Key Figures in Medieval Europe - An Encyclopedia

["B BACON, ROGER (ca. 1213\/19\u20131292) very much in the medieval tradition, and his ultimate aim was the advancement of the new learning as a useful tool Little is known of the origins of Roger Bacon, Fran- for religion. At the same time his enthusiastic support ciscan philosopher and scientific thinker. He was born for and synthesis of the new science helped introduce ca. 1213\u201319. His writings reveal his English origins: it into European intellectual life. his birthplace is unknown. His family was well-off and scholarly, able to assist him in the buying of books and Further Reading scientific instruments. Educated at Oxford and Paris, he received the degree of master of arts around 1240 Primary Sources and lectured on Aristotle\u2019s natural philosophy for many years. Burke, Robert B., trans. The Opus Maius of Roger Bacon. 2 vols. Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1928. Under the influence of the works of Grosseteste and Arab authors, Bacon devoted himself to the study Lindberg, David C., ed. and trans. Roger Bacon\u2019s Philosophy of of mathematics, and languages, including Greek and Nature: A Critical Edition. Oxford: Clarendon, 1983. Hebrew. He also conducted observational experiments, especially in optics. He entered the Franciscan order Secondary Sources in 1257 but found Franciscan attempts to censor his writings disturbing. He appealed to the future Pope Crowley, Theodore. Roger Bacon: The Problem of the Soul in His Clement IV for assistance in the compilation of a great Philosophical Commentaries. Louvain: \u00c9ditions de l\u2019Institut encyclopedia of the sciences. As a result of papal encour- Sup\u00e9rieur de Philosophie, 1950. agement Bacon composed the Opus maius, Opus minus, and Opus tertium\u2014works that described his proposed Easton, Stewart C. Roger Bacon and His Search for a Universal reform of education and society, criticized magic, sug- Science. Oxford: Blackwell, 1950. gested calendar reform, and emphasized the importance of scientific knowledge for Christianity. Janice Gordon-Kelter For reasons not entirely clear to us his works were BEATRIJS VAN NAZARETH (1200\u20131268) again condemned in 1278 by the head of his order, owing to \u201ccertain suspect novelties.\u201d It is possible that The Brabantine mystic Beatrijs van Nazareth was born his interest in alchemy, astrology, and the teachings of in 1200, the youngest child of a burgher family in Joachim of Fiore, the Italian mystical preacher, led to his Tienen (in the present-day Belgian province of Flemish- condemnation. As a result Bacon may have been impris- Brabant); for that reason she is also known as Beatrijs oned for several years, although he continued to study van Tienen. She evidently was trained in the medieval and write. His last work, Compendium studii theologiae liberal arts (artes liberales), showing a good knowledge (1292), still assailed the corruption of his day. of Latin. In 1215 she took the solemn vows as a Cister- cian nun. In 1236 she moved to the convent in Nazareth Although many of his works were forgotten after his (near the town of Lier), where she was prioress until her death, Bacon was rediscovered in the Elizabethan period death in 1268. as a prototype of the modern \u201cscientist.\u201d Bacon\u2019s moder- nity now appears exaggerated; his experimentalism was Quite a lot is known about the life of this mystic thanks to the Latin text Vita Beatricis, written in the last quarter of the thirteenth century by an anonymous Cistercian monk. Allegedly this vita was based on a 57","BEATRIJS VAN NAZARETH BEATUS OF LI\u00c9BANA (8th century) diary that Beatrijs kept in Middle Dutch, but which is Participant in the adoptionist controversy, commentator now lost. The only surviving work by her is entitled Van on the Apocalypse; very little is known about his life be- seven manieren van heileger minne (The Seven Steps yond his participation in the former. He appears to have of Holy Love), a short treatise in prose, dealing with been a priest or a monk in Li\u00e9bana (Cantabria). In 785 seven aspects of the love for God. This work dates back he coauthored (with Eterius, who would later become to 1250 and is therefore one of the oldest Middle Dutch bishop of Osma) a letter to Elipandus, the metropolitan texts in prose (together with some works by the other of Toledo, that denounced the latter\u2019s belief that Christ Brabantine mystic, Hadewijch). Van seuen manieren van had adopted his human nature at the time of the Incar- heileger minne has come down to us in three manuscripts nation. This letter was prompted by one written a short from the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries, always in time before by Elipandus to an abbot Fidelis, asking him combination with other texts. to reprimand Beatus and Eterius for an earlier challenge to his views on the Incarnation. At stake, at least from Beatrijs van Nazareth is, alongside Hadewijch, one of Elipandus\u2019 perspective, was not only doctrinal accuracy the most prominent representatives of female mysticism but the continued authority of the metropolitan see of in the medieval Low Countries. Her treatise was prob- Toledo over the greater Spanish church. Beatus was ably meant for people within her own circle, possibly also attacked in two subsequent letters from the bishops as an introduction into the spiritual life for the novices of Spain to the bishops of Gaul and to Charlemagne, of her own convent. Beatrijs considers the love of man respectively, expressing their support for the adoption- for God to be a gift of God and describes in seven steps ist position. Charlemagne responded by convening the the experience of joy and longing as well as tension and Council of Frankfurt in 794, at which the assembled agony caused by this spiritual minne. The ultimate goal bishops condemned adoptionism as heresy. of mystical ascent, according to Beatrijs, is the fulfill- ment of love and the union of the soul with its heavenly Beatus is better known today as the author of a bridegroom. commentary on the Apocalypse, though the evidence supporting this attribution is circumstantial. The first Beatrijs\u2019s treatise reveals influences of the amor version of the commentary was finished in 776, with (love of God) concept as was current in twelfth-century subsequent editions in 784 and 786. The commentary is Northern French spirituality, prominently expressed in little more than a compilation of the opinions of previ- texts of Cistercian origin. In the minne, then, God reveals ous authorities on the subject, though the names of the Himself and man is free to comply with that love; in sources from which the author drew reveal something love, man can meet God. of the range of materials available to a scholar in the early period of the Asturian monarchy. The conserva- The works of Beatrijs and Hadewijch are of the ut- tism of the author is interesting in light of the fact that most importance for the development of Middle Dutch he was writing more than fifty years after the Muslim as a written language. Both mystics tried to express the invasion and thus was in a position to cast the invaders role of the divine and the experiencing of God in their in an apocalyptic role, if he had been so inclined. The lives, while realizing that their vernacular falls short primary significance of the commentary lies not in the vis-\u00e0-vis such an endeavor. Thus they frequently made text but in the illuminations that accompany it in the use of neologisms, using the language in a creative way. many manuscripts of the work that have survived from They laid the foundations of a Middle Dutch mystical the tenth through the twelfth centuries. These so-called language, which made itself felt in the oeuvre of Jan \u201cBeatos\u201d contain some of the most impressive examples van Ruusbroec and, through him, in the writings of the of the so-called Mozarabic artistic style. Modern Devotion, a later religious movement. See also Charlemagne See also Hadewijch; Jan van Ruusbroec Further Reading Further Reading \u201cBeati et Eterii Adversus Elipandum.\u201d Corpus Christianorum Carton, M. J., trans. \u201cBeatrice of Nazareth. The Seven Steps of 59 (1984), 320\u201322. Love.\u201d Cistercian Studies 19 (1984): 31\u201342. Colbert, E. \u201cThe Martyrs of C\u00f3rdoba (850\u2013859): A Study of Vekeman, Herman W. J. \u201cBeatrijs van Nazareth. Die Mystik einer the Sources.\u201d Ph.D. diss., Catholic University of America. Zisterzienserin,\u201d In Peter Dinzelbacher and Dieter R. Bauer, Washington, D.C., 1962. ed. Frauenmystik im Mittelalter. Ostfildern: Schwabenverlag, 1985, pp. 78\u201398. Collins, R. The Arab Conquest of Spain, 710\u2013797. Oxford, 1989. \u2014\u2014. Hoezeer heeft God mij bemind. Beatrijs van Nazareth (1200\u20131268). Vertaling van de Latijnse Vita met inleiding en Saunders, H. (ed.) Beati in Apocalypsim libri duodecim. Rome, commentaar. Kampen\/Averbode: Kok\/Altiora, 1993. 1930. Vekeman, Herman W. J., and Jacques J. Th. M. Tersteeg, ed. Kenneth B. Wolf Beatrijs van Nazareth. Van seuen manieren van heileger min- nen. Zutphen: Thieme, 1971. An Faems 58","BEAUMANOIR, PHILIPPE DE REMI, BECKET, THOMAS SIRE DE (ca. 1250\u20131296) also treated in the somewhat later Belle Helaine de Constantinople and Lion de Bourges. A Hungarian Jurist, author, and royal official, Beaumanoir came from princess who cuts off her right hand rather than marry the village of Remy, near Compi\u00e8gne, where his family her father incestuously is set adrift and lands in Scotland, held a fief from the abbey of Saint-Denis. He was the where she marries the king, only to be betrayed by his second son of Philippe de Remi (ca. 1205\u2013ca. 1265), mother; set adrift again, she lands in Rome, where she who served as bailli of G\u00e2tinais for Robert, count of is miraculously healed, reunited with her husband, and Artois, from 1237 to 1250. By 1255, the father had reconciled with her father. Jehan et Blonde, perhaps apparently built a manor house on the property, for he based in part on the Roman de Horn and deeply influ- then styled himself \u201clord of Beaumanoir,\u201d a title that enced by the romances of Chr\u00e9tien de Troyes, tells the passed to his heir, Girard, then to the younger Philippe story of an impecunious French knight, Jehan, who rises at Girard\u2019s death. Beaumanoir fils began his administra- in the world by serving as squire to the Count of Oxford tive career in 1279 as bailli of Clermont-en-Beauvaisis and winning the love of Blonde, the count\u2019s daughter; it for Robert, count of Clermont. In 1283, he completed can be read as a how-to manual for success at court and the Coutumes de Beauvaisis, a systematic treatise on for moral behavior by lordly vassals. The 15th-century customary law composed in Francien prose with strong prose romance Jehan de Paris is a free adaptation of traces of Picard. Beaumanoir declares in his prologue Jehan et Blonde. that it is essential to write down the legal customs of the region so that they can be maintained without change Further Reading \u201cbecause, since memories are fleeting and human lives are short, what is not written is soon forgotten.\u201d His Philippe de Remi, sire de Beaumanoir. CEuvres po\u00e9tiques, ed. book was widely copied in the Middle Ages (thirteen Hermann Suchier. 2 vols. Paris: SATF, 1884\u201385, Vol. 1: La manuscripts extant, ten or eleven other copies known Manekine, Vol. 2: Jehan et Blonde; po\u00e9sies diverses. [Based to be lost) and is today considered the most significant on the unique MS (B.N. fr. 1588).] work on French customary law of the 13th century. In 1284, Beaumanoir was knighted and entered royal ad- \u2014\u2014. La Manekine: roman du XIIIe si\u00e9cle, trans. Christiane ministration; he served as seneschal of Poitou (1284\u201387) Marcello-Nizia. Paris: Stock, 1980. [Modern French.] and Saintonge (1287\u201389), then as bailli of Vermandois (1289\u201391), Touraine (1291\u201392), and Senlis until his \u2014\u2014. Philippe de Remi\u2019s \u201cLa Manekine,\u201d ed. and trans. Irene death (1292\u201396). Gnarra. New York: Garland, 1990. Since the 1870s, a substantial body of narrative \u2014\u2014. Jehan et Blonde de Philippe de R\u00e9mi: roman du XIIIe and lyric poetry has been attributed to the author of si\u00e8cle, ed. Sylvie L\u00e9cuyer. Paris: Champion, 1984. [Modern the Coutumes: two romances in octosyllabic verse, La French trans., 1987.] Manekine (8,590 lines) and Jehan et Blonde (6,262 lines), both signed Phelippe de Remi; at least three \u2014\u2014. \u201cLes chansons de Philippe de Beaumanoir,\u201d ed. Al- chansons courtoises, two naming the poet Phelippe de fred Jeanroy. Romania 26 (1897): 517\u201336. [From B.N. fr. Remi; a moralistic fabliau, Fole Larguece; and several 24406.] shorter poems, including a Salu d\u2019amours signed Phe- lippe de Beaumanoir, two fatrasies, and an Ave Maria. \u2014\u2014. Coutumes de Beauvaisis, Vol. 1 and 2: ed. Am\u00e9d\u00e9e Salmon. Traditional scholarship holds that Beaumanoir com- Paris: Picard, 1899\u20131900 [English trans. by F.R.P. Akehurst. posed most of these works as Philippe de Remi while Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1992]. Vol. 3: in his twenties, between 1270 and 1280, and assumed Commentaire historique et juridique par Georges Hubrecht. the name Philippe de Beaumanoir only in 1279, when Paris: Picard, 1974. he turned his energies to law and administration. Some recent scholars, troubled by the unusual productivity of Dufournet, Jean, ed. Un roman \u00e0 d\u00e9couvrir: \u201cJean et Blonde\u201d de such a young man and by the disparity between courtly Philippe de Remy (XIIIe si\u00e8cle). Paris: Champion, 1991. and legal subjects, prefer to attribute all the poetry to the father and date it between 1237 and 1262. A major factor Gicquel, Bernard. \u201cLe Jehan et Blonde de Philippe de R\u00e9mi underlying the revisionist attribution is the revival of a peutil \u00eatre une source du Willehalm von Orlens?\u201d Romania turn-of-the-century Germanist argument that Rudolf von 102 (1981); 306\u201322. Ems used both romances as sources for his Willehalm von Orlens, completed before 1243. Attribution and Shepherd, M. Tradition and Re-Creation in Thirteenth-Century dating of the poetry remain open questions. Romance: \u201cLa Manekine\u201d and \u201cJehan et Blonde\u201d by Philippe de R\u00e9mi. Amsterdam: Rodopi, 1990. La Manekine is a pious adventure romance based on the folklore motif of \u201cThe Maiden Without Hands,\u201d Mary B. Speer BECKET, THOMAS (1120\u20131170) England\u2019s best-known saint and martyr. Archbishop Thomas was murdered in Canterbury Cathedral on 29 December 1170 by four household knights of Henry II. He subsequently became one of the greatest medieval cult figures and Canterbury one of Europe\u2019s greatest pilgrimage centers. Thomas, son of a respectable, moderately wealthy London merchant, was educated in an Augustinian 59","BECKET, THOMAS volatile and inflexible on minor points. Thus repeated attempts to compromise failed over obscure sometimes priory, a London grammar school, and Paris in its silly demands. preuniversity days. From 1143 to 1145 he was appren- ticed to a London banker, enjoying a wild, frivolous While Henry grudgingly yielded on specific issues life; he supported the Angevin side in the civil war of \u2013\u2013at last virtually acceding to Thomas\u2019s demands\u2014he Stephen\u2019s reign. Thereafter he joined the household underhandedly resurrected Becket\u2019s worldly reputation of Archbishop Theobald of Canterbury, where his as chancellor and torpedoed one settlement by refusing companions included John of Salisbury, Gilbert Foliot, the Kiss of Peace. While Thomas was admired for his Roger of Pont l\u2019\u00c9v\u00eaque, John of Pagham, and John of immovable, righteous stance, he so offended nearly Canterbury\u2014scholars and future bishops who together everyone that he was hated almost universally in his suggested a protouniversity. He learned superb admin- victory. When compromise came (at Freteval, 1170), istrative skills, derived from Theobald\u2019s training at the Thomas ruined it, returning to England and promptly hands of his own predecessors, Lanfranc and Anselm. excommunicating all Henry\u2019s supporters\u2014including Theobald supported the Angevins against Stephen and most of the bishops. This further enraged the four al- went into exile; Thomas accompanied him to Rome, ready-infuriated knights who took Henry\u2019s exasperated learning international diplomacy. As papal legate after statement that none of his household were helping him 1150 Theobald arranged Henry of Anjou\u2019s succession against Thomas as a signal for murder. as Henry II. Becket\u2019s supporters declared him a martyr. But no When Henry acceded in 1154 at age 22, his English modern historian has yet explained satisfactorily his backers, seeking to control, counsel, and educate him, motivations and actions. He claimed, following his chose Thomas as the chancellor (1155\u201362). Becket be- predecessor Anselm, to fight for God and Right. In- came almost Henry\u2019s alter ego and best friend, raising deed he succeeded in forcing Henry to submit to papal the office of chancellor to new heights of power and formulations of canon law and partial papal control, responsibility. His magnificent lifestyle\u2014the grandeur yet only at the near-destruction of the English church, and ostentation befitting the king\u2019s constant companion of which Thomas was shepherd and guardian. Thus in hunting, gaming, feasting, and joking\u2014would haunt Thomas still remains a mystery, a mass of contradic- him later. But he counseled Henry to rule justly for the tions and controversies\u2014as his companions suggested, welfare of kingdom and church, and Henry obeyed. a \u201csacred monster,\u201d Theobald is said to have designated Thomas as his successor. See also Henry II; Lanfranc of Bec Henry chose Thomas for Canterbury, primate of the Further Reading English church, on Theobald\u2019s death (1162). Immedi- ately Thomas underwent a surprising transformation; Barlow, Frank. Thomas Becket. London: Weidenfield & Nicol- from model courtier he became model archbishop. His son, 1986. lavish extravagance became lavish charity, his house- hold of courtiers became one of scholars and learned Knowles, David. The Episcopal colleagues of Archbishop Thomas lawyers. Days of hunting and feasting became days of Becket. