause problems for the leader and how detri- “acts as a motivating force” (Hermann, 1980, p. 13); it mental and pervasive stress is likely to be”; (e) the manner “enhances the effect of a leader’s [personal] orientation on in which the leader was first recruited into a political leader- government policy” by increasing his or her participation in ship position, which is instrumental in determining “how the decision-making process and restricting the delegation of free of political debts and obligations” he or she will be and authority in the political domain of interest (Hermann, 1987, predicts “the rhetoric and practices” that the leader will tend p. 166). to revert to; (f) the leader’s previous political experience, which signifies how qualified he or she is for the position It is worth noting that Renshon’s construal of “skills and and “what strategies and styles have paid off for the leader” talents” that mediate the relationship between character and over time; and (g) the unique generational experiences of the

An Evolutionary Model of Personality and Political Performance: The Strategic Modalities 617 leader upon embarking on a political career, in terms of the AN EVOLUTIONARY MODEL OF PERSONALITY prevailing political climate that helped “shape the norms and AND POLITICAL PERFORMANCE: beliefs” of the leader and his or her constituents (pp. 173– THE STRATEGIC MODALITIES 180). Paralleling the conceptual foundations of his personological Developing a comprehensive model of political leadership model, Millon’s (1996, chapter 5) strategic modalities of ap- is beyond the scope of the present endeavor, which is dedi- plied psychological intervention are derived from three uni- cated primarily to mapping out a generative conceptual versal, interacting domains or spheres of evolutionary and framework and methodology for studying personality in pol- ecological principles (1990; Millon, this volume): existence itics. Nonetheless, there is heuristic value in broadly stipulat- (the pain–pleasure polarity), adaptation (the passive–active ing the major tenets for an evolving theory of political polarity), and replication (the other–self polarity). A practical leadership synergistically superimposed upon a comprehen- operationalization of these three polarities is provided by the sive, generative model of personality in politics. Of central Millon Index of Personality Styles (MIPS; Millon, 1994a; relevance in this regard are Hermann’s (1986) first two cf. Millon, this volume), which assesses them in accordance personal characteristics surmised to influence political lead- with six “motivating aims”: life enhancement (pleasure seek- ership: political beliefs impinging on a leader’s goals or ing) versus life preservation (pain avoidance), ecologic mod- strategies, and stylistic elements that fashion the structural ification (active) versus ecologic accommodation (passive), and functional attributes of political units. These core charac- and reproductive propagation (self-individuating) versus teristics are important signposts for a generative theory of reproductive nurturance (other-nurturing). personality and political performance compliant with Hempel’s (1965) canon of systematic import. The MIPS also assesses four “cognitive modes,” or predilections of abstraction, consonant with Carl Jung’s To this end, Millon’s evolutionary model of personality (1921/1971) theory of types. Unlike the three universal moti- provides a practical point of departure. David Buss (1999) vating aims, the cognitive modes represent a distinctly has bluntly asserted that “theories of personality inconsistent human sphere of functioning and were thus redundant with with evolutionary principles stand little or no chance of respect to deriving Millon’s (1990, 1996) original taxonomy being correct” (p. 52). Paralleling Millon’s (1996, chapter 5) of adaptive and maladaptive personality styles from evolu- construal of a personologically based evolutionary model tionary ecology. However, precisely by virtue of the fact that of psychotherapeutic intervention, an applied personologic abstraction “concerns the emergence of uniquely human model of leadership can be construed as encompassing both competencies that foster anticipatory planning and reasoned strategic and tactical modalities. From this frame of refer- decision making” (Millon, 1999, pp. 442–443; Millon, this ence, strategic dimensions of political leadership would volume), the cognitive modes are critical with respect to consist of generalized, personality-based leadership orienta- deducing a synergistic, personological model of political per- tions, including higher-order political aims and long-term