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1970. study, devotion, and prayer. Scholars still cannot explain this metamorphosis. Knowles, David. Thomas Becket. Cambridge: Cambridge Uni- versity Press, 1970. Becket, now a fanatic reformer, clashed with Henry over royal and ecclesiastical rights. Thomas claimed Radford, Lewis B. Thomas of London before His Consecration. his duty was to rule the church according to \u201claw and Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1894. right\u201d\u2014by which he may have meant the canon law just then being systematized by the papal court. Henry Saltman, Avram. Theobald, Archbishop of Canterbury. London: insisted on his duty to preserve England\u2019s \u201cancestral Athlone, 1956. customs\u201d\u2014later the \u201cprecedents\u201d of English common law\u2014as crystallized in the Constitutions of Clarendon Smalley, Beryl, The Becket Conflict and the Schools: A Study of (1163). Thomas protested violently, fleeing into exile Intellectuals in Politics. Oxford: Blackwell, 1973. (1164). During the next six years both men sent secret missions to Pope Alexander III, the French king, the Wilks, Michael, ed. The World of John of Salisbury. Oxford: German emperor, and counts, abbots, bishops, and Blackwell, for the Ecclesiastical History Society, 1984. archbishops throughout Europe to gain allies. Reams of propagandistic letters flew from court to court, re- Sally N. Vaughn plete with deceptions, half-truths, and manipulations of public and private opinion. Neither man displayed BEDE THE VENERABLE (CA. 673\u2013735) statesmanlike talents in this contest, both remaining Honored as \u201cthe Venerable\u201d even in his own day, Bede (Baeda Beda in earliest sources) was the foremost educa- tor, exegete and historian of his epoch, the Northumbrian Golden Age. Of his life Bede himself provides nearly all we know, in the short autobiographical note he appended to the last chapter of his Ecclesiastical History of the English People, with a list of his numerous writings. He 60","occasionally gives a personal detail in one of his other BEDE THE VENERABLE works. Bede was born on land that a year or two later (674) was given by King Oswiu (Oswy) to Benedict Natural History. Near the beginning and near the end of Biscop to build the very monastery Bede would enter his distinguished writing career Bede composed works at age seven, St. Peter\u2019s, Wearmouth. In 681, two years on time and its calculation. The first, De temporibus, after Bede\u2019s initiation into the community, Benedict a radical revision of material in Isidore\u2019s Etymologies established at nearby Jarrow the twin foundation of St. and Irish supplements, consists of 22 brief chapters on Paul\u2019s, formed as an integral part of a single monastery measurement of time, the six ages of the world, and a with St. Peter\u2019s. At some point Bede was transferred short chronicle of the most important events in salva- to this new foundation under the strict and learned tion history. His recalculation of the time spans of each Ceolfrith, whose place was later filled by Hw\u00e6tberht. age according to Jerome\u2019s translation of the Hebrew With the exception of a few short trips to Lindisfarne Bible instead of Jerome\u2019s earlier figures from Eusebius and York Bede spent his entire life as a monk-scholar led to a charge of heresy being leveled against Bede in at St. Paul\u2019s. Bishop Wilfrid\u2019s court at Hexham, on the grounds that he placed Christ in the fifth instead of the sixth age\u2014a Ordained a deacon at the age of nineteen (six years charge he vigorously denied in a formal and ferocious before the usual canonical age), Bede then proceeded to letter to Plegwin, a monk of Hexham. the priesthood at age 30 (703). He became the \u201cbeloved father and master,\u201d as his disciple Cuthbert called him, of Bede\u2019s students found the first book on time to be too the thriving intellectual and spiritual center of learning. dense for easy learning, so Bede remedied this by pro- Bede taught the basic disciplines of grammar and com- ducing a new, expanded version, De temporum ratione. putus: grammar, the science of the Latin language and After initial chapters on finger calculation, Greek and its interpretation; computus, the science of determining Roman letters symbolizing numbers, various aspects of time, especially the ensemble of rules by which the date time and historical modes of measurement he proceeds, of Easter is reckoned. Since the master in many early as he did in the De temporibus but in much greater detail, monasteries was also responsible for teaching psalmody, from the smallest to the largest units of time. He includes Bede also may have taught chant. a chapter on English months, with precious information for students of Germanic and Anglo-Saxon culture. He Bede wrote several educational treatises to comple- concludes the work with an extended discussion of the ment the texts available from late antiquity. He wrote ages of the world. \u201ca book on the art of meter,\u201d the De arte metrica, a systematic exposition of Latin versification by means Bede considered all his educational treatises, gram- of a judicious compilation of late-antique commentaries matical and scientific, as preparatory instruction for on the grammarian Donatus, demonstrated by examples the study of scripture. Although Bede is known today from Virgil and Christian poets. The book makes evident mainly as an historian, in his own time and throughout Bede\u2019s qualities as a textbook writer: apt selection, con- the Middle Ages he was known primarily as an exegete. centration on essentials, simplicity, and precision. His The books of the Bible he chose to interpret are of two own contribution to metrical history is his description in kinds: those that were already favorites of the Fathers, chapter 24 of isosyllabic stress rhythm, accentual meter, such as the commentaries on Genesis and on Luke, which eventually superseded quantitative Latin verse and those that were largely ignored by earlier exegetes, in medieval poetry. Bede appended to this work his De such as the commentaries on Ezra and Nehemiah and schematibus et tropis, \u201ca small book on figures of speech on the New Testament Catholic Epistles. Both filled or tropes, that is, concerning the figures and modes of pedagogical needs: the former, selected and simpli- speech with which the holy scriptures are adorned.\u201d fied for his English pupils, display Bede\u2019s talents as an Bede adds considerably to Donatus\u2019s section on the trope adapter and synthesizer; and the latter, supplementing of allegory, with a section on symbol in deeds and in the Fathers, demonstrate his originality within the ex- words. Bede\u2019s De orthographia, \u201ca book about orthog- egetical tradition. raphy,\u201d consists of short alphabetized entries about the meaning and correct usage or spelling of words likely Bede\u2019s usual method of commentary is the early- to cause difficulties for a medieval Latinist. medieval one of phrase-by-phrase exegesis of a biblical text, from beginning to end; it is a process of rumination, For the basic curriculum Bede composed another fostered in the monastic tradition. Bede relies heavily little educational piece, De natura rerum, \u201ca separate on Augustine for doctrine and much of his exposition, book on the nature of things,\u201d serving as an introduction but in interpretive spirit he favors Gregory the Great, to cosmology in 51 chapters on the earth, the heavens, with whom he shares a kind of spiritual affinity. Like stars, and planets. The text, a reworking and betterment Gregory and many of the Fathers he interprets the Bible of Isidore\u2019s Liber rotarum and Pseudo-Isidore\u2019s De both literally (according to the basic, obvious, surface ordine creaturarum, incorporates much from Pliny\u2019s meaning) and allegorically (according to the deeper, hidden, spiritual, symbolic meaning). Bede\u2019s exegeti- cal practice is eclectic and literary. If appropriate, he 61","BEDE THE VENERABLE his use, arrangement, and omission of materials, Bede was also the first to relate the history of England. He will point out the typology (an Old Testament event as is the first literary authority for a structured history prefiguration of the New). Often he presents a twofold stretching from Roman Britain, the invasions of the relationship in a text, with a single allegorical inter- Angles, Saxons, and Jutes, some events in Scotland and pretation superimposed upon the literal meaning, At Ireland, to the mission of Augustine to Kent, Paulinus to other times he spreads out a threefold meaning, either Northumbria, the doings of Theodore, Chad, and Acca, historical, allegorical, and moral (applying to one\u2019s own the power and glory of Northumbria, and events in the life) or historical, allegorical, and anagogic (applying to recent past. Each division contains memorable events the final Judgment), or he follows the fourfold method told with extraordinary but restrained artistry: Gregory of historical, allegorical, tropological (moral), and ana- the Great\u2019s apostolic love for the English, the conver- gogic interpretations. Though he derived this schema sion of King Edwin and his people, King Oswald and from Cassian, Bede became the definitive authority in St. Aidan, Abbess Hild and the poet C\u00e6dmon. the Middle Ages for it. In addition to his biblical com- mentaries he compiled two biblical aids, a compendium Bede\u2019s title tells us that his work belongs to the genre on the places of the Holy Land, derived primarily from and tradition of ecclesiastical history, based on biblical the itinerarium of Adomn\u00e1n, and a gazetteer explaining rather than classical concepts of time and event, presup- and locating places mentioned in the Bible. posing a theocentric universe in which the secular is understood in terms of the sacred, tracing the progress For Bede preaching was a priest\u2019s primary func- of the church as it advances in time and geography. tion and had a special, even sacramental, significance: Furthermore it is \u201cof the English people,\u201d treating the preachers are the successors of the prophets and Anglo-Saxons as one nation, God\u2019s chosen, even though apostles. For the liturgical year he composed two books divided into kingdoms and privileging Northumbria in of 25 homilies each. In hagiography Bede revised the the later books. The first three books of the History deal lives of various saints, including Felix, Athanasius, and primarily with the christianization of the English; the Cuthbert; he also composed an historical martyrology, last two describe the way in which the Christian life 114 brief accounts of martyrs\u2019 lives and deaths, which developed among them, especially in Northumbria. The played an important role in the development of the first book sweeps through 650 years, whereas each of Roman martyrology. Although Bede wrote \u201ca book of the remaining four covers about a generation. Dedicated hymns in various meters and rhythms\u201d and \u201ca book of to Ceolwulf, king of Northumbria (729\u201337), the His- epigrams in heroic and elegiac meter,\u201d we now possess tory emphasizes the good and bad influence of various only a few of each, about two dozen poems in all. These Anglo-Saxon kings; it also stresses the influence of the include a poetic tour de force in honor of St. \u00c6thelthryth, clergy and their activity, offering as models John of Hex- the famous Hymnos canamus gloriae, and the even more ham (Beverley), Aidan, and especially Cuthbert, with famous De die iudicii, on Judgment Day. Although well whom the History comes to a climax in book 4.27\u201332. versed in OE poetry, he may not have composed the In contrast to Stephens admiring Life of Wilfrid, Bede five-line OE poem called \u201cBede\u2019s Death Song,\u201d which adroitly diminishes the worth and importance of Bishop he recited on his deathbed. Wilfrid by downplaying his role in the Northumbrian church and passing over in silence some major facts Bedes fame today derives mainly from his work as an in Wilfrid\u2019s career, such as the Council of Austerfield, historian. His histories not only provide us with infor- even while giving Wilfrid credit for gaining the victory mation now known only because of him; as products of of the Roman practice of Easter-dating and tonsure his mature scholarship and long writing career they also over the Irish faction under Colm\u00e1n at the Synod of mark momentous advances in the science of historiogra- Whitby in 664. phy. His History of the Abbots of Wearmouth and Jarrow first describes the life and career of the great founder of The History is written in a soberly elegant Latin. It the monastery, Benedict Biscop, then incorporates and was translated into OE during the period of King Alfred. edits the anonymous life of Abbot Ceolfrith, fused with Over 150 manuscripts from the Middle Ages and many descriptions of the abbots Eostorwine and Sigefrith, editions and translations of the History attest to its per- and ending with Bede\u2019s coeval Hw\u00e6tberht. Although during importance and interest. No one was comparable he attributes no miracles to any of the five remarkable to Bede as an historian until the 12th century, and his abbots, he represents them in this monastic chronicle work still provides medieval English historians with as splendid characters. Unlike the two world chronicles endless topics for research and discussion. he appended to his treatises on time his Ecclesiastical History of the English Peoples is history in the grand Bede wrote a number of formal instructional letters, and full scale, which has gained Bede the well-deserved one of which has great historical importance, his late title of \u201cfather of English history.\u201d Letter to Ecgbert, a disciple who was to become the first archbishop of York (735) and whose brother Eadberht The first Englishman to write history with a full sense of historical responsibility and with control by 62","would become king of Northumbria (737). Whereas BEDFORD, JOHN DUKE OF the Ecclesiastical History ends on an optimistic note of Christian progress, the letter paints a bleak picture Brown, George Hardin. Bede the Venerable. Boston: Twayne, of greed, subterfuge, and fraud. Outspoken and con- 1987 [with bibliography of editions and studies until 1986] demnatory of pseudo-monasteries and ecclesiastical and secular abuses, Bede details a program of reform. Goffart, Walter. The Narrators of Barbarian History (A.D. To meet the needs of far-flung and hard-to-reach com- 550\u2013800). Ch. 4, \u201cBede and the Ghost of Bishop Wilfrid,\u201d munities, he proposes that new bishoprics be founded, Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1988, pp. 235\u2013328 based, and financed at prosperous monasteries. [extensive, speculative investigation of Bede\u2019s motives as an historian]. Bede became an author in great demand after his death. By the 9th century the admiration for Bede was Lapidge, Michael. \u201cBede\u2019s Metrical Vita S, Cuthberti.\u201d In St. so extensive that he was considered a Father of the Cuthbert, His Cult and His Community to AD 1200, ed. Gerald Church. Venerated now by Anglicans and Catholics Bonner, David Rollason, and Clare Stancliffe. Woodbridge: alike, he bears the title of saint and doctor of the Catholic Boydell, 1989, pp. 77\u201393. church. Lapidge, Michael, ed. Bede and His World: The Jarrow Lectures See also Alfred the Great; 1958\u20131993. 2 vols. Aldershot: Variorum, 1994. Augustine of Canterbury; C\u00e6dmon McCready, William D. Miracles and the Venerable Bede. Toronto: Further Reading Pontifical Institute, 1994. Primary Sources Wallace-Hadrill, J.M. Bede\u2019s Ecclesiastical History of the Eng- lish People: A Historical Commentary. Oxford: Clarendon, The collected works of Bede (Bedae venerabilis opera) are being 1988. reliably edited by various hands in the Corpus Christiano- rum Series Latina (CCSL). Turnhout: Brepols, 1955\u2013[vols. Webb, J.F. The Age of Bede, Harmondsworth: Penguin, 1983 118A\u201322 so far]. [with translations of selected works]. Colgrave, Bertram, ed. and trans. Two Lives of St. Cuthbert, George Hardin Brown Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1940. BEDFORD, JOHN DUKE OF (1389\u20131435) Colgrave, Bertram, and R.A.B. Mynors, eds. and trans. Bede\u2019s Ecclesiastical History of the English People. Oxford: Clar- Third son of Henry IV; created duke of Bedford in 1414, endon, 1969. he was a courageous soldier and gifted administrator. He served with distinction during the reign of his brother, Connolly, Se\u00e1n, trans. Bede: On the Temple. Liverpool: Liverpool Henry V, safeguarding the Scottish border and defeat- University Press, 1995. ing a Franco-Genoese fleet at the Battle of the Seine (1416). After Henry\u2019s death in 1422 he became Regent Holder, Arthur G., trans. Bede: On the Tabernacle. Liverpool: of France. His determined efforts to protect the rights Liverpool University Press, 1994. of Henry VI, the young heir of Henry and Katherine of Valois, were a remarkable accomplishment upon which Hurst, David, trans. The Commentary on the Seven Catholic his fame and political reputation deservedly rest. Epistles. Cistercian Studies 82. Kalamazoo: Cistercian Pub- lications, 1985. In the first years of regency Bedford was able to extend Henry V\u2019s conquests. His emphatic victory at Jaager, Werner, ed. Bedas metrische Vita sancti Cuthberti. Pa- Verneuil (1424), where he fought with \u201cthe strength of laestra 198. Leipzig: Mayer & M\u00fcller, 1935 [verse life of a lion,\u201d led to the subjugation of Maine and northern Cuthbert]. Anjou. But the advent of Joan of Arc in 1429 trans- formed the situation. The English were forced onto Martin, Lawrence T., and David Hurst, trans. Homilies on the the defensive, and Bedford, conservative in religious Gospels. 2 vols. Kalamazoo: Cistercian Publications, 1991. outlook, saw Joan as a witch whose enchantments and sorcery punished the English for a lack of sound faith. Miller, Thomas, ed. and trans. The Old English Version of Bede\u2019s The constant campaigning of Bedford\u2019s last year wore Ecclesiastical History of the English People. EETS o.s. 95, away his strength; his death in September 1435, com- 96, 110, 111. London: Tr\u00fcbner, 1890\u201398. bined with the defection of the Burgundians as allies, dealt Lancastrian France a blow from which it never Plummer, Charles, ed. Venerabilis Baedae opera historica. 2 vols. recovered. Oxford: Clarendon, 1896. Repr. in 1 vol. Oxford: Clarendon, 1946 [introduction and notes still valuable]. Bedford earned high praise from English and French chroniclers alike. A great landowner and possessor of Sherley-Price, Leo, trans. The Ecclesiastical History of the rich manuscripts, vestments, and plate, he cleverly ex- English People. Rev, R.E. Latham. Harmondsworth: Pen- ploited the media of painting, pageantry, and poetry to guin, 1968. promote the cause of the dual monarchy of Henry VI over England and France. His strong sense of justice, Tanenhaus, Gussie Hecht, trans. \u201cBede\u2019s De Schematibus et whether disciplining his troops or punishing brigands, Tropis\u2014A Translation.