formance. Moreover, the four distinctly human cognitive policy goals and preferences, whereas tactical (stylistic) propensities will likely be at the forefront of future advances modalities of political leadership would consist of more con- in Millon’s personality system, judging from his current con- crete, focal leadership objectives and political maneuvers, viction that predilections of abstraction, the most recent stage typically dictated by circumstances but shaped both by the of evolution, comprise “central elements in personologic leader’s underlying structural and functional personality derivations” (Millon, this volume). attributes and by his or her higher order strategic aims and goals. The distinction between strategic and tactical modali- It is noteworthy that in terms of evolutionary theory, ties of political performance is equivalent to the distinction Osgood’s (Osgood, Suci, & Tannenbaum, 1957) three seman- between philosophical and instrumental beliefs in George’s tic differential dimensions, namely evaluation (good–bad), (1969) operational code construct. Philosophical (epistemo- potency (strong–weak), and activity (active–passive), can logical) beliefs include a leader’s “assumptions and be conceptually linked to, respectively, Millon’s (1990) premises” about “the fundamental nature of politics” and pleasure–pain, self–other, and active–passive polarities. “the nature of political conflict,” whereas instrumental beliefs relate to “ends–means relationships in the context of Aims of Existence: The Pain–Pleasure Polarity political action” (p. 199). When reconceptualized in evolu- tionary terms, this general perspective provides a heuristic The two-dimensional (i.e., two linearly independent vectors) basis for an emergent personological interpretation of pain–pleasure polarity (Millon, 1990, pp. 51–64; Millon, this political performance. volume) is conceptualized in terms of, respectively, life

618 Personality in Political Psychology enhancement (pleasure seeking) and life preservation (pain and dignity” (Hermann, 1987, p. 167). In Millon’s evolution- avoidance): “acts that are ‘attracted’ to what we experien- ary terms, the motivating aim of nationalism clearly is a life- tially record as ‘pleasurable’ events (positive reinforcers) . . . preserving (pain-avoidant) orientation. [versus] behaviors oriented to ‘repel’ events experientially characterized as ‘painful’ (negative reinforcers)” (Millon, The pain–pleasure dimension also provides evolutionary this volume). underpinnings for Barber’s (1972/1992) fourfold (active– passive × positive–negative) categorization of presidential Hypothetically, the pain–pleasure polarity could partially character, in which positivity–negativity is described in terms account for individual differences in ideological (e.g., of enjoyment derived from political office. Positive leaders liberal–conservative) resonance in politics. In evolutionary have a generally optimistic outlook and derive pleasure from terms, liberalism can be construed as a primary concern the duties of public office, whereas negative leadership has a “with improvement in the quality of life” and “behaviors that more pessimistic tone, being oriented toward pain aversion. improve survival chances,” and conservatism as an avoid- ance of “actions or environments that threaten to jeopardize Finally, the pain–pleasure dimension suggests a possible survival” (Millon & Davis, 2000, p. 58). Thus construed, evolutionary basis for the three management models pro- liberals seek to maximize survival by seeking pleasure (life posed by Johnson (1974) and employed by George and Stern enhancement, or positive reinforcement), whereas conserva- (1998) to classify the policy-making structures and advisory tives seek to maximize survival by avoiding pain (life preser- systems favored by recent U.S. presidents. vation, or negative reinforcement). Formalistic chief executives prefer “an orderly policy- The nature of the relationship between personality and ide- making [sic] structure, . . . well-defined procedures, hierar- ology has been a perennial concern in political psychology chical lines of communication, and a structured staff system” and remains a topic worthy of study. As early as 1907, William (George & Stern, 1998, p. 203). In evolutionary terms, they James drew a personological distinction between two ideo- seek to preserve life by minimizing pain. logically relevant philosophical temperaments: optimistic, idealistic tender-mindedness versus pessimistic, materialistic Competitive chief executives encourage “more open and tough-mindedness—a position compatible with Millon’s uninhibited expression of diverse opinions, analysis, and ad- (1990) life-enhancement and life-preservation polarities. vice” and tolerate or encourage “organizational ambiguity, overlapping jurisdictions, and multiple channels of commu- Evolutionary theory also may shed new light on an unre- nication to and from the president” (George & Stern, 1998, solved controversy in political psychology, namely the de- p. 203). In evolutionary terms, they seek to enhance life by bate over authoritarianism as fundamentally a right-wing maximizing pleasure. phenomenon versus authoritarianism as an expression of both right-wing and left-wing ideological extremism. Collegial chief executives attempt to benefit from the ad- Eysenck (1954) proposed a two-factor theory that among its vantages of both the competitive and formalistic approaches classifications conceptualized fascists as tough-minded con- while avoiding their pitfalls. Thus, they strive for “diversity servatives, communists as tough-minded radicals, and liber- and competition in the policymaking system,” balanced by als as tender-minded moderates. Paul Sniderman (1975) “encouraging cabinet officers and advisers to identify at least conjectured that low self-esteem encourages both left-wing partly with the presidential perspective” and “encouraging and right-wing extremism. More consonant with Millon’s collegial participation” (George & Stern, 1998, p. 203). In pain–pleasure polarity, Silvan Tomkins’s (1963) polarity evolutionary terms, collegial executives are intermediate on theory posits that people with more humanistic, left-wing, both the pleasure-seeking and pain-avoidant polarities. ideo-affective postures (or scripts) both express and are more receptive to positive affect, whereas those with more norma- The systematic import of a generative theory is implicit tive, right-wing scripts tend to be more responsive to nega- in the suggestion that Johnson’s (1974) management model tive affect. Stone (1980; Stone & Smith, 1993), a leading fails to account for at least two additional executive styles: com- critic of what he calls the myth of left-wing authoritarianism, plex types high on both the pleasure-seeking and pain-avoidant has argued on empirical grounds that the evidence for left- polarities, and undifferentiated types low on both valences. wing authoritarianism is flawed (see Altemeyer, 1996; McFarland, Ageyev, & Abalakina, 1993) and that authoritar- Modes of Adaptation: The Passive–Active Polarity ianism is, in essence, a right-wing phenomenon. The passive–active polarity (Millon, 1990, pp. 64–77; Millon, In Hermann’s conceptual scheme, a core belief compo- this volume) is conceptualized in terms of ecologic modifi- nent shaping a leader’s worldview is nationalism, which cation (active) and ecologic accommodation (passive); that is, emphasizes “the importance of maintaining national honor “whether initiative is taken in altering and shaping life’s events or whether behaviors are reactive to and accommodate those events” (Millon, this volume).

An Evolutionary Model of Personality and Political Performance: The Strategic Modalities 619 The passive–active dimension provides evolutionary un- value the needs of others versus an individuating self- derpinnings for Barber’s (1972/1992) fourfold (active–passive orientation that seeks to realize personal potentials before at- × positive–negative) categorization of presidential character, tending to the needs of others (Millon, 1994a, p. 6; Millon, this in which activity–passivity is described in terms of energy in- volume). vested in political office. In evolutionary terms, a passive orientation can be construed as “a tendency to accommodate to In political psychology, three social motives (which in a given ecological niche and accept what the environment Hermann’s conceptual scheme are postulated to contribute to offers,” whereas an active orientation can be construed as “a a leader’s worldview) are regarded as playing a key role in tendency to modify or intervene in the environment, thereby leader performance: need for power, need for achievement, adapting it to oneself” (Millon & Davis, 2000, p. 59). and need for affiliation (Winter, 1987, 1998). In evolutionary terms, the need for power, involving “the desire to control, The passive–active dimension also provides an evolu- influence, or have an impact on other persons or groups” tionary basis for Etheredge’s (1978) fourfold (high–low (Hermann, 1987, p. 167), suggests a self-individuating repli- dominance × introversion–extroversion) classification of cating strategy, as does the need for achievement, which personality-based differences in foreign-policy operating involves “a concern for excellence” and personal accomplish- style