\u201d Quarterly Journal of Speech 48 won him universal respect. His encouragement of (1962): 237\u201353. Repr. in Readings in Medieval Rhetoric, trade and commerce led to a revival of Normandy\u2019s ed. Joseph M. Miller et al. Bloomington: Indiana University economic fortunes; his willingness to employ French Press, 1973, pp. 76\u201380. Secondary Sources For recent Bedan research see \u201cThe Year\u2019s Work in Old English Studies.\u201d Old English Newsletter, Winter issues, and the an- nual bibliography in Anglo-Saxon England. 63","BEDFORD, JOHN DUKE OF music, thus making them sung epics (Sangvers-Epen), they hold the distinction of being the final specimens of administrators and his use of native institutions gave Middle High German epic material that was sung. All of his regime considerable authority. Beheim\u2019s oeuvre can in fact be performed to music, and he perhaps surprisingly leaves to his audience a choice of Less of a diplomat than Henry V, Bedford sometimes modes of reception. In the foreword to the Buch von der allowed pride and quick temper to get the better of him. statt Triest he states, for example, that \u201cyou can read it His relations with the Burgundians were not always like a rhymed book or sing it like a song\u201d (man es lesen easy, and he never fully gained the confidence of the mag als ein gereimptes puch oder singen als ain lied). English aristocracy. His regency nevertheless was a By presenting an alternative to traditional, communal, superb political and military accomplishment. oral song performance, Beheim makes one of the first appeals in German literature to silent readers. See also Henry V Literary criticism on Michael Beheim is devoted to Further Reading taxonomy; for example, whether he was a medieval or modern poet, whether he was a Meistersinger, and if Stevenson, Joseph, ed. Letters . . . of the Wars of the English in the term \u201cprofessional poet\u201d (Berufsdichter), frequently France. Rolls Series 22. 2 vols. in 3. London: Longmans, applied to him in research, helps us to understand him 1861\u201364. any better. That his work is difficult to pigeonhole arises from Beheim\u2019s status as a transition poet par excel- Stratford, Jenny. \u201cThe Manuscripts of John Duke of Bedford: lence; as such, he embodies clashing and contradictory, Library and Chapel.\u201d In England in the Fifteenth Century: but not mutually exclusive, tendencies: For instance, Proceedings of the 1986 Harlaxton Symposium, ed. Daniel although he was a conservative author who cataloged Williams. Woodbridge: Boydell, 1987, pp. 329\u201350. and recapitulated the entire repertoire of fourteenth- and fifteenth-century German political writers, or Spruchdi- Williams, Ethel Carleton. My Lord of Bedford, 1389\u20131435. Lon- chter, Beheim sanctioned, and made a specific appeal to, don: Longmans, 1963 [not critical, but a useful narrative]. a modern reading audience, recognizing the power and place of the book. Similarly, his great concern for the Michael Jones accurate textual transmission of his \u201ccollected works\u201d on the manuscript page marks him as both a conservator BEHEIM, MICHAEL and a protohumanistic student of the word. Although (1416\/1421\u20131472\/1479) Beheim esteemed tradition, imitating and paraphras- ing revered masters (Johann von Neumarkt, Heinrich A prolific author and composer of almost five hundred von M\u00fcgeln, Heinrich Seuse, Heinrich von Langen- song-poems, Michael (or Michel) Beheim (also Behaim; stein, Thomas Peuntner, the Nicholas von Dinkelsb\u00fchl Beham) was until the late twentieth century dismissed as redactor, Muskatbl\u00fct), he reanimated not only poetry a Vielschreiber (scribbler) and mere cultural-historical but theology, promulgating an Augustinian renewal in curiosity. He is now recognized as one of the most the vernacular that deserves the name of pre-Lutheran important singers, composers, and publishers (Liedpub- biblical humanism. Using song-poetry as a medium for lizisten) of the fifteenth century. Beheim\u2019s reevaluation, proselytism among the laity, Beheim stylized himself as facilitated by the appearance of a critical edition of his a poet-theologian and transmitter of patristic theology, poems (Gedichte, published 1968\u20131972), coincided who translated, versified, and set to music Scripture, with the reassessment of fifteenth-century aesthetics in sacred tractates, and sermons. general. Beheim is an important figure because of his poetic range and the range of his ambition. A manu- It is uncertain whether Michael Beheim was born in script scribe, poet, and composer, he produced a virtual 1416 or 1421, or if he died before 1472 or after 1479, summa of medieval themes and poetic forms, creating but it is possible to reconstruct his life in otherwise re- religious songs, moral and ethical poetry, political and markable detail from rich autobiographical verses, for historical writings, autobiographical verse, love songs, example, Song 24, \u201cOn Michael Peham\u2019s [sic] birth and fables, and songs on the nature and status of the singer\u2019s his travels to this country\u201d (Von Michel Pehams gepurt art. (He even writes on Dracula, Vlad the Impaler.) As a und seinem her chomen in dis lannd). In strophes bear- poetic musician (musicus poeticus) and lay theologian, ing the traces of emendation as authorial intervention, Beheim championed rechte kunst (proper art) and artistic Beheim alludes to his humble origins as a weaver\u2019s son, individuality, the latter grounded in the composition of and sketches a career path that leads to no less than the original songs, or T\u00f6ne (occasion pieces with titles such imperial court of Frederick III of Habsburg. Among his as Zugweise, Kurze Weise, Verkehrte Weise, Osterweise, prominent patrons were King Christian I of Denmark, Trummetenweise, Gekr\u00f6nte Weise, Slecht guldin Weise, Konrad von Weinsberg (the imperial archchamberlain), Hohe guldin Weise, Hofweise, Slegweise, Lange Weise, Angstweise). Beheim also fashioned lengthy chronicles in verse: Pf\u00e4lzische Reimchronik (Palatine Rhyme Chronicle), Buck von der statt Triest (The Book of the City Treist), and Buch von den Wienern (The Book of the Viennese). Since the poet set these chronicles to 64","Count Ulrich II von Cilli, and Margrave Albrecht III, BENEDICT OF NURSIA, SAINT (\u201cAchilles\u201d) von Brandenburg-Ansbach. For another noble sponsor, Frederick I of Wittelsbach, elector and After education in Rome Benedict turned to religious Count Palatine, the poet reformulates the centuries-old life, first with a small community at Enfide and then as adage concerning medieval German literary patron- an anchorite near Subiaco. Attracting disciples because age, \u201cWhose bread I eat, their song I sing\u201d (Wes\u2019 Brot of his holiness, and sometimes alienating them because ich e\u00df, des Lied ich sing). These words have had an of his severity, Benedict eventually returned to com- extraordinarily negative resonance in Beheim scholar- munal religious life, organizing monasteries first in the ship because they are deemed an expression of personal Subiaco region and later (ca. 529) on Monte Cassino, in ethics rather than a rhetorical formula. A master of the Campania halfway between Rome and Naples. rhetorical art, he was a loquacious, self-conscious artist with a sharp eye for accuracy of textual transmission and Benedict\u2019s real claim to fame is the rule he composed a strong belief that poetry should serve a moral purpose. ca. 526. \u201cThis little rule for beginners\u201d is based in part His melodies and strophic structures, his wide-ranging on the nearly contemporaneous Rule of the Master, but and varied themes, his ecumenical impulses and his a comparison of the two reveals why Benedicts has been promotion of sacred subject matter as appropriate to awarded the crown by history and the monastic move- secular audiences, all make him the architect of a rich ment. Gregory designates it well as a rule \u201cremarkable compendium of songs and song types. for its discernment.\u201d The Rule is a relatively short docu- ment, consisting of a prologue, 72 brief chapters, and See also Seuse, Heinrich an epilogue. The chapters, laying down the principles of monastic life and practical directives for living it, are Further Reading not logically ordered; chapters 67\u201372 are an appendix attached to 66.8, and the liturgical and penitential codes Gille, Hans, and Ingeborg Spriewald, ed. Die Gedichte des Michel (8\u201318, 20\u201323) may have been inserted later. But for all Beheim. 3 vols. Berlin: Akademie-Verlag, 1968\u20131972. its lack of order and elegant language it judiciously pres- ents the basic principles of cenobitic life. It advocates McDonald, William C. \u201cWhose Bread I Eat\u201d: The Song-Poetry a spirit of charity for the whole monastic family and an of Michel Beheim. G\u00f6ppingen: K\u00fcmmerle, 1981. egalitarianism (e.g., priests have no special rank); its concern is not for the heroic achievers but for the weaker, M\u00fcller, Ulrich. \u201cAutobiographische Tendenzen im deutschsprachi- more needful members of the group: \u201cIn drawing up its gen Mittelalter: Probleme und Perspektiven der Edition. regulations, we hope to set down nothing harsh, nothing Vorgef\u00fchrt am exemplarischen Fall der Sangvers-Lyrik burdensome\u201d (Prologue, 46). und Sangvers-Epik des Michel Beheim.\u201d Editio 9 (1995): 63\u201379. During the 7th and 8th centuries the Rule was only one among many in use. In England Celtic monasticism Schanze, Frieder. Meisterliche Liedkunst zwischen Heinrich had propagated over the north from the Irish foundation von M\u00fcgeln und Hans Sachs. 2 vols. Munich: Artemis, of lona, whereas in the Midlands several foundations 1983\u20131984. seemed to follow composite rules. Wilfrid was the first to introduce the Benedictine Rule in England for his Scholz, Manfred G\u00fcnter. Zum Verh\u00e4ltnis von M\u00e4zen, Autor und Northumbrian monasteries at Ripon (ca. 661) and Hex- Publikum im 14. und 15. Jahrhundert: \u201cWilhelm von \u00d6ster- ham (674); Wilfrid also served as director of other mon- reich\u201d \u201cRappoltsteiner Parzifal,\u201d Michel Beheim. Darmstadt: asteries of men and women. Benedict Biscop, founder Wissenschaftliche Buchgesellschaft, 1987. of the joint monastery of Wearmouth (674) and Jarrow (681), whose most illustrious monk was the historian, William C. McDonald exegete, and educator Bede, introduced a rule heavily influenced by the Benedictine but assembled from six BENEDICT OF NURSIA, SAINT different models. In the southwest near Winchester, (ca. 480\u2013ca. 560) Nursling, the home community of Boniface (Wynfrith), followed the Benedictine Rule. A south Italian abbot and, like many other monastic leaders of his day, author of a monastic rule for his Regular monastic life was greatly disrupted and in small community. By virtue of the wide adoption of that places disappeared during the troubled 9th century. slender manual, the Benedictine Rule, Benedict became Despite the attempts of King Alfred (871\u201399) to restore the most famous monk in the world and the patriarch monastic life by founding the convent of Shaftesbury of western monasticism, designated by Pope Paul VI (which succeeded) and the monastery at Athelney (which (1963\u201378) \u201cthe patron of Europe.\u201d For some centuries did not), religious life languished. In the 10th century, the first and only life of Benedict was the hagiographic under the close support of King Edgar (957\u201375), three account by Pope Gregory the Great in the second book dynamic monks, Dunstan (abbot of Glastonbury and of his edifying Dialogues. Writing in 593\u201394, Gregory later archbishop of Canterbury), the authoritarian \u00c6thel- composed this melange of fact and legend at least a wold (abbot of Abingdon, later bishop of Winchester), generation after Benedict\u2019s death; but historians accept as factual the bit of biographical data Gregory said he received from four of Benedict\u2019s disciples. 65","BENEDICT OF NURSIA, SAINT Platt, C.P.S. The Abbeys and Priories of Medieval England. London: Secker & Warburg, 1984. and Oswald (who became bishop of Worcester and later archbishop of York), imported the Benedictine Reform Turner, D.H.,ed. The Benedictines in Britain. London: British from the Continent and reinvigorated monastic life. To Library, 1980. enforce the Benedictine Rule buttressed by effective continental and native regulations, they promulgated a George Hardin Brown code of approved practice, the Regularis concordia (ca. 970). The monasteries, some 40 in number with none BENJAMIN OF TUDELA (fl. 1160\u20131172) in the north, were declared free of dependency on local nobles and became powerful supporters of the West Benjamin of Tudela was a Jewish merchant renowned Saxon monarchy. for his travels through various countries from about 1160 to about 1172, when he returned to Spain, dying Thanks to the renewed energies that resulted from the shortly thereafter. He left a book in Hebrew (or more Reform, the monasteries again became centers of learn- correctly his notes, which were turned into a book by an ing and art, providing education and culture. \u00c6helwold\u2019s anonymous hand) concerning his travels, which became school at Winchester developed a highly refined Latin famous and in translation was one of the most widely style and produced the two finest OE prose stylists and read travel accounts of all time. preachers, \u00c6lfric and Wulfstan. It was during this period that much Anglo-Latin and most extant OE texts were Muslim and Jewish travelers in the Mediterranean, written, created for the most part in Benedictine scripto- and particularly from Spain, were numerous, and we ria. Canterbury was especially active as a writing center, have accounts of such voyages from many (among Jews, and Winchester gained particular renown for manuscript the most famous, besides Benjamin, were Ibrah\u00af\u0131m ibn illustration, identifiable as \u201cthe Winchester School.\u201d Yaqu\u00afb of the tenth century and Judah al-Har\u00af\u0131z\u00af\u0131 of the thirteenth). Benjamin\u2019s account is particularly valu- As the guide for traditional Benedictines (Black able because of its details on commerce, agriculture, Monks and Nuns), augmented for Cluniacs, and re- manufacture, and so on, and for the information it gives formed by the Cistercians (White Monks), the Rule concerning remote and exotic areas of the world (in- of Benedict continued to dominate life in religious cluding China). True, he did not personally reach these orders until the advent of the friars (Franciscans and lands, but at least some of the information he received Dominicans) in the 13th century. Benedictine abbeys, from secondhand reports is of value. His own personal priories, and cells became ubiquitous throughout the travels were limited to the coast of Provence; Italy; the realm, sometimes enormously wealthy and politically Greek isles; Constantinople and Asia Minor; Syria and and economically powerful under forceful leaders, such Mesopotamia (nearly to India); Palestine, and Egypt. as Abbot Samson of Bury St. Edmunds (ca. 1135\u20131212). The order also continued to foster scholars and espe- His primary goals were to investigate and report on cially historians, such as William of Malmesbury (ca. commerce and agriculture and to report on the presence 1095\u2013ca. 1143), and at St. Albans Roger of Wendover and condition of Jews in various parts of the world, as (d. 1236) and Matthew Paris (ca. 1199\u20131259). well as to visit \u201choly sites.\u201d His estimates of Jewish populations in various regions and towns are gener- Further Reading ally substantiated by other sources, and his work is an important source for Jewish history. For general history Primary Sources there is also much of great value, including his listing of some thirty Christian nations which had merchants in Fry, Timothy, ed. and trans. RB 1980: The Rule of St. Benedict. Alexandria, and certainly his information on agriculture Collegeville: Liturgical Press, 1981. and technology. Gregory the Great. Life and Miracles of St. Benedict (Books Two The first Hebrew edition appeared in 1543, based on of the Dialogues). Trans. Odo J. Zimmermann and Benedict a faulty manuscript, and was copied in subsequent edi- R. Avery. Collegeville: St. John\u2019s Abbey Press, 1949. tions and Latin and early English translations, in spite of the more accurate edition of 1556, which subsequently Kornexl, Lucia, ed. Die Regularis Concordia und Ihre Altenglische appeared. The edition, with English translation, of Interlinearversion. Texte und Untersuchungen zur Englischen Asher is based on a much better manuscript reading. Philologie 17. Munich: Wilhelm Fink Verlag, 1993. Most important are the extensive notes (English) in the second volume. Adler\u2019s edition, finally, is based on the Secondary Sources most accurate extant manuscript. The Spanish Hebra- ist Benito Arias Montano made the first translation, in Burton, Janet. Monastic and Religious Orders in Britain 1000\u2013 Latin (1575), from which Purchas\u2019s Pilgrims English 1300. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1994. translation and others in French were made. A second Latin translation by Constantin 1\u2019Empereur appeared in Farmer, David Hugh, ed. Benedict\u2019s Disciples. Leominster: Fowler Wright, 1980. Knowles, David. The Monastic Order in England: A History of Its Development from the Times of St Dunstan to the Fourth Lateran Council 940\u20131216. 2d ed. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1963. 66","1633. Among more modern translations, that in Spanish BERCEO, GONZALO DE by the Hebraist Igancio Gonz\u00e1lez Llubera, Viajes de Benjam\u00edn de Tudela (Madrid, 1918), is of importance [A fourth volume of notes was published by Sven Sandqvist for its erudite notes and critical apparatus. The modern in 1979 with the same publisher.] Spanish translation by Magdalena is generally excellent, \u2014\u2014. Le roman de Troie, ed. L\u00e9opold Constans. 6 vols. Paris: but unfortunately he did not utilize the notes in Asher Didot, 1904\u201312. and thus there are several errors. Renate Blumeofeld-Kosinski Further Reading BERCEO, GONZALO DE (1196?\u20131264?) The Itinerary of Benjamin of Tudela. Ed. and trans. M. N. Adler. London, 1907; reprt. 1964. The first Castilian poet to identify himself by name, Gonzalo de Berceo is considered by many to be the mas- The Itinerary of Benjamin of Tudela. Trans. A. Asher. 