and role orientation. High-dominance introverts (bloc ment (Winter, 1998, p. 369). Conversely, the need for or excluding leaders such as Woodrow Wilson and Herbert affiliation, reflecting “concern for establishing, maintaining, Hoover) actively seek to reshape the world, typically by or restoring warm and friendly relations with other persons or means of containment policies or by tenaciously advancing groups” (Hermann, 1987, p. 167), suggests an other-nurturing a personal vision. High-dominance extraverts (world or replicating strategy. Hermann’s (1987) expansionist, active- integrating leaders such as Theodore Roosevelt, Franklin D. independent, and influential orientations are more self- Roosevelt, John F. Kennedy, and Lyndon B. Johnson) ac- oriented, whereas her mediator-integrator, opportunist, and tively seek to reshape the world through advocacy and prag- developmental orientations are more other-oriented. matic leadership on a wide range of foreign-policy fronts. Low-dominance introverts (maintainers such as Calvin Hermann (1980) also posits two key elements of interper- Coolidge) tend to persevere with the existing order, pas- sonal style that, in conjunction with decision style, shape a sively pursuing a foreign policy that amounts to “a holding leader’s personal political style: distrust of others and task action for the status quo.” Low-dominance extraverts (con- orientation (see Hermann, 1987, pp. 163, 167). In evolution- ciliators such as William McKinley, William Taft, Warren ary terms, the trust–distrust and task–relationship dimen- Harding, Harry Truman, and Dwight D. Eisenhower), sions of leadership are easily reconceptualized as surface though revealing a preference for accommodating to exist- manifestations of the other–self bipolarity. ing arrangements, are more flexible and open to change, tending “to respond to circumstances with the sympathetic The two key elements of decision style in Hermann’s (1980) hope that accommodations can be negotiated” (Etheredge, framework are conceptual complexity and self-confidence, 1978, pp. 449–450). which she construes (following Ziller, Stone, Jackson, & Terbovic, 1977), as jointly determinative of “how ideological Finally, in Hermann’s (1980, 1987) conceptual scheme, a or pragmatic a political leader will be” (Hermann, 1987, core belief contributing to a leader’s worldview, along with p. 164). Ziller (1973) developed a social-psychological theory nationalism, is belief in one’s own ability to control events. In of personality that examines two components of the self- evolutionary terms, a more efficacy-oriented, internal locus concept—self-esteem and complexity of the self-concept—in of control implies an active-modifying motivating aim, in the context of responsiveness to the views of others. Ziller et al. contrast to a more external locus of control, which suggests a (1977) conducted a series of important studies investigating passive-accommodating mode of adaptation. Hermann’s the effects of the four self–other orientations (high/low self- (1987) expansionist, active-independent, and influential ori- esteem × high/low self-complexity) on political behavior. entations are more actively oriented, whereas her mediator- They found that, in terms of political behavior, persons with integrator, opportunist, and developmental orientations are high self-esteem and high self-complexity (apoliticals) “have more passively oriented. difficulty being responsive” to others; persons with low self- esteem and high self-complexity (pragmatists) “are quite re- Strategies of Replication: The Other–Self Polarity sponsive” to the opinions of others; persons with high self-esteem and low self-complexity (ideologues) “are gener- The other–self polarity (Millon, 1990, pp. 77–98) is conceptu- ally nonresponsive” to the opinions of others; and persons with alized in terms of, respectively, reproductive nurturance (other) low self-esteem and low self-complexity (an indeterminate and reproductive propagation (self): a nurturing tendency to type) “are highly responsive within a narrow range of social stimuli” (Ziller et al., 1977, pp. 179–180). According to Ziller

620 Personality in Political Psychology and his coworkers, low self-esteem/high self-complexity prag- 4. The integrating–innovative bias polarity relates to assim- matists and high self-esteem–low self-complexity ideologues ilative (systematizing) versus imaginative (innovating) “parallel the two leadership roles which have been observed in modes of knowledge transformation; that is, knowledge small groups, the task role (ideologue) and the socio-emotional assimilation versus cognitive accommodation. role (pragmatist)” (p. 193). Implicitly, Choiniere and Keirsey (1992) cross the Stone and Baril (1979), elaborating on the findings of tangible–intangible cognitive mode with the other–self moti- Ziller et al. (1977), used self–other orientation as a concep- vating aim to yield a fourfold (realistic, concrete vs. intuitive, tual basis for postulating two distinctive political prototypes, abstract mode of thought and speech ϫ moral sanctioning vs. each having a different motivational base. The pragmatist— pragmatic utilitarian value orientation) categorization of U.S. akin to Barber’s (1965) active-negative advertiser—is moti- presidents as Guardians (concrete sanctioners), Idealists vated by power seeking to compensate for low self-esteem (abstract sanctioners), Artisans (concrete utilitarians), and Ra- (as anticipated by Lasswell, 1948), being driven by self- tionals (abstract utilitarians; pp. 8–10; see also pp. 598–602). enhancement and self-promotion. The second political per- Furthermore, Choiniere and Keirsey’s (1992) model of “pres- sonality type, the ideologue—akin to Barber’s (1965) idential temperament” distinguishes two variants of each active-positive lawmaker—is more other oriented, appar- type—directing and reporting (pp. 11–12)—a distinction that ently having a sincere interest in good legislation (defined appears to be a surface manifestation of Millon’s (1990) as either pursuing ideological goals or as serving a active–passive polarity. Thus, when reconceptualized in terms constituency). of Millon’s (1994a) three universal evolutionary motivating aims and four cognitive modes, there are eight distinct leader- Stone and Baril’s (1979) construal of self- and other- ship styles: active-realist utilitarians (Operator Artisans such oriented political personality types, in concert with Barber’s as Theodore Roosevelt, Franklin D. Roosevelt, John F. (1965, 1972/1992) scheme, lends empirical and theoretical Kennedy, and Lyndon B. Johnson); passive-realist utilitarians support for the utility of Millon’s (1990) other–self polarity (Player Artisans such as Warren Harding and Ronald Reagan); in an overarching theory of political personality and perfor- active-intuitive utilitarians (Organizer Rationals such as mance. In addition, Ziller et al.’s (1977) explication of four Herbert Hoover and Dwight D. Eisenhower); passive-intuitive self–other orientations in relation to social responsiveness utilitarians (Engineer Rationals such as Thomas Jefferson offers a conceptual substrate for Hermann’s (1980, 1987) and Abraham Lincoln); active-realist sanctioners (Monitor notion of “sensitivity to the [political] environment” as a fil- Guardians such as George Washington, Woodrow Wilson, ter for modulating the influence of personal characteristics on Calvin Coolidge, Harry Truman, Jimmy Carter, and Richard political behavior. Nixon); passive-realist sanctioners (Conservator Guardians such as William McKinley, William Taft, Gerald Ford, and Predilections of Abstraction: The Cognitive Polarities George H. W. Bush); active-intuitive sanctioners (Mentor Idealists); and passive-intuitive sanctioners (Advocate Ideal- The cognitive modes of abstraction (Millon, 1990, pp. 42–43, ists). There have been no Idealist U.S. presidents; however, 1994a, pp. 3–4, 6–7, 21–27), which encompass “the sources Choiniere and Keirsey (1992) present Mohandas Gandhi and employed to gather knowledge about the experience of life and Eleanor Roosevelt as prototypes of, respectively, the Mentor the manner in which this information is gathered and trans- and Advocate Idealist. formed” (Millon, this volume), are conceptualized in terms of four polarities subserving two superordinate functions, AN EVOLUTIONARY MODEL OF PERSONALITY namely information sourcing and transformational process- AND POLITICAL PERFORMANCE: ing of cognitive data: THE TACTICAL MODALITIES 1. The external–internal orientation polarity involves extra- Millon’s (1996, chapter 5) tactical modalities of applied psy- ceptive (extraversing) versus intraceptive (introversing) chological intervention are conceptually anchored to his modes of information gathering or knowledge sourcing. eight structural and functional personality domains, encom- passing the behavioral, phenomenological, intrapsychic, and 2. The tangible–intangible disposition polarity entails realis- biophysical levels of analysis. Millon (1996) notes that the tic (sensory, concrete) versus intuitive (abstract) modes of eight domains “are not themselves the parts of personality, attending to, selecting, and perceiving information. 3. The ideational–emotional preference polarity pertains to intellective (thinking) versus affective (feeling) modes of information processing.