2 vols. ter of cuaderna v\u00eda. He was educated at the Benedictine London and Berlin, 1840. monastery in San Mill\u00e1n (he reminds us of this in Vida de San Mill\u00e1n, is listed as a deacon in a document dating Libro de Viajes de Benjam\u00edn de Tudela. Trans. J. R. Magdalena from 1221, and registered as a secular priest in Berceo Nom de D\u00e9u. Barcelona, 1982. and notary to Abbot Juan S\u00e1nchez in later manuscripts. Dutton suggests that, given his profession and his liter- Norman Roth ary background, he was probably trained at the Estudio General at Palencia between 1221 and 1228. BENO\u00ceT DE SAINTE-MAURE (fl. 1160\u201370) Dutton and Kurlat de Weber have established the Little is known about Beno\u00eet de Sainte-Maure that does following chronology for Berceo\u2019s works: not emerge directly from his texts. The author of the Roman de Troie names himself in line 132 as Beneeit 1. Vida deSan Mill\u00e1n de Sainte-More, and as Beneit in lines 2065, 5093, and 2. Vida de Santo Domingo de Silos 19,207. He praises Eleanor of Aquitaine in the Roman 3. Sacrificio de la Misa de Troie and flatters Henry II in the other text of which 4. Duelo que fizo la Virgen he is believed to be the author, the Chronique des ducs 5. Himnos de Normandie. Here, the author is identified simply as 6. Loores de Nuestra Se\u00f1ora Beneit from Touraine (albeit in summary passages that 7. Signos del Juicio Final may not be by the author himself), who, it is presumed, 8. Milagros de Nuestra Se\u00f1ora took over for the aged Wace when the latter abandoned 9. Vida de Santa Oria his Roman de Rou, also a history of the dukes of Nor- 10. Martirio de San Lorenzo mandy. Beno\u00eet\u2019s Chronique has 44,542 lines in octosyl- labic rhymed couplets. It begins with the creation and Additionally, two lost works (Historia de Valvanera, division of the world and ends with the death of Henry Traslaci\u00f3n de los M\u00e1rtires de Arlanza) have been attrib- I of England. The Latin chronicles of Dudo de Saint- uted to him. Berceo\u2019s poetry may be divided into three Quentin and Guillaume de Jumi\u00e8ges provided much of categories: hagiography (San Mill\u00e1n, Santo Domingo, the material. But Beno\u00eet also invented long discourses Santa Oria, San Lorenzo), Marian works (Loores, for his historical characters and inserted countless prov- Duelo, Milagros), and liturgical\/doctrinal works (Sac- erbs into his narrative. As in the Romances of Antiquity, rificio, Himnos, Signos) anachronism and medievalization are rampant. The romance form of the Chronique suggests that it was part Dutton argues convincingly that, in addition to the of the repertoire of texts recited in a courtly milieu. The two purposes traditionally ascribed to Berceo\u2019s works Chronique, together with Wace\u2019s Rou, is an excellent (instruction and entertainment), the hagiographic ma- example of the desire of a new dynasty (as the Angevins terials were designed to propagate the legends of saints with Henry II were in England) to celebrate their roots related to San Mill\u00e1n in order to bolster the prosperity and their history in vernacular texts that would be ac- of the monastery, which had declined due to the rise of cessible not only to a learned clerical audience but also new pilgrimage centers. This goal is clearly reflected to the aristocracy. in Berceo\u2019s first work, dedicated to the patron saint of his monastery. San Mill\u00e1n derives from various sources See also Eleanor of Aquitaine; Henry II; Wace (the Vita Beati Emiliani of Braulio, the writings of the monk Fernandus including the forged Votos de San Further Reading Mill\u00e1n) and it follows the tripartite structure of a saint\u2019s life (biography, miracles performed in life, posthumous Beno\u00eet de Sainte-Maure. Chronique des ducs de Normandie, ed. miracles). Berceo introduces the propagandistic element Carin Fahlin. 3 vols. Uppsala: Almqvist and Wiksell, 1951\u201367. at the outset, promising his public that it will be happy to pay the tribute due to the monastery after hearing the life of San Mill\u00e1n (st. 2 cd). The climax of the poem 67","BERCEO, GONZALO DE gin as she tells her sorrows to St. Bernard of Clairvaux) is an apocryphal sermon of St. Bernard similar to the one (st. 362\u2013481) recounts the origin of the tithe, justifies found in Migne\u2019s Patrologia latina. The poem contains its continuance, and instructs the debtor towns (many a song (\u00a1Eya velar!) of the Jewish sentries ordered to of which he names) to pay the tribute owed to the saint guard the sepulchre. This early example of Castilian for his miraculous intervention in battle. lyric, which is not composed in cuaderna v\u00eda, has been the subject of some debate: convinced that the verses are Santo Domingo, based on the late eleventh-century misordered, several scholars have tried to reconstruct the Vita Beati Dominici by Grimaldus, narrates the life of song based on parallel structure; others have rejected this another local saint. Once a hermit in San Mill\u00e1n de reordering, arguing that the canticle is an imitation of a Suso as well as a monk and prior of its monastery, the liturgical chant and that confusion may be eliminated if saint became abbot of the monastery at Silos, which the stanzas are divided into antiphonal parts. later (1190) signed a pact of mutual help and coopera- tion with San Mill\u00e1n; the renewal of this agreement in The content of Loores is diverse: lyrical exaltations of 1236 may have been the occasion for the composition the Virgin at the beginning and end of the poem enclose of Santo Domingo. While there is no request for tributes a brief narrative of the life of Jesus as well as of various such as that in San Mill\u00e1n, Berceo nonetheless reveals events from the Old and New Testaments. No source has his desire to attract pilgrims to Silos by urging those been identified for the poem, and it seems likely that it who wish to know more of the saint\u2019s miracles to go to is based on Berceo\u2019s knowledge of the Bible. that monastery (st. 385\u2013386). The source of Milagros is a lost collection of mi- Santa Oria, composed in his old age (st. 2 c), deals racula similar to Royal Library of Copenhagen MS with a recluse unknown outside La Rioja but closely Thott 128. Berceo uses twenty four of the twenty eight associated with San Mill\u00e1n de Suso; indeed, the poet miracles found there, adding one (\u201cLa iglesia robada\u201d) gives directions to the saint\u2019s tomb near the monastery which occurs in Spain and may derive from oral tradi- (st. 180\u2013182). The most lyrical and allegorical of the tions. The miracles fall into three categories (reward hagiographic works, Santa Oria relates not the saint\u2019s and punishment, forgiveness, conversion or spiritual miracles but three heavenly visions. \u201cWhile Berceo crisis), and have as their premise devotion to the Virgin. indicates that his poem is based on a narrative by The allegorical introduction, apparently an original Oria\u2019s confessor Mu\u00f1o, no source has yet been identi- composition based on common motifs, ties together the fied. Although most critics accept the theory of a lost twenty-five miracles. As Michael Gerli confirms, the eleventh-century Vita Beatae Aureae, Walsh, noting introduction traces the fall and salvation of mankind, differences from the other hagiographic works, argues while the miracles narrate the fall and salvation of indi- that Santa Oria draws heavily on otherworld literature as viduals. Thus the introduction and miracles illustrate the well as saints\u2019 legends and that it is primarily Berceo\u2019s redemptive role of the Virgin: through Her, original sin own creation. (introduction) and actual sin (miracles) are forgiven. San Lorenzo, Berceo\u2019s only incomplete work, follows The first of the liturgical-doctrinal works, Sacrificio, the structure of a passio rather than a vita. The poem is, with the exception of Milagros, Berceo\u2019s most alle- breaks off in the middle of St. Lawrence\u2019s prayer during gorical poem. Dutton identifies the source of this poem his martyrdom, suggesting that it was interrupted by as National Library of Madrid manuscript 298, which is the poet\u2019s own death. Dutton contends that there was a a commentary on the mass solidly within the exegetic cult to the saint at San Mill\u00e1n related to a hermitage on tradition. The three Himnos, each seven strophes long, nearby Pico de San Lorenzo, and he proposes that the are vernacular translations of Veni Creator Spiritus, Ave missing portion would have made clear the connection Maris Stella, and Christe, qui lux est et dies. Signos, a between the monastery and the hermitage. Although sermon in verse, treats the common medieval theme the source is unknown, Pompilio Tesauro identifies the of the fifteen signs of the Apocalypse. The first twenty Passio Polychroni as the closest model. two strophes derive from a Latin poem in cuaderna v\u00eda by St. Jer\u00f3nimo; the source of the remaining fifty five Dutton believes that the Marian poems, like the strophes is unknown, but Dutton suggests that they may saints\u2019 lives, are part of Berceo\u2019s propagandistic work, be attributed to an extended version of the Latin poem arguing that they do not reflect devotion to a universal used by Berceo. figure of the Virgin but to the cult of Our Lady of March established in the tenth century at San Mill\u00e1n de Yuso. Once portrayed in literary histories as a simple Dutton thinks that the Marian works, unlike the hagio- country priest, Berceo is now viewed as an educated graphic poems, were not meant to attract pilgrims but to and complex individual who, desiring to promote his instruct and entertain them once they had arrived. monastery, skillfully transforms Latin texts (most of these of special interest to San Mill\u00e1n) into vernacular Some scholars have suggested that Duelo, because of poetry intended for oral presentation. In order to reach its dramatic nature, is based on a lost French mystery or a Latin liturgical drama. Nonetheless, the most probable source of Duelo (a narrative of the Easter vigil of the Vir- 68","a rural public accustomed to the cantares, Berceo uses BERNARD OF CHARTRES rustic imagery and appropriates many techniques of the juglar\u2019s (minstrel\u2019s) art. This strategy may be seen Romani, over forty manuscripts), on the kings of France clearly in San Mill\u00e1n where he not only uses juglaresque (Reges Francorum, which exists in four revisions and formulae and epithets but portrays the saint as both a two French translations), and on the Dominican order divine peasant and an epic hero; and, although Berceo (catalogues of provincial priors, monographs on indi- occasionally criticizes juglares, he refers to himself in vidual houses, acts of General Chapters, etc.). Santo Domingo as God\u2019s juglar and to his poem as a gesta (compilation of deeds). Especially noteworthy is Bernard\u2019s history of the Inquisition (Practica officii Inquisitionis; ca. 1314\u201316; See also Bernard of Clairvaux four manuscripts), which includes an important section on such heretical groups as Manichaeans, Vaudois, Further Reading Pseudo-Apostles, b\u00e9guines, relapsed Jews, and sor- cerers. He also composed local histories of the cities Artiles, J. Los recursos literarios de Berceo. Madrid, 1964. in which, he lived: Limoges, Toulouse, and Lod\u00e8ve. Dutton, B. (ed.) Gonzalo de Berceo: Obras Completas I\u2013V. In spite of the great popularity of his work in the late Middle Ages, as evidenced by the numerous manuscripts London, 1967\u20131981. and the translation of much of his \u0153uvre into French Gariano, C. An\u00e1lisis estil\u00edstico de los \u201cMilagros de Nuestra by Jean Golem for Charles V, few of Bernard\u2019s works have found modern editors. He was a diligent compiler Se\u00f1ora\u201d de Berceo. Madrid, 1965. and accurate researcher, keen to tease the truth from Gerli, E. M. \u201cLa tipolog\u00eda b\u00edblica y la introducci\u00f3n a los Mila- contradictory sources. Traveling from monastery to monastery, Bernard assembled evidence, interviewed gros de Nuestra Se\u00f1ora.\u201d Bulletin of Hispanic Studies 62 witnesses, and verified his sources at every step. As (1985), 7\u201314. information accumulated, he prepared copious lists, Tesauro, P. (ed.) Gonzalo de Berceo: \u201cMartirio de San Lorenzo.\u201d edited, revised, and expanded. Faced with mountains Romanica Neapolitana VI. Naples, 1971. of material, he regularly composed abridged versions Walsh, J. K. \u201cThe Other World in Berceo\u2019s Vida de Santa Oria.\u201d of his most important works. Bernard\u2019s lack of literary In Hispanic Studies in Honor of Alan D. Deyermond: A North skill is compensated for by his careful preservation of American Tribute. Ed. J. S. Miletich. Madison, Wisc., 1986. significant documents and information whose original 291\u2013307. sources have been lost. Kurlat de Weber, F. \u201cNotas para la cronolog\u00eda y composici\u00f3n de las vidas de santos de Berceo.\u201d Nueva Revista de Filolog\u00eda Further Reading Hisp\u00e1nica 15 (1961), 113\u201330. Bernard Gui. Practica Inquisitionis heretice pravitatis, ed. C. Jane E. Connolly Douais. Paris: Picard, 1886. BERNARD GUI \u2014\u2014. Manuel de l\u2019inquisiteur, ed. and trans. G. Mollat. 2 vols. (Bernardus Guidonis; ca. 1261\u20131331) Paris: Champion, 1926\u201327. Historian, inquisitor, and bishop, Bernard was a Domini- Delisle, L\u00e9opold. \u201cNotice sur les manuscrits de Bernard Gui.\u201d can who rose through the ecclesiastical ranks in southern Notices et extraits des manuscrits de la Biblioth\u00e8que Nationale France, in Limoges, Castres, Albi, and Carcassonne. He 27 (1885): 169\u2013455. was inquisitor at Toulouse from 1307 to 1323. Between 1317 and 1321, he also served Pope John XXII on dip- Thomas, Antoine. \u201cBernard Gui, fr\u00e8re pr\u00eacheur.\u201d Histoire lit- lomatic missions in Italy and Flanders. All of Bernard\u2019s t\u00e9raire de la France 35 (1921): 139\u2013232. writings were in Latin. Though most were of a historical nature, he also produced several works of theology (De Vemet, A. \u201cLa diffusion de l\u2019\u0153uvre de Bernard Gui d\u2019apr\u00e8s la articulis fidei, De peccato originali), liturgy (De ordina- tradition manuscrite.\u201d Cahiers de Fanjeaux 16 (1981): 221\u201342. tione officii missae), and hagiography (Legenda sancti Thome de Aquino, Speculum sanctorale). The Speculum, Grover A. Zinn a collection of a number of saints\u2019 lives in four parts, was extremely popular in its day. His most important BERNARD OF CHARTRES (d. 1124\u201330) work is the still unpublished Flores chronicorum (ca. 1316), a history of the papacy from the birth of Christ Most of our knowledge of Bernard comes through to Clement V. This work, known in over fifty manu- John of Salisbury\u2019s Metalogicon. John studied with scripts (some now lost), went through ten revisions, Gilbert of Poitiers, William of Conches, and Richard the latest of which continues the history to 1331 (John the Bishop, who were all Bernard\u2019s pupils at Chartres XXII). Already in the 14th century, it was translated when he was chancellor of the schools. Not only was into Occitan (B.N. fr. 24940) and twice into French John\u2019s knowledge secondhand, but his Metalogicon has (four manuscripts). Other historical works by Bernard an ulterior motive: he is not merely describing Bernard include treatises on the Roman emperors (Imperatores for archival reasons but wishes to contrast his good, old teaching methods with the newfangled approach of the Cornificians. It is difficult, then, to be certain how far to trust John\u2019s encomium. 69","BERNARD OF CHARTRES monasteries spread over all of western Europe. As ab- bot of Clairvaux, an obscure Cistercian settlement on John counted Bernard the best Platonist of his time, the border of Burgundy and the Champagne, Bernard although to us he seems less interesting than Gilbert of traveled widely, not only advising bishops and princes Poitiers or Thierry of Chartres (who is unlikely to have but also raising his voice on delicate doctrinal isssues. been his younger brother, as is sometimes asserted). He Lacking the modern dialectical skills of his opponents, seems to have had no academic contact with the great he focused his criticism on their alleged deviations from scholars of his day, William of Champeaux, Roscelin, traditional theological methods. At the Council of Sens or Anselm of Laon. Like all the Chartrians, he got his (1141), his intervention decided the fate of Ab\u00e9lard, and Plato through Neoplatonist sources, chiefly Chalcidius, a few years later, at the Council of Reims, he spoke out Boethius, and Eriugena. His work survives only in frag- against Gilbert of Poitiers. Bernard was canonized in ments quoted by John of Salisbury, though a possible set 1174 and created a doctor of the church in 1830. of glosses on the Timaeus by Bernard is now in print. Famous for his cultivation of faith and goodness, as Bernard\u2019s \u0153uvre consists of treatises, many sermons, well as simple academic brilliance, Bernard is perhaps and letters. His most famous work is the series of ser- best remembered today for reporting the aphorism that mons on the Song of Songs (Sermones super Cantica compared scholars of the modern age to dwarfs standing canticorum), left unfinished at his death. In it, he deals on giants\u2019 shoulders\u2014their further vision was the result with a variety of themes from the behavior of monks to of their elevated viewpoint, not their greater acumen the mystical union between the Bridegroom from the (Metalogicon 3.4). Canticle (Christ) and the Bride (Bernard, or the church). The method applied to the Canticle text is based on the See also Eriugena, Johannes Scottus; medieval exegetical scheme of the fourfold meaning Gilbert of Poitiers; John of Salisbury of Scripture: literal, allegorical, moral, and mystical. However, unlike earlier medieval commentators on the Further Reading Canticle, such as Bede, Bernard never loses sight of the literal, dramatic power of the Canticle text. Isolat- Bernard of Chartres. Glosae super Platonem, ed. Paul Edward ing one textual fragment or even a single word, he then Dutton. Toronto: Pontifical Institute of Mediaeval Studies, creates clusters of associations with other biblical and 1991. patristic writings. The result is a rich and a meticulously organized text that could be used both by the monks Dutton, Paul Edward. \u201cThe Uncovering of the \u2018Glosae super as an amplification of their ritual form of life and by Platonem\u2019 of Bernard of Chartres.\u201d Mediaeval Studies 46 a wider literate public, both clergy and lay, for literary (1984): 192\u2013221. enjoyment and religious insight. Gilson, \u00c8tienne. \u201cLe platonisme de Bernard de Chartres.\u201d Revue Many of Bernard\u2019s other sermons follow the cycle n\u00e9o-scholastique de philosophie 25 (1923): 5\u201319. of the liturgical feast days (Sermones per annum), such as the Annunciation, Christmas, Epiphany, Easter, the Lesley J. Smith Assumption. Noteworthy for their poetic quality and intensity, Bernard\u2019s sermons on the Virgin Mary con- BERNARD OF CLAIRVAUX tributed to the development of mariological devotion in (1090\/91\u20131153) the later Middle Ages. Born in Fontaines near Dijon and educated with the In his treatises, Bernard deals in a more thematic canons of Saint-Vorles in Ch\u00e2tillon-sur-Seine, Bernard way with the issues of monastic life and of religion entered the Cistercian monastery of C\u00eeteaux, together in general. A treatise on the steps of humility, De gra- with thirty companions, in 1112. In 1115, he founded dibus humilitatis et superbiae, is a commentary on a the monastery of Clairvaux. From this remote corner of passage from the Benedictine Rule. A treatise on love, the civilized world, he intervened in matters both politi- De diligendo Deo, describes the journey toward God, cal and ecclesiastical. In 1128, at the Synod of Troyes, who is to be loved because of himself with a love that is he obtained recognition for the Rule of the new order \u201cmeasure without measure\u201d (modus sine modo). Bernard of Knights Templar. In 1130, he supported Innocent II combines the relentless desire for God characteristic of against Anacletus II in the dispute over papal succes- the monastic life with the stability of its goal. The long sion, and a few years later he supported Innocent in treatise on consideration, De consideratione, dedicated the conflict with Arnold of Brescia. In 1145, a pupil of to Pope Eugenius III, outlines the ideal portrait of a pope his became Pope Eugenius III. Besides continuing to while offering theological and mystical reflections on mediate in all kinds of conflicts, Bernard energetically the knowledge of God. preached the Second Crusade and lived to witness its utter failure in 1148. In his many letters, Bernard often takes circumstantial matters as a point of departure for reflection. His first Bernard presided over the enormous expansion of the Cistercian order. The first houses founded from C\u00eeteaux\u2014La Fert\u00e9, Pontigny, Morimond, and Clairvaux\u2014became centers from which hundreds of 70","letter is, like his Apologia, a fierce attack on the luxuri- BERNARD SILVESTRIS ousness of the Cluniac (or, more widely, Benedictine) way of life. This critical attitude was based on Bernard\u2019s trained at Tours, he would have studied under Hildebert own Cistercian predilection for simplicity and austerity of Lavardin. in art. The lengthy Letter 190, to Innocent II, is directed against Ab\u00e9lard on the occasion of the latter\u2019s condem- Bernard\u2019s earliest works are a commentary on the first nation at the Council of Sens, depicting him as a danger- six books of Virgil\u2019s Aeneid and another, incomplete, on ous innovator whose application of reason to matters of Martianus Capella. The commentary on Plato\u2019s Tim\u00e6us faith threatens religious stability. In fact, it is Bernard\u2019s mentioned in the Martianus commentary has not been concern about the legitimacy of his own monastic way identified. In his elegiac poem Mathematicus, Bernard of life in the light of the Christian tradition and culture, discusses destiny and necessity in mathematical terms. rather than the motives of his opponent, that comes to Also at least partly his is the Experimentarius, a work the fore.Yet in spite of his claim that he, unlike Ab\u00e9lard, taken from Arabic sources on cosmography. Two short is staying within the bounds of the Christian tradition, opuscules derived from problems in Quintilian and Bernard is to be seen as part of the general renaissance Seneca are also usually attributed to him: respectively, of the 12th century. In defending the quality of his own De gemellis and De paupere ingrato. ascetic life, he cherished a sophistication that many of his contemporaries sought in the further refinement of The Cosmographia (ca. 1147\u201348) has two parts, reasoning and art. Megacosmos and Microcosmos. In the first part, Nature approaches Nous, the personification of the divine eter- See also Ab\u00e9lard, Peter; Gilbert of Poitiers; nal mind of God, whom she begs to improve the physical William of Saint-Thierry universe. Nous separates the four elements, gives mat- ter form from divine ideas, and shapes the world soul. Further Reading The new universe is described in detail. Microcosmos depicts the formation of humankind. Nature encounters Bernard of Clairvaux. Sancti Bemardi opera omnia, ed. Jean Genius, and they set out to seek Urania and Physis, who Leclercq, Charles H. Talbot, and Henri Rochais. 8 vols. Rome: will guide them through the heavens to find man\u2019s soul Editiones Cistercienses, 1957\u201378. and bring it back to earth. The title is explained: man is the world in little. \u2014\u2014. Selected Works, trans. Gillian R. Evans. NewYork: Paulist, 1987. Though the work has multiple sources, including Boethius, Martianus Capella, and ancient and Arabic sci- Bredero, A.H. \u00c9tudes sur la Vita prima de S. Bernard. Rome, entific sources, the basic concept is apparently original 1960. with Bernard. His poem circulated widely\u2014over fifty copies survive in European libraries\u2014and influenced the Casey, M. Athirst for God: Spiritual Desire in Bernard of two most widely read 12th-century allegorical visions Clairvaux\u2019s Sermons on the Song of Songs. Kalamazoo: of nature, the world, and humanity: Alain de Lille\u2019s De Cistercian, 1988. planctu Naturae and Anticlaudianus. In the rhetorical work of Matthieu de Vend\u00f4me, he is frequently cited Duby, Georges. Bernard de Clairvaux et l\u2019art cistercien. Paris: for his excellence of style. Arts et M\u00e9tiers Graphiques, 1976. See also Alain de Lille; Martianus Capella Evans, Gillian R. The Mind of Bernard of Clairvaux. Oxford: Clarendon, 1983. Further Reading Gilson, \u00c9tienne. The Mystical Theology of St. Bernard, trans. Bernard Silvestris. Cosmographia, ed. Peter Dronke. Leiden: A.H.C. Downes. London: Sheed and Ward, 1940. Brill, 1978. Leclercq, Jean. Recueil d\u2019\u00e9tudes sur saint Bernard et ses \u00e9crits. 3 \u2014\u2014. The Commentary on the First Six Books of the Aeneid of vols. Rome: Edizioni di Storia e Letteratura, 1966\u201392. Vergil Commonly Attributed to Bernardus Silvestris, ed. Julian Ward Jones and Elizabeth Francis Jones. Lincoln: University \u2014\u2014. Monks and Love in Twelfth-Century France: Psycho-His- of Nebraska Press, 1977. torical Essays. Oxford: Clarendon, 1979. \u2014\u2014. \u201cIl \u2018Dictamen\u2019 di Bernardo Silvestre,\u201d ed. M. Brini Sa- Pranger, M. Burcht. Bernard of Clairvaux and the Shape of Mo- vorelli. Rivista critica di storia della filosofia 20 (1965): nastic Thought: Broken Dreams. Leiden: Brill, 1994. 182\u2013230. Burcht Pranger \u2014\u2014. \u201cUn manuale de geomanzia presentato da Bernardo Silvestre de Tours (XII secolo): l\u2019Experimentarius,\u201d ed. M. BERNARD SILVESTRIS (d. ca. 1159) Brini Savorelli. Rivista critica di storia della filosofia 14 (1959): 283\u2013341. Bernard probably taught in the cathedral school at Tours in the second third of the 12th century, where one of his \u2014\u2014. The Cosmographia, trans. Winthrop P. Wetherbee. New students was Matthieu de Vend\u00f4me. The dedication of York: Columbia University Press, 1973. his longest and most important work, the Cosmographia, to Thierry of Chartres, has led some scholars to confuse Stock, Brian. Myth and Science in the Twelfth Century: A Study him with John of Salisbury\u2019s beloved teacher Bernard of Bernard Silvester. Princeton: Princeton University Press, of Chartres, who would have been a generation older 1972. than Silvestris. If, as seems likely, Bernard was also Jeanne E. Krochalis 71","BERNART DE VENTADORN some prominence. He is first associated with the mon- astery of Pr\u00fcm. In 1008 Emperor Henry II appointed BERNART DE VENTADORN him abbot of the island monastery of Reichenau. In (fl. ca. 1145\u20131180) 1014 Berno traveled to Rome for Henry\u2019s coronation, a measure of his high political standing. In 1022 he again With Jaufre Rudel, Bemart de Ventadorn was one of accompanied Henry to Rome, this time also visiting the most popular and most imitated of the 12th-century Monte Cassino. These journeys, as well as a third trip troubadours. His romanticized biography, or vida, says in 1027 to attend the coronation of Emperor Conrad that he was of humble origins but rose to sing his love II, doubtless gave him access to sources important for for the wife of the lord of Ventadorn. Aside from links his musical and liturgical research. Upon the accession to the Ventadorn castle and school, which are clear from of the unsympathetic Conrad, Berno was embroiled in his name and style, Bernart sang at the court of Count disputes over encroachments upon previously granted Raymond V of Toulouse and probably also visited Eng- ecclesiastical privileges. Emperor Henry III, son of land, perhaps in the entourage of Eleanor of Aquitaine. Conrad II, proved to be a more supportive sovereign The vida further tells us that he retired to the Cistercian than his predecessor, and visited Berno at Reichenau abbey of Dalon, but this, like the reports of his early on February 4, 1040. Berno died there on June 7, 1048, years, has not been documented. having in his forty years as abbot guided the monastery to new levels of artistic and scholarly achievement. He Of his lyric production, some forty-one songs sur- was buried in the newly consecrated choir of the abbey vive, all but three of which are love songs, or cansos. church. Berno\u2019s tomb was rediscovered in 1929; mea- (Two of the three tensos, or debate poems, are of less surements of his remains show that he stood an imposing than certain attribution.) Eighteen of Bernart\u2019s songs six feet three inches tall. are preserved with their music. Bernart sang in the clear style called trobar leu. His cansos are characterized by As a music theorist, Berno struck a balance between the melodious language, nostalgic tone, vivid imagery, practical application and abstract theory. His most sig- and musical virtuosity that won him imitators among nificant contributions are three tonaries (lists of chants medieval poets. But it is their lyrical intensity and emo- ordered by mode). Most important of these is the Pro- tional span that have especially earned him admirers in logus in tonarium, a tonary with explanatory prologue our own time. that was widely distributed during the eleventh and twelfth centuries, sometimes with later interpolations. See also Eleanor of Aquitane; Jaufre Rudel By Berno\u2019s own admission it is mainly a compendium from earlier sources. Another, abridged, tonary, De Further Reading consona tonorum diversitate, was apparently intended for teaching novices at Reichenau. In addition to the Bernard de Ventadour. Chansons d\u2019amour, ed. Mosh\u00e9 Lazar. tonaries, a treatise entitled De mensurando monochordo Paris: Klincksieck, 1966. (On measuring monochords) has been tentatively at- tributed to Berno. Berno\u2019s views on mode appear to \u2014\u2014. The Songs of Bernart de Ventadom, ed. Stephen G. Nichols, have been relatively conservative, and do not reflect the Jr., et al. Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, growing influence of the Italian music theorist Guido of 1962. Arezzo. Berno\u2019s treatment of transposition and modal affinity forms an important background to Hermann\u2019s Kaehne, Michael. Studien zur Dichtung Bernarts von Ventadom. highly original work. In the area of rhythm, Berno Munich: Fink, 1983. warns against the failure to distinguish between long and short notes. Schemer-Van Ortmerssen, Gisela. Die Text-Mehdiestruktur in den Liedern des Bernart de Ventadorn. M\u00fcnster: Aschen- Berno\u2019s musical compositions include three hymns, dorff, 1973. an Epiphany trope, three sequences, and an office for Saint Ulrich; an office for Saint Meinrad is also tenta- Roy S. Rosenstein tively ascribed to him. BERNO VON REICHENAU As hagiographer, liturgist, and theologian, Berno\u2019s (d. June 7, 1048) contributions are also rich. His Vita sancti Udalrici (Life of Saint Ulrich) is noteworthy for its fine literary The abbot of one of southern Germany\u2019s leading mon- style. Also ascribed to Berno are treatises on religious asteries, Berno von Reichenau (also Bern, Bernardus, topics including Advent, prayer (in hexameter), fast- Berno Augiensis) contributed richly to medieval Ger- ing, and heresy, as well as on the Mass (De quibusdam man culture. His writings encompass treatises on music rebus ad missae officium pertinentibus, On Certain theory, liturgy, and theology, as well as saints\u2019 lives, Things Pertaining to the Office of the Mass) and on sermons, letters, and musical compositions. His most famous pupil was the music theorist, composer, and historian Hermann von Reichenau (also Hermannus Contractus), whose historical writings provide essential information concerning Berno\u2019s biography. The circumstances of Berno\u2019s birth are unknown, although he was probably born to a German family of 72","differences between the Gallic and Roman Psalters (De B\u00c9ROUL varia psalmorum); Berno\u2019s authorship of these latter two treatises has been questioned by modern scholars, dictine monastery church of St. Michael\u2019s, his patronage however. More than a dozen sermons and sermon frag- is represented by a series of illuminated manuscripts and ments are preserved, many of them on Marian topics, several important works in metal, especially the hollow- as well as about twenty letters to emperors, bishops, cast bronze column and doors now in the cathedral at abbots, and other leaders. That numerous other works Hildesheim. The complex program of the doors, which of music theory, history, and poetry came to be attrib- relates to the fall of man and his redemption through uted to Berno, often on weak grounds, testifies to the Christ, depends on a typological reading of paired Old esteem in which he was held by later generations of and New Testament scenes and indicates the erudition medieval scribes. of the patron. Formally and iconographically, the doors and the column derive from Carolingian sources from See also Conrad II; Guido d\u2019Arezzo; Henry III Tours, Reims, and Metz, but the general concept as well as the hollow-cast technique reflect Bernward\u2019s Further Reading acquaintance with classical and early Christian Roman monuments. Gerbert, Martin. Scriptores ecclesiastici de musica sacra po- tissimum. Sankt-Blasien, 1784; Graecii, Styria, 1905; rpt. See also Otto II, Otto III Hildesheim: Olms, 1963, 1990. Further Reading Hiley, David. Western Plainchant: A Handbook. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1993. Brandt, Michael, and Arne Eggebrecht, ed. Bernward von Hildesheim und as Zeitalter der Ottonnen. Hildsheim: Dom- Migne, Jacques-Paul. Patrologiae cursus completus. Series und Di\u00f6zesanmuseum, 1993. Latina. Paris, 1844\u20131864; on CD-ROM: Arlington, Va: Chad- wyck-Healey, 1995. Karen W. Loaiza Oesch, Hans. Berno und Hermann von Reichenau als Musiktheo- B\u00c9ROUL (fl. late 12th c) retiker. Publikationen der Schweizerischen Musikforschenden Gesellschaft, ser. II, vol. 9. Bern: Haupt, 1961. Nothing is known of B\u00e9roul other than that he was the author of a late 12th-century Tristan verse romance. Rausch, Andreas. \u201cDie Musiktraktate des Abtes Bern von He twice names himself in his surviving text. Owing Reichenau.\u201d Ph.D diss., Universit\u00e4t Wien, 1996. to certain stylistic inconsistencies and even factual contradictions within the poem, some scholars have Waesberghe, J. Smits van. Bernonis Augiensis Abbatis: De arte concluded that his Tristan is the work of two authors, musica disputationes traditae. Pars A. Bernonis Augiensis de or even more. Such suggestions remain unproved, how- Mensurando Monochordo. Pars B. Quae ratio est inter tria ever, and a good many scholars have argued the case opera de arte musica Bernonis Augiensis. Divitiae Musicae for single authorship. Artis ser. A, lib. VI. 2 vols. Buren: Knuf, 1979 [includes facsimiles]. B\u00e9roul clearly composed the poem during the second half of the 12th century, but the date or even decade Michael R. Dodds remains in question; some have contended that it was as early as 1165, while others, concluding that line BERNWARD OF HILDESHEIM 3,849 of the poem refers to an epidemic that attacked (960\u20131022) the Crusaders at Acre in 1190\u201391, assign the poem to the last decade of the century. The Tristan is preserved Bishop of Hildesheim and abbot of St. Michael\u2019s, in fragmentary form in a single manuscript (B.N. fr. Hildesheim (1007\u20131022), Bernward was a pivotal mem- 2171) that was copied during the second half of the ber of the Ottonian court, and his patronage stimulated 13th century. The beginning and end of the poem are the arts at Hildesheim. He was born in 960 into a noble both missing, leaving a single long fragment of nearly Saxon family that enjoyed the friendship of the Ottonian 4,500 lines of octosyllabic narrative verse; in addition, emperors. By 977 he had joined the imperial chancellery the manuscript contains a number of lacunae, and the as a notary. He subsequently became court chaplain and text is obviously defective in many passages. tutor to Otto III. As bishop of Hildesheim, Bernward continued to advise and represent Otto III and Henry The poem belongs to what is generally called the II. His imperial service entailed considerable travel. primitive or common version (as opposed to the courtly Under Otto II, during the regency, and under Otto III, version) of the Tristan legend. That is, it is presumed that he was frequently in Italy, especially Rome. As Henry this text derives from an earlier, noncourtly stage of the II\u2019s diplomatic representative to Robert II of France in legend, whereas that of Thomas d\u2019Angleterre integrates 1007, he visited Paris, Saint-Denis, and Tours. The vari- the work thoroughly into the current of courtly love. ous cultural sources to which Bernward was exposed on these occasions were fundamental with respect to his B\u00e9roul\u2019s extensive fragment begins with the famous patronage of the arts at Hildesheim. As bishop of Hildesheim, Bernward was responsible for several major commissions. In addition to the Bene- 73","B\u00c9ROUL than of the courtly romance. His style is lively and engaging, bearing many of the marks (such as frequent encounter of Tristan with Iseut under the tree in which addresses to Seigneurs) of both public presentation her husband, Marc, is hiding to trap them; they see his and authorial personality. Despite numerous textual reflection in the water and speak in such a way as to allay problems, the poem as we have it holds considerable his suspicions. The poem continues with the episode in charm and appeal. which the dwarf spreads flour on Iseut\u2019s floor in order to detect Tristan\u2019s footprints (should he visit her at night); Although B\u00e9roul\u2019s composition is incompletely the scene in which Tristan, having been taken prisoner, preserved, the Tristrant of Eilhart von Oberge, written asks permission to enter a chapel and pray, whereupon before 1190, presents the common version of the Tristan he leaps to freedom from a window; Marc\u2019s delivering story in the form of a complete romance. Although Iseut to a colony of lepers (for their pleasure and her Eilhart\u2019s German text abridges or omits some episodes punishment) and Tristan\u2019s rescue of her; the lovers\u2019 found in B\u00e9roul\u2019s, the two works appear to have at miserable life in the forest (including Marc\u2019s discovery very least a common source, and it has sometimes been of them, as they sleep with a bare sword between them, suggested that Eilhart adapted the story directly from and his erroneous conclusion that they are guiltless); B\u00e9roul\u2019s account of the lovers. their eventual repentance, caused by the waning of the love potion (which, in this tradition, had been made to See also Eilhart von Oberg; Thomas D\u2019Angleterre be effective for three years); and the long episode in which Iseut, tested in the presence of Arthur and his Further Reading knights, succeeds in exonerating herself by swearing an equivocal oath. At the end, Tristan ambushes and kills B\u00e9roul. Le roman de Tristan, ed. Ernest Muret. Paris: Didot, one of the lovers\u2019 enemies and brings his hair to show 1913, 4th rev. ed. L.M. Defourques. Paris: Champion, 1962. Iseut; when he arrives, they discover another of their enemies spying on them, Tristan immediately kills him, \u2014\u2014. The Romance of Tristran, ed. and trans. Norris J. Lacy. and the text breaks off in mid-sentence. New York: Garland, 1989. As in the Tristan tradition in general, Beroul\u2019s narra- Walter, Philippe and D. Lacroix, trans. Tristan et Iseut: les po\u00e8mes tive presents a cyclical form: whether physically sepa- fran\u00e7ais, la saga norroise. Paris: Livre de Poche, 1989. rated, threatened by Marc or their enemies, or resolved to reform, the young lovers repeatedly fall back into their Raynaud de Lage, Guy. \u201cFaut-il attribuer a B\u00e9roul tout le sinful ways; Marc becomes suspicious, initially refuses Tristan?