Conclusion 621 but do serve as a means of classifying the parts or constructs Two of Greenstein’s (2000) presidential leadership and per- of personality” (p. 183). There is heuristic value in employ- formance qualities, namely vision (which subsumes both the ing a parallel organizational scheme to classify the constructs power to inspire and consistency of viewpoint) and cognitive of political performance (leadership and decision making). style, assemble at this data level. At a minimum, such a heuristic model establishes explicit links between the source domain of personality and the target Intrapsychic Level domain of political performance. Both Hermann’s (1987) trust–distrust dimension (a compo- Biophysical Level nent of interpersonal style) and George and Stern’s (1998) orientation toward political conflict (which influences a Fundamentally, Barber’s (1972/1992) dimensions of activity– leader’s choice of policy-making system) lend themselves to passivity and positive affect/negative affect constitute a analysis at the intrapsychic data level. Indeed, numerous per- temperamental (i.e., having a predisposition to activity and sonological and social-psychological perspectives relevant to emotionality) construct. Thus, Barber’s construal of “presi- political leadership, judgment, and decision making converge dential character” offers a congenial framework for deducing at the intrapsychic level, including the ego-defensive notion biophysical (temperamental and affective) modalities of of scapegoating as a form of displaced aggression (Adorno presidential performance. et al., 1950; Hovland & Sears, 1940); the belief in a just world and blaming the victim (Lerner, 1970) as a form of de- The biophysical modality also is capable of accommodat- fensive attribution; and the problem of defensive avoidance ing the notion of emotional intelligence, one of the six key in political decision making (Janis & Mann, 1977). The in- qualities in Greenstein’s (2000) schema for describing presi- trapsychic modality also offers a heuristic frame of reference dential leadership style and job performance. The flawed for examining psychodynamic aspects of xenophobia, ethnic presidencies of Lyndon B. Johnson, Richard Nixon, Jimmy hatred, and the so-called roots of evil (Staub, 1989) as ex- Carter, and Bill Clinton all serve as stark reminders of the pressed in political leadership. pernicious effects that failed emotional management can have on presidential performance. More significant, however, CONCLUSION is that this modality offers a congenial framework for accom- modating the emerging biopolitical perspective (e.g., Political psychologists recognize that political outcomes are Marcus, 2001; Masters, 1989) on the psychology of politics. governed by a multitude of factors, many of them indetermi- nate. Nonetheless, the study of personality in politics has Behavioral Level advanced sufficiently to permit broad personality-based per- formance predictions and to pinpoint a political candidate’s The ubiquitous task–relationship dimension, prevalent in con- specific strengths and limitations. temporary theories of leadership (including that of Hermann, 1986), presents a clear-cut instance of a personality-based A coherent psychodiagnostic framework capable of cap- leadership orientation observed at the behavioral level. The turing the critical personological determinants of political behavioral modality also represents the appropriate data level performance, embedded in a broad range of attribute