\u201d Moyen \u00e2ge 64 (1958): 249\u201370; 67 (1961): 167\u201368; to believe he is being betrayed, and is finally convinced; 70 (1964): 33\u201338. after a period of separation or abstinence on their part, the cycle repeats itself. Most often, the lovers have in Reid, Thomas Bertram Wallace. The \u201cTristan\u201d of B\u00e9roul: A Tex- fact no great desire to reform, and when they do they tual Commentary. New York: Barnes and Noble, 1972. are motivated by less than noble impulses. Yet despite their sin and despite the fact that they both betray Marc Norris J. Lacy (Iseut is his wife, while Tristan is both his vassal and his nephew), the sympathies of the author and of the reader BERSUIRE, PIERRE (ca. 1290\u20131362) remain with the couple, both because their enemies are presented as despicable and jealous characters and Encyclopedist, moralist, and translator born probably in because B\u00e9roul frequently insists that God favors the the Vend\u00e9e region, Bersuire entered the Franciscan order lovers and will punish those who oppose them. before joining the Benedictines. His early career (ca. 1320\u2013ca. 1350) was spent amid the fervent intellectual The Tristan is a highly ironic and ambiguous text. climate of the papal court at Avignon, where he enjoyed Appearances are always deceiving: when the lovers the protection and extensive library of Cardinal Pierre appear most innocent, they are consistently the most des Pr\u00e9s of Quercy, and it was here that he produced guilty. When Marc thinks them innocent, he is being his major Latin works. Bersuire came ca. 1350 to Paris, deceived or else, as in the episode where they sleep where he seems to have studied theology late in life. He with a naked sword between them, he is misinterpret- was accused of heresy, imprisoned, and eventually re- ing the evidence. Tristan is a trickster who clearly takes leased through the intervention of the new king, John II pleasure in deception, as, for example, when, disguised the Good. In 1354, he was made prior of the Benedictine as a leper, he explains to Marc that he was infected by abbey of Saint-\u00c9loy in Paris, a benefice he held until his his unnamed lady, who resembled Iseut and whose death. Both in Avignon and Paris, Bersuire frequented husband was a leper. the leading intellectuals and scientists of his day, among them the Italian humanist Petrarch, the surgeon Gui de Despite the potential tragedy of the lovers\u2019 passion, Chauliac, the English Dominican Thomas Waleys, the B\u00e9roul\u2019s poem is characterized by humor and, in many musician Philippe de Vitry, and the poet Guillaume de passages, by a tone far more reminiscent of the fabliau Machaut. Bersuire\u2019s works comprise voluminous original treatises in Latin on moral theology and translations into French. None of his works has been preserved 74","complete or in an autograph manuscript. Of his Latin BERTHOLD VON REGENSBURG works, the Reductorium morale and Repertorium morale have survived fairly intact, while the Breviarium morale Further Reading and Cosmographia (or Descriptio mundi) have not been positively identified. The encyclopedic Reductorium Bersuire, Pierre. Opera omnia. Cologne: Friessem and Fromart, and Repertorium are extensive biblical commentaries 1712. designed to organize and locate material for preaching. The Reductorium is so named because its purpose was \u2014\u2014. Reductorium morale: Liber XV, cap. 11\u2013XV, \u201cOvidius to \u201creduce\u201d to its moral interpretation all that was known moralizatus,\u201d ed. Joseph Engels. Utrecht, 1962. [Based on or could be known about God, nature, and the world, the Paris printed edition of 1509.] both visible and invisible. The first-thirteen books (ca. 1340), which survive in only one complete exemplar, Samaran, Charles. \u201cPierre Bersuire.\u201d Histoire litt\u00e9raire de la were based largely on Bartholomew the Englishman\u2019s France 39 (1962): 259\u2013450. Liber de proprietatibus and cite hundreds of classical and medieval auctores. The final three books were com- Grover A. Zinn posed later and circulated independently: De natura mi- rabilibus (1343\u201345) is a moralization of the marvels of BERTHOLD VON REGENSBURG the natural world, drawing especially upon the legends (ca. 1210\u20131272) of the Poitou region and the Otia imperalia of Gervais of Tilbury; Ovidius moralizatus (or De fabulis poetarum) The most well-known and effectual preacher in the ver- is a moralizing commentary on Ovid\u2019s Metamorphoses, nacular in the German Middle Ages was the Franciscan for which Bersuire drew upon, among other sources, the priest Berthold von Regensburg. Neither Berthold\u2019s French Ovide moralis\u00e9; and Super totam Bibliam offers birthdate nor birthplace has been established, but he moral interpretations of the best-known Old and New is identified with the Minorite order in Regensburg, of Testament episodes. which he became a member, possibly after years of study in Magdeburg. While Berthold acted as confessor to The Repertorium morale is an alphabetical listing of the women of nearby Oberm\u00fcnster and Niederm\u00fcnster, several thousand biblical words of all sorts (proper and his fellow Franciscan David von Augsburg probably common nouns, verbs, adverbs, etc.), each of which served as his assistant. Beginning in 1240 and continu- is accorded a moralizing interpretation. This work, if ing until his death, Berthold preached to religious and printed today, would run to over twenty octavo volumes. lay audiences first in southern Germany, then Bohemia, Bersuire\u2019s usual procedure is to list all the different Switzerland, Styria, and France. In 1263 Pope Urban meanings the word has in Scripture, which are followed IV requested that Berthold assist Albertus Magnus in by a series of short rhymed statements, each expounded preaching the Crusades. Berthold\u2019s preaching to the by reference to the Bible, the fathers, theological com- masses took place outside the church and in the ver- mentators, or even pagan authors. The lost Breviarium nacular; embellished descriptions of his sermonizing morale was perhaps a general introduction to the Re- assert that the lay crowds sometimes numbered forty ductorium and Repertorium. thousand to two hundred thousand. Such exaggerated estimates substantiate Berthold\u2019s popularity and the Between 1354 and 1356, Bersuire undertook at respect in which he was held. Because of his notoriety the behest of King John a translation into French of he also was called upon to settle disputes in the political the three decades (1, 3, 4) of Livy\u2019s Ab urbe condita and religious spheres. then known. The principal source for late-medieval knowledge of Roman history, the translation survives The only extant works by and attributed to Berthold in some eighty manuscripts and was possibly reworked are Latin and German sermons. Five collections of by Laurent de Premierfait. An important glossary of sermons comprise the Latin corpus. Of these only the technical words, many forged by Bersuire, precedes the first three collections\u2014Rusticanus de Dominicis (Rural translation proper. Sunday Sermons), Rusticanus de Sanctis (Holy Day), and Commune Sanctorum Rusticani (Rural Saints\u2019 Day An important compiler of received knowledge rather Sermons)\u2014numbering 254 works, are indisputably by than an original thinker, Bersuire was a significant mor- Berthold; they were prepared between 1250 and 1255 alist and polemicist, who frequently castigated abuses of for his fellow preachers. The authenticity of the remain- ecclesiastical and political offices. With his translation ing 135 Latin sermons is uncertain. In the preface to the of Livy, his friendship with Petrarch, and his frequent sermons Berthold states that he undertook the editing citations of classical authorities, he can be seen as a of the works to counter the error-ridden versions being precursor of humanistic thinking in France. produced by enthusiastic but unskilled clerics. See also Machaut, Guillaume de The authorship of the German sermons cannot be ascertained with any degree of certainty. More than two hundred pieces have at one time or another been attributed to Berthold, but today fewer than one hun- dred are identified as works based on the sermons of the Franciscan. It is presumed that the vernacular 75","BERTHOLD VON REGENSBURG Birger Persson, and, on her mother\u2019s side, was related to the royal house of Sweden. At age fourteen, she mar- sermons were copied and edited by Franciscan monks ried Ulf Gudmarsson, who became a knight and lagman in or around Augsburg beginning in the 1260s, before in the province of N\u00e4rke. There were eight children of Berthold\u2019s death, until approximately 1275; nonetheless, the marriage; the best known was the second-eldest it is unlikely that Berthold read or approved of many daughter, St. Katarina, who became the first abbess of the works. The editor\u2019s hand is clearly discernible; (although never consecrated) of the monastic founda- thus these sermons should not be viewed as mere tran- tion at Vadstena in \u00d6sterg\u00f6tland. Ulf died in 1344, and scriptions of the sermons as preached by Berthold. The shortly afterward Birgitta received her \u201cvision of call- German sermons reveal a dependence on the earlier ing.\u201d She renounced her worldly possessions, and took Latin homiletic works, but none is a translation from up residence near the Cistercian monastery of Alvastra the Latin. in \u00d6sterg\u00f6tland. More than three hundred manuscripts containing Here, she received some of her most important vi- Berthold\u2019s Latin sermons have been identified; in sions, including the revelation of the Rule for a new mo- contrast only eight principal manuscripts that include nastic order. She was supported by spiritual counselors the vernacular sermons are extant. The Latin homiletic and confessors, including Mathias, canon of Link\u00f6ping, works follow the tradition of the thematic or university- Sweden\u2019s foremost theologian of the time, and two cler- style sermon of the Scholastics, whereas the vernacular ics with the name Petrus Olofsson, who were authors sermons emphasize exempla (examples) as opposed to of the Vita, the earliest biography of the saint. In 1349, a rigid structure or an interpretation of Scripture. In Birgitta was instructed in a vision to go to Rome, and general Berthold would have preached the Latin sermons she arrived there in time for the holy year of Jubilee in to a learned, religious audience and the vernacular ser- 1350. She remained in Rome, with a small following of mons to the laity; the notable exceptions are the German Swedes for the rest of her life, and never returned to her Sermones ad Religiosas (Klosterpredigten, Sermons native country. In Rome, she was involved in seeking for the Religious), which were preached to women in papal authorization for her new order, which was granted Berthold\u2019s spiritual care. in 1370. But it was not until 1419 that the order was formally constituted by Pope Martin V. Birgitta made The frequency of Berthold\u2019s name in medieval occasional visits abroad, to Cyprus and Sicily. In 1372, chronicles, the wealth of extant sermons by and at- she traveled to the Holy Land, where she received an tributed to him, and the esteem in which his contem- important cycle of visions relating to the nativity and poraries held him and successors attest to his influence life of Christ. Toward the end of her life, she made the and importance. acquaintance of Alphonso of Pecha, formerly bishop of Jaen; he edited and published her collected revelations See also Albertus Magnus, David von Augsburg and promoted her case for canonization. After her death on July 23, 1373, her relics were translated to Vadstena. Further Reading She was canonized in 1391, and her official feast day today is July 23. Banta, Frank G. \u201cBerthold von Regensburg: Investigations Past and Present.\u201d Traditio 25 (1969): 472\u2013479. Altogether, Birgitta received some 700 visions, many of which were extremely influential long after her death. De Alcantara Hoetzl, Petrus, ed. Sermones ad religiosos XX ex They vary considerably in length, and cover an enor- Erlangensi codice Unacum sermone in honorem S. Francisci e mous range of material, from questions of theology, to duobus codicibus monacensibus in centenarium septimum fa- descriptions of heaven and hell, to judgment scenes of miliae franciscanae. Munich: Huttler, 1882 [Latin works]. church and political magnates, to highly personalized messages intended for her intimate circle of followers, Pfeiffer, Franz, and Joseph Strobl, eds. Berthold von Regensburg. and to a monastic rule and instructions for life. Nearly Vollst\u00e4ndige Ausgabe seiner deutschen Predigten. Vienna: all of the recorded visions are occasional pieces, and Braum\u00fcller, 1862 and 1880; rpt. ed. Kurt Ruh [with supple- rarely do they contain circumstantial details. Birgitta\u2019s mentary material]. Deutsche Neudrucke, Texte des Mittelal- revelations came to her in different ways: she would ters. Berlin: de Gruyter, 1965 [German works]. appear as one half-dead, or she would experience God through her senses, or feel Him as a palpable move- Richter, Dieter. Die deutsche \u00dcberlieferung der Predigten Ber- ment in her breast; or she would simply become rapt in tholds von Regensburg. Munich: Beck, 1969. ecstatic prayer. When she was roused from a vision, she wrote it down immediately in her native tongue, and her Sch\u00f6nbach, Anton. \u201cStudien zur Geschichte der altdeutschen confessors translated it into Latin. During her lifetime, Predigt, I\u2013VIII.\u201d Sitzungsberichte der Kaiserlichen Akad- her revelations remained as private documents. The emie der Wissenschaften in Wien, Philosophisch-historische Klasse 142 (1900), 147 (1904), and 151\u2013155 (1905\u20131907); rpt. Hildesheim: Olms, 1968. Debra L. Stoudt BIRGITTA, SAINT (1302 [1303?]\u20131373) St. Bridget of Sweden was a Swedish saint and mystic and founder of the Brigettine Order. Born in Finsta, Uppland, she was the daughter of lagman (\u201clawman\u201d) 76","canonization edition consists of eight books, the last of BJARNI KOLBEINSSON which contains revelations concerning kings and church leaders that are of political interest and relevance, and Morris, Bridget, ed. Book VofSt. Birgitta\u2019s Uppenbarelser. Ed- other works, such as the Regula salvatoris and the Sermo ited from MS Cod. Ups. C61. Samlingar utgivna av Svenska angelicus, which is a collection of daily readings to be fornskrift\u2013s\u00e4llskapet, 80. Lund: Blom, 1991. used during the night office at the monastery. Literature St. Birgitta\u2019s spirituality is characterized by a strong interest in the humanity of Christ, who is perceived as a Westman, K. B. Birgitta-studier. Uppsala: Akademiska boktryck- crusading knight impatiently waiting to do justice. She eriet Berling, 1911 [published also as Uppsala universitets also identifies closely with the Virgin, who is the central \u00e5rsskrift 1 (1911)]. devotional figure in the Brigettine Order. Her Marian revelations were popular throughout Europe during Kraft, Salomon. Textstudier till Birgittas revelationer. Kyrkohis- the 15th century. Her legal background is reflected in torisk \u00e5rsskrift, 29. Uppsala: Almqvist & Wiksell, 1929. another cycle of visions that involve judgment scenes of the souls of the departed. Another characteristic is the Vernet, F. \u201cBrigitte de Su\u00e8de.\u201d In Dictionnaire de spiritualit\u00e9 as- practical interest she takes in temporal matters. Hers is a c\u00e9tique et mystique. Ed. Marcel Viller, S. J. Paris: Beauchesne, missionary mysticism, and she is intent upon regenera- 1937, vol. 1, cols. 1943\u201358. tion and reform. Like the Old Testament prophets, she puts special emphasis on God\u2019s severe judgment of the Brilioth,Yngve. Svenska kyrkans historia. Den senare medeltiden wicked, and she strives to save human souls, to renovate 1274\u20131521. Uppsala: Almqvist & Wiksell, 1941. the Church militant, and to raise the degenerate moral standards she observes all around her, among clergy J\u00f8rgensen, Johannes. St Bridget of Sweden. 2 vols. Trans. Inge- and laypeople alike. The monastic order she founded is borg Lund. London: Longmans, 1954. a testimony to her lasting influence not only in Sweden, but also throughout Europe. Colledge, Eric. \u201cEpistola solitarii ad reges: Alphonse of Pecha as Organizer of Birgittine and Urbanist Propaganda.\u201d Mediaeval Further Reading Studies 18 (1956), 19\u201349. Editions Nyberg, Tore. Birgittinische Klostergr\u00fcndungen des Mittelalters. Bibliotheca historica Lundensis, 15. Lund: Gleerup, 1965. Revelationes S. Birgitte. L\u00fcbeck: Ghotan, 1492 [editio prin- ceps]. Ekwall, Sara. V\u00e5r\u00e4ldsta Birgittabiografi och dennas viktigaste varianter. Kungl. vitterhets historie och antikitets akademiens Collijn, Isak, ed. Acta et processus canonizacionis beate Birgitte, handlingar, hist. ser., 12. Stockholm: Kungl. vitterhets historie efter cod. A14 Holm.,cod. Onob. lat 90, o. cod. Harl. 612, och antikvitets akademien, 1965. med inledning, person- och ortregister. Samlingar utgivna av Svenska fornskrift\u2013s\u00e4llskapet, ser. 2. Latinska skrifter, 1. Montag, Ulrich. Das Werk der heiligen Birgitta von Schweden Uppsala: Almqvist & Wiksell, 1924\u201331. in oberdeutscher \u00dcberlieferung Texte und Untersuchungen. M\u00fcnchener Texte und Untersuchungen zur deutschen Literatur Collijn, Isak, ed. Birgerus Gregorii. Legenda sancte Birgitte. des Mittelalters, 18. Munich: Beck, 1968. Samlingar utgivna av Svenska fornskrift\u2013s\u00e4llskapet, ser. 2, Latinska skrifter, 4. Uppsala: Almqvist & Wiksell, 1946. Klockars, Birgit. Birgitta och b\u00f6ckerna. En unders\u00f6kning av den heliga Birgittas k\u00e4llor. Kungl. vitterhets historie och Undhagen, Carl-Gustaf, ed. Birger Gregerssons Birgitta-officium. antikvitets akademiens handlingar, hist. ser., 11. Stockholm: Samlingar utgivna av Svenska fornskrift\u2013s\u00e4llskapet, ser 2, Kungl. vitterhets historie och antikvitets akademien, 1966. Latinska skrifter, 6. Uppsala: Almqvist & Wiksell, 1960. Kilstr\u00f6m, Bengt Ingmar. Bibliographia Birgittina. Skrifter av Bergh, Birger, ed. Den heliga Birgittas Revelaciones: Book VII. och om den heliga Birgitta samt om birgittinska kloster och Samlingar utgivna av Svenska fornskrift\u2013s\u00e4llskapet, ser. 2, birgittinskt fromhetsliv, i urval. Str\u00e4ngn\u00e4s: Societatis Sanctae Latinska skrifter, 7.7. Uppsala: Almqvist & Wiksell, 1967. Birgittae, 1973. Bergh, Birger, ed. Sancta Birgitta. Revelaciones: Book V: Liber Stolpe, Sven. Birgitta i Sverige. Stockholm: Askild & Karnekull, questionum. Samlingar utgivna av Svenska fornskrift\u2013s\u00e4ll- 1973. skapet, ser. 2, Latinska skrifter, 7.5. Uppsala: Almqvist & Wiksell, 1971. Stolpe, Sven. Birgitta i Rom. Stockholm: Askild & Karnekull, 1973. Eklund, Sten, ed. Sancta. Birgitta, Opera minora. II. Sermo Ange- licus. Samlingar utgivna av Svenska fornskrift\u2013s\u00e4llskapet, ser. Rossing, Anna. Studier i den heliga Birgittas spiritualitet. 2, Latinska skrifter 8.2. Uppsala: Almqvist & Wiksell, 1972. Akademisk avhandling f\u00f6r filosofie, doktorsexamen, Lit- teraturvetenskapliga institutionen. Stockholm: Stockholms Eklund, Sten, ed. Sancta Birgitta. Opera minora. I. Regula Sal- Universitet, 1986. vatoris. Samlingar uigivna av Svenska fornskrift\u2013s\u00e4llskapet, ser. 2, Latinska skrifter, 8.1. Uppsala: Almqvist & Wiksell, Bridget Morris 1975. BJARNI KOLBEINSSON (d. 1223) Undhagen, Carl-Gustaf, ed. Sancta Birgitta. Revelaciones. Book I, with Magister Mathias\u2019 Prologue. Samlingar utgivna av Bjarni Kolbeinsson was the son of the well-known Svenska fornskrift\u2013s\u00e4llskapet, ser. 2, Latinska skrifter, 7.1. Norwegian Orkneyian chief Kolbeinn hr\u00faga (\u201cheap\u201d) Uppsala: Almqvist & Wiksell, 1978. and a great-granddaughter of P\u00e1ll \u00deorsteinsson, earl of the Orkneys. Bjarni thus came of a mighty family in the Isles, as Orkneyinga saga, states, and he was a close friend of Earl Haraldr Madda\u00f0arson (Orkneyinga saga, ch. 109). From 1188 until his death (September 15, 1223), he was bishop of the Orkneys. As such, he initiated the canonization of Earl Ro\u02dbgnvaldr Kali Kols- son, and while he was in office an important part of the St. Magnus cathedral in Kirkwall was erected. Bjarni is mentioned five times as a participant in diplomatic missions or political assemblies in Norway (1194, 1208, 77","BJARNI KOLBEINSSON Ingibjo\u02dbrg, and in M\u00e1lsh\u00e1ttakv\u00e6\u00f0i. J\u00f3msv\u00edkingadr\u00e1pa probably marks a turning point in the history of skaldic 1210, 1218, 1223). He is also known to have had friends verse, as it is the first poem by a historically well-known among the Icelandic aristocrats of his day (Hrafn Svein- poet, who chooses as his subject old lore, hence the bjarnarson, S\u00e6mundr J\u00f3nsson). skald\u2019s own denomination so\u02dbgukv\u00e6\u00f0i, and treats it in a light-hearted, ironic manner. In his introduction to the At the end of the Snorra Edda in GkS 2367 4to poem, the skald alludes to his unhappy love, and he are preserved forty stanzas of a poem called J\u00f3msv\u00edk- parodies common skaldic introductions: \u201cI call nobody ingadr\u00e1pa, together with thirty stanzas of an unnamed to listen to my poem. . . . I have not learned poetry under poem, most commonly called M\u00e1lsh\u00e1ttakv\u00e6\u00f0i. The stef hanged men. . . . I present a so\u02dbgukv\u00e6\u00f0i to people who are (\u201crefrain\u201d) stanza of this last poem is also quoted anony- not listening.\u201d It may be significant that the skald is a mously in Flateyjarb\u00f3k. In Snorra Edda, no author is compatriot of Ro\u02dbgnvaldr Kali, who half a century earlier given for either poem, but in \u00d3l\u00e1fs saga Tryggvasonar had introduced troubadour influences into skaldic poetry en mesta, where eighteen stanzas of J\u00f3msv\u00edkingadr\u00e1pa after his visit to Narbonne, where he was accompanied are preserved (five of which are not in the Snorra Edda), by Bjarni\u2019s predecessor as bishop, Vilhj\u00e1lmr. Moreover, they are assigned to \u201cBjarni byskup.\u201d J\u00f3msv\u00edkingasaga Ro\u02dbgnvaldr was a coauthor of H\u00e1ttalykill, which also in MS AM 510 4to also contains an allusion to the tells forn fr\u0153\u00f0i (\u201cold lore\u201d). The Orkney islands seem dr\u00e1pa that \u201cBjarni biskup . . . orti um J\u00f3msv\u00edkinga.\u201d to have been a center for the flourishing of so\u02dbgukv\u00e6\u00f0i M\u00f6bius conjectured that both J\u00f3msv\u00edkingadr\u00e1pa and around 1200. M\u00e1lshattakv\u00e6\u00f0i, quoted in GkS 2367 4to, are by the same skald. Although Bjarni\u2019s authorship of M\u00e1lsh\u00e1ttakv\u00e6\u00f0i can- not be proven, some similarities between this proverb J\u00f3msv\u00edkingadr\u00e1pa is a regularly built dr\u00e1pa with stef poem and J\u00f3msv\u00edkingadr\u00e1pa are worth mentioning: a in stanzas 15, 19, 23, 27, 31, and 35. Untypically, the light tone of irony, numerous allusions to real and heroic stef occupies lines 1, 4, 5, and 8 of each stef stanza. If history, and a concentration on erotic motives (M\u00f6- the sl\u00e6mr (\u201cslim end\u201d; the last subdivision of a poem) bius 1874, Holtsmark 1937). Several scholars remain originally had the same length as the inngangr (\u201cintro- skeptical about Bjarni\u2019s authorship, however, and take duction\u201d), as was generally the case, the poem would M\u00e1lsh\u00e1ttakv\u00e6\u00f0i to be an imitation of Bjarni\u2019s poem (de have been fifty stanzas long, five stanzas now being lost. Vries 1941\u201342), which may be considerably later (Her- The dr\u00e1pa is composed in the meter munnvo\u02dbrp, which mann P\u00e1lsson 1984). Bjarni has also been mentioned, is a simplified dr\u00f3ttkv\u00e6tt meter, without hendingar in with little real evidence, as the possible author of some the odd lines and with skothendingar instead of a\u00f0al- \u00deulur preserved in the Snorra Edda (Bugge). hendingar in the even lines. Further Reading The poem tells part of the story of the Jomsvikings, and seems to refer to oral tradition in numerous phrases Editions such as fr\u00e1k (\u201cI heard\u201d), fr\u00e1gum v\u00e9r (\u201cwe heard\u201d), and segja menn (\u201cmen say\u201d). The poem probably was com- M\u00f6bius, Theodor, \u201cMalshatta-kv\u00e6di.\u201d Zeitschrift f\u00fcr deutsche posed in the same period as the written sagas about the Philologie. Erg\u00e4nzungsband (1874), 3\u201374, 615\u20136 [edition Jomvikings, and it seems to have been influenced by and commentary]. them or by traditions used by them, e.g., in the men- tion of the skalds Vigf\u00fass and Ho\u02dbvar\u00f0r (st. 34). On the Petersens, Carl af, ed. J\u00f3msvikinga saga (efter Cod. AM. 510, 4: other hand, the poem differs from the prose tradition, to) samt J\u00f3msv\u00edkingadr\u00e1pa. Lund: Gleerup, 1879 [diplomatic e.g., in the prominence given to the Norwegian chieftain and critical editions of J\u00f3msv\u00edkingadr\u00e1pa with commentary, \u00c1rm\u00f3\u00f0r, forefather of the well-known Arnm\u0153\u00f0lingar pp. 104\u201333]. (sts. 21, 29). The main subject of the poem is the Joms- vikings\u2019 attack on Norway and the battle against Earl Finnur J\u00f3nsson, ed. Den norsk-islandske skjaldedigtning. Vols. H\u00e1kon in Hjo\u02dbrungav\u00e1gr (Sunnm\u00f8re). In particular, it 1A\u20132A (tekst efter h\u00e5ndskrifterne) and 1B\u20132B (rettet tekst). concentrates on Vagn \u00c1kason, who, despite the Joms- Copenhagen and Christiania [Oslo]: Gyldendal, 1912\u201315; vikings\u2019 military defeat, succeeded in realizing his vow rpt. Copenhagen: Rosenkilde & Bagger, 1967 (A) and 1973 to marry Ingibjo\u02dbrg, the daughter of the Norwegian chief (B), Vol. 2A, pp. 1\u201310, 129\u201336; vol. 2B, pp. 1\u201310, 138\u201345 \u00deorkell leira (\u201cloam-field\u201d). [standard edition]. The stef in this poem on Viking warfare and love Literature contains a complaint in which the poet gives vent to his grief that the wife of a nobleman causes him sorrow. This Bugge, Sophus. \u201cBiskop Bjarne Kolbeinss\u00f8n og Snorres Edda.\u201d stef seems to be a model for the stereotypical introduc- Annaler fornordisk Oldkyndighed og Historic (1875), 209\u201346 tory stanzas with an erotic content called mans\u00b8ongr, [on \u00deulur]. found in the later Icelandic r\u00edmur, a word that occurs nowhere in skaldic poetry, except in J\u00f3msv\u00edkingadr\u00e1pa, J\u00f3n Stef\u00e0nsson. \u201cBjarne Kolbeinsson, the Skald, Bishop of where it is said that Vagn \u00c1kason \u201cspoke manso\u02dbngr on\u201d Orkney, 1188\u20131223.\u201d Orkney and Shetland Miscellany 1 (1907), 43\u20137. Holtsmark, Anne. \u201cBjarne Kolbeinsson og hans forfatterskap.\u201d Edda 37 (1937), 1\u201317. 78","Vries, Jan de. Altnordische Literaturgeschichte. 2 vols. Grun- BOCCACCIO, GIOVANNI driss der germanischen Philologie, 15\u20136. Berlin: de Gruyter, 1941\u201342; rpt. 1964\u201367 In the later 1230s down to 1244, Blanche\u2019s role in government gradually diminished. Her son reached Lindow, John. \u201cNarrative and the Nature of Skaldic Poetry.\u201d Arkiv adulthood, married, and became more active, especially f\u00f6r nordisk filologi 92 (1981), 94\u2013121 in military affairs. This translation of power was not entirely easy. There was mutual dislike between Blanche Hermann P\u00e1lsson. \u201cA Florilegium in Norse from Medieval and her son\u2019s wife, Marguerite of Provence; Blanche Orkney.\u201d In The Northern and Western Isles in the Viking also vigorously opposed Louis\u2019s decision in 1244 to take World: Survival, Continuity and Change. Ed. Alexander the crusader\u2019s vow. Nonetheless, she remained a close Fenton and Hermann P\u00e1lsson. Edinburgh: Donald, 1984, political adviser to the king, far closer than his wife, pp. 258\u201364. and Louis entrusted the reins of government to Blanche when he embarked on crusade in 1248. Bjarne Fidjest\u00f8l As a deeply devout and morally strict woman, an BLANCHE OF CASTILE (1188\u20131252) enthusiastic patroness of the church, especially the Cistercian order, and a Castilian who grew up in an At the age of twelve, Blanche of Castile, the daugh- environment of fierce commitment to the holy war of ter of Alfonso VIII of Castile, was married to Prince reconquest in Spain, Blanche\u2019s opposition to her son\u2019s Louis of France, who would reign briefly as Louis VIII crusade remains something of a puzzle. But however she (1223\u201326). Louis\u2019s early death while on the Albigensian felt about his enterprise in the abstract, she devoted her Crusade left the throne to their young son, Louis IX. full energies to making certain that he was well supplied The regency was entrusted not to a male relative or a and that he need not trouble himself about governance council of barons but to Blanche. at home while he fought in the East. She managed to negotiate a two-year extension of the clerical income In the first years of her regency, Blanche was con- tax of one-tenth in order both to finance the war effort fronted with armed rebellions intended to displace her and to replenish the king\u2019s coffers after the disastrous and with the serious possibility of a reversal of French early phase of the crusade that saw Louis captured and successes in the southern lands that had been conquered ransomed in Egypt. She acted with her characteristic in the Albigensian Crusade. She triumphed in both firmness in 1249, on the death of the count of Toulouse, cases. Gifted with an iron will and clever in her ability when a movement took shape to turn aside the settlement to cultivate allies but careful not to link her fortunes of 1229 that designated her son Alphonse to be the new too closely to any baronial house, such as the house of count of Toulouse. She thought well of the so-called Champagne, through a hasty remarriage, she pursued a Pastoureaux (1251), Flemish and northern French rustics policy of divide-and-conquer against the rebellious bar- who proclaimed themselves crusaders determined to ons. Their uprisings and shows of force never achieved rescue and otherwise aid the king. But when bands of a decision in their favor. Blanche\u2019s success against the these forces rioted in Paris and pillaged other towns, it baronial opposition in the north was both cause and was she who authorized and oversaw their destruction. effect of her maintenance of French dominance in the Blanche died in November 1252. When her son, still in south. The swiftness and decisiveness of her actions the Holy Land, received the news some months later, against the northerners induced the southern nobles to he succumbed to a grief so profound that it troubled all negotiate their grievances; and the army that had been who knew and loved him. left in the south at her husband\u2019s death remained, de- spite some difficulties, loyally commanded and in firm See also Louis IX control. By 1229 and the Treaty of Meaux-Paris, the opposition in Languedoc acknowledged its defeat. The Further Reading prestige of victory in the south encouraged loyalty and support in the north when the crown had to respond to Siv\u00e9ry, Gerard. Blanche de Castille. Paris: Fayard, 1990. new baronial demonstrations against it in the 1230s led by, among others, the titular count of Brittany, Pierre William Chester Jordan Mauclerc. BOCCACCIO, GIOVANNI (1313\u20131375) Blanche\u2019s regency was distinguished by a balanced foreign policy. On the one hand, the traditional enemy, Boccaccio is now best known as the author of the the English, never effectively made inroads into those Decameron; but he wrote many works very different provinces, like Normandy, that they had lost in 1204. in kind, and in the century following his death he was On the other hand, she made no concerted effort to most famous as a humanist and a herald of the Renais- eject the English from their remaining territories in sance. He was the illegitimate son of a businessman, Aquitaine. In the war of words and sometimes of men Boccaccino di Chelino, and a mother whose name is between the emperor Frederick II and the papacy, she kept to a neutral path. 79","BOCCACCIO, GIOVANNI were working on Boccaccio. It is filled with idyllic descriptions of Neapolitan gatherings and with plots unknown to us, and he spent his earliest years in or near popular at the French court, but he also includes classical Florence. Boccaccino encouraged his son\u2019s education, gods, metamorphoses, significant Greek names, and nu- but not along the lines of Boccaccio\u2019s own interests. In merous echoes of Dante. Boccaccio presents Filocolo as Genealogie deorum gentilium (Genealogy of the Pagan a written version of an oral tale, and cantari on Florio\u2019s Gods), Boccaccio says: search for Biancifiore do exist; however, Boccaccio frames that story in a broader history of the conversion Even in my boyhood [my father] directed all my endeavors of Florio, and Europe, to Christianity. The most famous towards business. As a mere child, he put me in the charge scene is a debate on questions of love in a Neapolitan of a great business man for instruction in arithmetic. For garden (4.14\u201372); two of the questions reappear in the six years I did nothing but waste irrevocable time. Then, Decameron as tales 4 and 5 of the tenth day. as there seemed to be some indication that I was more disposed to literary pursuits, this same father decided Il Filostrato seems to have been written at about the that I should study for holy orders, as a good way to get same time as Il Filocolo, perhaps in 1335; however, the rich. My teacher was famous, but I wasted under him language of Filostrato is much more fluent and humor- almost as much time as before. . . . I turned out neither a ous than the artificially elaborate prose of Filocolo, business man, nor a canon-lawyer, and missed being a and one scholar has therefore suggested a later date. good poet besides. (Boccaccio on Poetry, trans. Osgood, Filostrato became the model for Chaucer\u2019s Troilus and 1930, 131\u2013132). Criseyde. Its nine books of ottava rima stanzas tell of the Trojan prince Troiolo\u2019s love for Criseida; the seduction, Around 1327, when Boccaccio was fourteen, he aided by her uncle, Pandaro; her betrayal of Troiolo for moved to Naples, where his father worked as an agent the Greek Diomedes; and Troiolo\u2019s despairing death. of the Bardi bank at the royal court. The French court Boccaccio seems to have associated the number nine and the busy port of Naples offered Boccaccio a wide with tragedy: he also uses nine books in Elegia di ma- new range of educational experiences to complement the donna Fiammetta and in De casibus virorum illustrorum hours he spent in unwanted studies. Cino da Pistoia, who (Fall of Illustrious Men). taught him law, may well have encouraged Boccaccio\u2019s interest in poetry, showing him writings by Dante and For Teseida delle nozze di Emilia (1340\u20131341), other recent poets. (One of Cino\u2019s lyrics appears as a twelve-book romance-epic, Boccaccio again drew on song in Boccaccio\u2019s Filostrato.) Boccaccio was also classical history, this time continuing Statius\u2019s Thebaid. befriended by a circle of Petrarch\u2019s acquaintances, He described Teseida as the first martial poem in Italian. including Barbato, Giovanni Barrili, and the Augus- It begins with Theseus\u2019s conquest of the Amazons and tinian father Dionigi di Borgo San Sepolcro. Paolo tells of two Theban knights\u2019 rivalry for the love of the da Perugia, the king\u2019s librarian, contributed a more Amazon Emilia, whom they first see from their prison classical education; Paolo, with the help of Barlaam\u2019s window. Theseus arranges a tournament to decide which knowledge of Greek, was collecting materials on ancient one is to marry her. Boccaccio appended notes to educate mythology that later became the basis for Boccaccio\u2019s his readers about Greek myths and customs, and he tried Genealogie. to base his description of the games and the arena on classical accounts. His famous glosses to the temples of Boccaccio began to try his hand at literature while Venus and Mars in Book 7 suggest that the work may still pursuing other studies. His apprenticeship in the be read allegorically, since these two deities represent classics is shown in his earliest endeavors, preserved concupiscence and irascibility. The work became a basis in his notebooks: Elegia di Costanza (in verse), para- for Chaucer\u2019s \u201cKnight\u2019s Tale.