domains for assessing Renshon’s (1996b) “three distinct aspects of across the entire matrix of the person—not just the individ- presidential and political leadership: mobilization, orchestra- ual’s motives, operational code, integrative complexity, or tion, and consolidation” (p. 226). Three of Greenstein’s (2000) personality traits—is the one indispensable tool without six stylistic and performance qualities can be assembled at the which the assessment of personality in politics can neither behavioral level of analysis: organizational capacity, effec- prevail nor prosper. tiveness as a public communicator, and political skill. Although this chapter has but scratched the surface in Phenomenological Level breaking new ground for the construction of a generative, evolutionary foundation for personality-in-politics inquiry, I Numerous personality-based leadership traits and qualities join Theodore Millon (coeditor of this volume) in reflecting converge on the phenomenological data level, including con- as he did upon concluding his epoch-making Toward a New ceptual complexity (Hermann, 1974, 1987), integrative com- Personology: An Evolutionary Model (1990): plexity (Suedfeld, 1994), cognitive style (George & Stern, 1998), sense of efficacy and competence (George & Stern, Some may very well argue they just struggled through an au- 1998), and judgment/decision making (Renshon, 1996b). thor’s need not only to impose an unnecessary order but to frame

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Author Index Abalakina, M., 618 Allport, G., 17 Abel, L., 103 Allport, G. W., 66, 162, 299, 383, 392, 465, 489, 491, 492, 494, 607 Abelson, J. A., 96 Almada, S. J., 95 Abelson, R. P., 191, 310, 363, 390, 406 Almagor, M., 60, 236 Abraham, L. M., 312 Alpert, N. M., 95 Abrahams, S., 390 Altemeyer, B., 485, 509, 510, 521, 522, 618 Abrams, D., 435, 489, 495 Altman, I., 421, 424, 425, 429, 431, 435, 437, 438 Abramson, L. Y., 171, 383 Alwin, D., 545 Abramson, P. R., 292 Amato, P. R., 465 Ackerman, B. A., 542 Amelang, M., 88 Ackerman, P. L., 233, 235 American Psychiatric Association, 73, 127, 155, 606, 609 Adair, R. K., 328, 330 Amir, Y., 491 Adams, A. M., 491 Amit, D. J., 404 Adams, D., 591 Anastasio, P. A., 494, 495, 496, 497, 498 Adams, J. S., 469, 538, 544 Anderson, C. A., 289, 572, 580 Adinoff, B., 92, 99 Anderson, D. C., 289 Adler, A., 122 Anderson, J. R., 199 Adlercreutz, H., 106 Anderson, K. B., 572 Adlin, R., 104 Anderson, N. B., 528 Adolfsson, R., 77 Anderson, N. H., 259, 364, 371 Adorno, T., 36 Anderson, S. F., 104 Adorno, T. W., 271, 485, 508, 509, 590, 601, 621 Andreason, N. C., 89 Agarie, N., 549, 554 Andreoli, V., 364 Ageyev, V., 618 Andrews, A. M., 78 Agnew, C. R., 448 Andrews, F. M., 574 Aguet, M., 106 Andrews, G., 77 Ahlering, R. F., 391 Angleitner, A., 234, 242 Ahmad, N., 476, 478 Angleitner, A., 62, 63, 65, 67, 69, 70, 73, 75, 76 Aiello, J. R., 424 An-Na’im, A. A., 591 Aikin, K. J., 515, 518 Ansseau, M., 77, 96 Ainsworth, M. D., 328, 449 Anton, R. J., 548 Ainsworth, M. D. S., 124, 129 Apanovitch, A. M., 354 Ajjanagadde, V., 202 Appleby, R. S., 584 Ajzen, I., 299, 303, 307, 309, 311, 315, 316, 317, 357, 370 Appleyard, D., 432 Akiyoshi, J., 77 Aquan-Assee, J., 451 Alba, J. W., 263, 365 Arad, S., 510 Albarracín, D., 312, 370 Arbisi, P., 92 Albert, R. D., 366 Archer, D., 572 Alberts, W., 404 Archer, J., 105 Albright, J. S., 489 Archer, R. L., 451, 494 Albright, L., 335 Arcury, T. A., 438 Aldeguer, C. M. R., 478 Arends, L. R., 244, 245 Alden, L. E., 212, 394 Argyle, M., 356 Alexander, C. N., 398 Arkes, H. R., 370 Alexander, F., 129–130 Arkin, R. M., 341 Alibali, M. W., 199 Arkkelin, D., 422 Allard, L. M., 449 Armitage, C. J., 310, 315, 316 Allen, A., 340 Armstrong, G. M., 360 Allen, J. L., 475 Armstrong, T. L., 488, 489, 494, 499, 500 Allen, V. L., 401 Arndt, J., 274 Allison, K. W., 527 Arnold, M. B., 287, 293 Allison, S. T., 309 Aron, A., 493 Alloy, L. B., 171, 383 Aron, A. P., 289 Allport, F. H., 399 Aronson, E., 367, 368, 369, 387, 389, 390, 479, 491, 492 627

628 Author Index Bardo, M. T., 92 Bargh, J., 516 Aronson, J., 317, 367, 529, 530, 531 Bargh, J. A., 32, 118, 173, 180, 258, 266, 267, 268, 271, 276, 293, 305, Arps, K., 475 Arriaga, X. B., 448 310, 354, 365, 383, 489 Arseneault, L., 105 Baril, G. L., 620 Arvey, R. D., 312 Barker, R. G., 422, 432, 433, 434 Asai, M., 77 Barndollar, K., 276 Åsberg, M., 78, 101, 104 Barnes, R. D., 430 Asch, S. E., 259, 397, 398, 401, 601 Baron, L., 540 Asendorpf, J. B., 239 Baron, R. A., 292, 392, 548, 571 Asher, S. B., 589 Baron, R. S., 276, 277 Asher, S. L., 328 Baron-Cohen, S., 257 Asherson, P., 72, 73 Barr, D. L., 89 Ashton, M. C., 61, 308 Barratt, E. S., 98, 103 Aspinwall, L. G., 292 Barreto, M., 496 Assanand, S., 292 Barrett-Howard, E., 544 Asuncion, A. G., 365 Barrientos, S., 475 Atkins, A. L., 410 Barron, J. W., 124 Atlas, R. S., 577 Barr-Zisowitz, C., 283 Audrain, P. C., 293 Bar-Tal, D., 362, 465, 471, 581 Auerbach, J., 101 Bartholomew, K., 209 Auerbach, J. S., 221 Bartlett, F. A., 262 Aulakh, C. S., 93 Bartussek, D., 90 Austin, J. T., 186 Bass, B. M., 616 Austin, W., 452, 456 Bassett, R., 396 Averill, J. R., 176, 287 Bassili, J. N., 309, 310, 311, 354 Avia, M. D., 60, 73 Bateson, J. E. G., 432 Axelrod, R., 257, 393, 404 Batson, C. D., 317, 470, 474, 475, 476, 477, 478, 493, 550 Ayllon, T., 137, 138, 156 Batson, J. G., 475, 478 Azar, S. T., 576 Battin-Pearson, S. R., 578 Azjonc, R. B., 262 Baulu, J., 100 Azrin, N. H., 138, 146, 156 Baum, A., 422, 429 Azuma, H., 38 Baum, C. S., 429 Bauman, Z., 427 Babinet, C., 106 Baumann, D. J., 466, 470 Bachman, B. A., 494, 495, 496, 497, 498, 500 Baumeister, B. F., 327, 329, 330, 343 Bachman, G., 522 Baumeister, R. F., 186, 198, 327, 328, 330, 331, 332, 333, 334, 335, 336, Bachner-Melman, R., 78 Bachrach, H., 521 337, 338, 339, 342, 345, 369, 381, 392, 575 Back, K., 406 Baurmann, M. C., 541, 554 Baddeley, A., 120 Bayly, M. J., 475 Baddeley, A. D., 269, 426 Beach, K. R., 356, 357 Badenes, D., 438 Beach, S. R., 312 Baer, L., 95 Beach, S. R. H., 340 Baeyens, F., 362 Beaman, A. L., 475 Bagby, R. M., 93, 104 Beaton, A. M., 5135 Bagozzi, R. P., 370 Beauducel, A., 90, 98 Bailey, J., 515 Beauvois, J. L., 369 Baker, L. A., 76 Beck, A. J., 579 Baker, S. M., 371 Beck, A. T., 176, 177 Bakhtin, M. M., 43 Beck, L., 307 Balakrishnan, J. D., 212 Beck, U., 427 Baldwin, J. A., 343 Becker, F. D., 425 Baldwin, M. W., 310, 363 Becker, G., 90 Ball, D., 72, 73 Becker-Fischer, M., 552 Ballenger, J. C., 99, 100, 104 Bedell, S. J., 478 Banaji, M. R., 118, 267, 271, 274, 276, 292, 305, 355, 356, 357, 371, 519 Bedics, J., 209, 221 Bandura, A., 155, 216, 384, 465, 466, 478, 553, 570, 571 Bednar, L. L., 476, 493 Banker, B. S., 488, 492, 494, 499, 500 Bednar, R., 334 Banks, C., 32 Beebe, B., 223 Banks, W. C., 32 Beer, R. D., 202 Baque, E. F., 95 Behan, A., 449 Barash, D. P., 7, 8, 585 Behrens, D. A., 580 Barber, J. D., 600, 601, 602, 605, 611, 618, 619, 620, 621 Bell, D. W., 300, 302, 304, 310, 316, 360, 523, 524 Barbey, G., 424 Bell, I., 90 Barclay, L. C., 334 Bell, P. A., 422