\u201d phrasing a classical epitaph; and Allegoria mitologica (Mythological Allegory, in prose), a brief and highly By the time he finished Teseida, Boccaccio had been artificial string of mythical references from Ovid used forced by business troubles to return with his father to to prefigure Christian history. He turned to Dante\u2019s sir- Florence (1341). The move back to Florence is described ventese as the model for Caccia di Diana (1334?)\u2014an in depressing terms at the end of Comedia delle ninfe ambiguous title which can mean either Diana\u2019s hunt or fiorentine (Comedy of the Florentine Nymphs, 1341\u2013 the chasing away of Diana. Here, the verses describe a 1342); Boccaccio remained nostalgic for the cultural hunt for various beasts by fifty-nine beautiful women of brilliance of Naples, and he tried several times to return Naples and their leader, Diana; the women then transfer there to live, but disappointing circumstances repeatedly their allegiance ro Venus, who turns the beasts into men. forced him to abandon this aim. However, the return to The problem of how to understand Boccaccio\u2019s work Florence did not interrupt his writing. Within a year he begins with the start of his career: Caccia has been read had produced two pastoral works. One, a pair of Latin as an elegant compliment, as Christian allegory, and as eclogues, would become the first two poems of Bucco- ironic satire. licum carmen, written over many years and completed Il Filocolo (1335\u20131336?), a long, ambitious romance about separated lovers, reveals that many influences 80","shortly before his death. The other was Comedia delle BOCCACCIO, GIOVANNI ninfe fiorentine. In this allegory, the shepherd Ameto overhears seven nymphs (virtues) tell, each in turn, and she writes her book both to warn other women and how they won over their lovers (vices). Then Ameto is to glory in her own tragedy. As in the earlier works, stripped of his animal skins and baptized, and he realizes descriptions of real life are mingled with mythical ref- that the nymphs he lusted for are even more desirable erences; and psychological realism coexists with hints as moral virtues. Venus descends, announcing herself as of a moral allegory about passion and reason. Venus is the triune god, while the nymphs sing, in veiled terms, associated with the Fury Tesiphone, and in a sense we of the mysteries of Christian belief. The title and plot witness Fiammetta\u2019s descent into hell (there are echoes of Comedia delle ninfe fiorentine, the use of terza rima, of Dante\u2019s Inferno)\u2014a hell of misery, violence, hypoc- and the usual borrowings of phrases show Boccaccio\u2019s risy, and stubborn pride. Ovid\u2019s Heroides and Seneca\u2019s indebtedness to Dante. Yet Boccaccio\u2019s work is radi- tragedies, especially Phaedra and Hippolytus, were cally new in kind, and it was to be a major influence on important sources for this work. the uses of the pastoral mode during the Renaissance. Its alternation of prose narrative with verse provided a Boccaccio had used the name Fiammetta for his model for Sannazaro\u2019s Arcadia. beloved in earlier books (Filocolo, Teseida, Comedia delle ninfe, and Amorosa visione); however, her identity Boethius\u2019s Consolation of Philosophy and the Roman changed from work to work\u2014she was a daughter of the de la Rose as well as Dante were the major sources for king of Naples from before or after his coronation, a Amorosa visione (Amorous Vision, 1342). In this dream nymph, and a descendant of Aquinas. In Elegia she is a vision, the narrator must choose between a narrow flight middle-class Neapolitan, and her unhappy love mirrors of ascending stairs and a broad doorway into a palace. the unhappiness of her lover in the earlier works. His A heavenly guide follows the narrator into the palace, is the pain of unrequited desire; hers the pain of having commenting on the murals he sees painted there\u2014tri- been seduced and abandoned. Her name will appear umphs of wisdom, glory, wealth, love, and fortune. once more, in the Decameron\u2014where, as a Florentine, The notion of a series of triumphs and the catalogs of she is one of the narrators, ruling the day of love stories figures in them inspired Petrarch\u2019s Trionfi and many with happy endings. It is worth noting that most of these Renaissance paintings. In Amorosa visione three poems happy endings consist in marriage. run as an acrostic down the entire length of the work, spelled out by the first letter of each tercet; Boccaccio\u2019s Marriage is also celebrated in Ninfale fiesolano own name appears in the acrostic at the point where he (1344\u20131346?), an Ovidian pastoral narrative about sees his beloved painted in love\u2019s triumph. Boccaccio the love of the country boy Africo and one of Diana\u2019s circulated a manuscript into which he had copied Cac- nymphs, Mensola. Diana turns the pregnant Mensola cia di Diana, the lyric Contento quasi, and Amorosa into a stream in the Tuscan countryside; and Africo, visione, all in terza rima. who commits suicide, gives his name to another stream nearby. Both Venus\u2019s advocacy of rape and Diana\u2019s insis- Meanwhile Petrarch, recently made the laureate at tence on chastity yield before social marriage, however, Naples (1341), was stirring the enthusiasm of literary as Africo and Mensola\u2019s son grows up, marries, and circles. Boccaccio composed a brief Latin life, De vita sires citizens of the new community, Fiesole. The work et moribus domini Francisci Petracchi (1341\u20131342), ends with a rapid history of the origins of and relations noting that no poet had been crowned at Rome since late between Fiesole and Florence. As in Filostrato, clarity antiquity but praising Petrarch\u2019s Italian lyrics as well as and lightness of language go hand in hand with the use his Latin endeavors. Boccaccio wrote that if souls were of stanzas of ottava rima; if Boccaccio did not invent reincarnated, people would think of Petrarch as the re- this form, he established it as a graceful and effective incarnation of Virgil. Clearly, excitement over a revival mode of narrative, taken up by poets of the Renaissance. of ancient culture had much to do with Boccaccio\u2019s own The adoption of Ovidian metamorphoses to mythicize enthusiasm. features of the local landscape is another feature that became immensely popular. In 1343\u20131344, Boccaccio was once again experi- menting with a new kind of work; the result\u2014Elegia di The mid-1340s saw political turmoil and violence madonna Fiammetta (Elegy of Lady Fiammetta)\u2014has in Florence, along with the failure of Florentine banks. been considered one of the first novels. Elegia is nar- Perhaps to escape all this, Boccaccio lived for a while rated by Fiammetta, a young married woman of Naples; (1345\u20131346?) in Ravenna; he dedicated his translation she tells of her falling in love, the departure of her of Livy\u2019s fourth decade to its ruler, Ostasio da Polenta. beloved, and his failure to return despite his promises. He next spent a short time (1347\u20131348?) in Forl\u00ec. Naples Small events evoke long psychological reactions as was then undergoing a period of chaos: the king of Fiammetta\u2019s alternating hope and depression lead her Hungary invaded it to avenge the death of his brother ever deeper into despair. Her attempted suicide is foiled, Andrew, who had been the husband of the queen of Naples and had been mysteriously murdered. Francesco Ordelaffi, lord of Forl\u00ec, wanted to join the Hungarian 81","BOCCACCIO, GIOVANNI fortune is followed by the achievement of one\u2019s desires; unhappy love stories are followed by happy ones; tricks expedition and nearly took Boccaccio along. Boccaccio by women against men are followed by the deceits of wrote several Latin eclogues on the situation in Naples; humans generally against each other; and the final topic, he was at first critical of the Neapolitans but was later magnanimous behavior, is introduced as a corrective to outraged by the brutality of the king of Hungary. all that has gone before. Boccaccio was back in Florence when the dreadful This collection had an enormous influence on prose plague of 1348 struck. Both his father and his stepmother fiction throughout Europe for the next several centu- died, leaving Boccaccio responsible for the remaining ries. The major themes of the Decameron\u2014fortune, family and its property. The death of between one-third love, trickery, the deceits of women, the hypocrisy of and half of the population of Florence, and the survivors\u2019 clergymen\u2014became those of a genre called the novella. fear of contagion, caused a temporary breakdown of Another feature, the framing tale, was also copied, Florentine society. Out of this terrible experience came with variations. Dramatists found the Decameron a the Decameron (1349\u20131351), whose ten narrators flee wonderful source of plots. Boccaccio\u2019s prose\u2014com- the plague, take refuge in their villas in the hills, and tell bining formal Latinate syntax with lively, realistic dia- each other stories for ten days, ending each day with a logue\u2014established a standard for Italian prose, just as song. (Activities such as singing and telling comic tales Petrarch became the model for Italian poetry. However, were actually recommended by doctors to preserve the unlike Petrarch, who denigrated Italian and encouraged balance of humors and thus prevent disease.) The hun- writing in Latin, Boccaccio defended Italian as a literary dred tales are \u201cretold\u201d by Boccaccio for women who language. His admiration for Dante, whose Commedia are obsessed by love and unable to distract themselves he sent to Petrarch with exhortations not to scorn it, as men can. (There are echoes here of Ovid\u2019s Remedia undoubtedly persuaded him of the potential power and amoris.) By chasing away their melancholy, Boccac- range of the vernacular. cio hopes to restore their mental health. The Dantean journey from the pestilential city to a garden which In October 1350, Petrarch came to Florence, and resembles an earthly paradise suggests a moral as well as Boccaccio went outside the gates of town to meet him a physical meaning. Yet the layering of narrative voices and invite him home. This was the beginning of a deep (the real Boccaccio, the inscribed \u201cI\u201d, the narrators, and friendship that lasted to the end of their lives, and many often characters telling tales within tales) complicates of their letters to each other are still extant. the possible interpretations. As with Boccaccio\u2019s earlier writings, critics have disagreed about how to read this From 1350 on, Boccaccio became more and more work. Some have seen it as championing the rights of involved in public life. He was given responsible of- \u201cnature\u201d against social morality; others as teaching fices within the city and was sent on sensitive embassies Christian morals; others as rejecting any moral func- abroad, including one to the pope in Avignon in 1354. tion of literature in favor of aesthetic pleasure; others In 1355, he made one of his disappointing trips to as intentionally thwarting any possibility of fixed mean- Naples; during this journey, the best beloved of his five ing. The Decameron has been considered feminist and illegitimate children died\u2014the little girl whom he af- misogynist, radical and conservative, conducive to the fectionately memorialized in his eclogue Olympia. (All reordering of society after its breakdown and subversive five children seem to have died very young.) At the rich of established order. library of Monte Cassino, he copied a number of classi- cal texts, because he was beginning to work on his own In writing the Decameron Boccaccio drew on a historical volumes: Genealogy of the Pagan Gods, The complex mixture of popular and literary sources. Prov- Fall of Illustrious Men, and the geographical dictionary erbs and tales from the oral tradition; recent events and Of Mountains, Forests, . . . and Seas (De montibus . . .). anecdotes; evocations of Dante; and classical narratives All these works took many years to complete. They re- by Ovid, Apuleius, and Valerius Maximus all merge in flect Boccaccio\u2019s more humanistic, scholarly side, which a rich work that has been called the \u201chuman comedy.\u201d was encouraged by Petrarch and was highly valued by Although many of the tales take place in Italian towns in the humanists of the following century. Boccaccio\u2019s own time or the recent past, there are also other settings, including the Orient and ancient Athens. In the early 1350s, Boccaccio wrote, in Italian, Branca (1976) has suggested that the wandering knights Trattatello in laude di Dante (Little Treatise in Praise of romance have been replaced here by wandering of Dante) for a manuscript in which he copied all the merchants who encounter everything from prostitutes known poetry of Dante; this collection became a major to disguised princesses. source for the transmission of Dante\u2019s verse. Tratatello, which was revised several times (c. 1360 and before Each day (except days 1 and 9) is assigned a topic, 1372), was a celebration as well as a biography, offered so that the tales interact as variations on a theme, while in lieu of the ancients\u2019 physical monuments to great Dioneo\u2019s final tale on each day often parodies the pre- men. Boccaccio praises Dante as a poet-theologian ceding stories. The topics are also linked: the power of 82","and discusses poetic theory but also passes on popular BOCCACCIO, GIOVANNI anecdotes about Dante and describes his appearance and manners. claris he assumes that classical goddesses were human women deified for their contributions to human life; Boccaccio\u2019s last work of Italian fiction, Corbaccio thus Ceres, for example, is considered an early teacher (Old Crow, 1355 or perhaps 1365), is a dream vision of agriculture. Boccaccio finds far fewer women to in which a mocked lover, the narrator, encounters the praise in his own time than in the past. He celebrates ghost of his lady\u2019s husband. The ghost reveals the wife ancient women writers for their intellectual pursuits, as evil, turning the narrator\u2019s love into hatred, and urges exhorting his contemporaries not to let their minds lie him to compose a work that will bring the woman shame idle. Christine de Pizan reworked these histories into instead of glory. This misogynistic tirade has left read- her feminist Book of the City of Ladies. ers perplexed. Some see it as angry, but others see it as humorous\u2014as a work meant to show us the narrator\u2019s During the political crisis in Florence in 1360, sev- double error, first in falling in love and then in swerving eral of Boccaccio\u2019s friends were exiled or killed. He to the opposite extreme. Still others see it as a moral himself withdrew from Florence to Certaldo c. 1365. lesson. On the one hand, the husband has been taken as In a letter of consolation (1361\u20131362) to his exiled Boccaccio\u2019s mouthpiece; on the other hand, the husband friend Pino de\u2019 Rossi, Boccaccio declares the advent of has been seen as an infernal ghost who seeks to bring his a new era: the path of the ancients, long overgrown, has rival to harm. The title has been seen as referring to the been cleared by Petrarch, and others may now follow widow, to the husband, to lust, and to the harsh-voiced in his steps. This sense of a new opening also appears book as a whole. The form of the book, a dream vision, in Boccaccio\u2019s praise of Giotto (Decameron, 6.5) for is reminiscent of Amorosa visione, which Boccaccio was reviving an art long dead. Boccaccio himself also par- simultaneously revising. ticipated in launching this new era, reviving classical forms, themes, and histories. In contrast to his usual Genealogie deorum gentilium (Genealogy of the humility, Genealogie contains his one boast\u2014that he Pagan Gods), first circulated c. 1360 but revised in had revived Greek studies (15.7): 1372, contains further reflections on poetry. In its fifteen books, classical myths are organized according to major Was it not I who intercepted Leontius Pilatus on his way gods and their descendants. The myths are then glossed; from Venice to the western Babylon [Avignon] . . . ? Did but although they are given natural, historical, or moral I not make the utmost effort personally that he should meanings, they are not Christianized. Boccaccio had be appointed professor [of Greek] in Florence, and his frequently used classical myths in order to formulate salary paid out of the city\u2019s funds [1360\u20131362]? Indeed Christian meanings, but here he was concerned to dis- I did; and I too was the \ufb01rst who, at my own expense, cover what the ancients themselves might have meant called back to Tuscany the writings of Homer and of by these tales. The final two books contain a defense of other Greek authors, whence they had departed many literature and of the study of pagan writings. The work centuries before, never meanwhile to return. . . . I, too, remained a basic source about mythology for writers was the \ufb01rst to hear Leontius privately render the Iliad and artists of the Renaissance. in Latin [1359\u20131360]; and I it was who tried to arrange public readings from Homer. De casibus virorum illustrium (The Fates of Il- lustrious Men) was finished c. 1360 but was enlarged Devotion to the classics, as Boccaccio argued in Ge- later (1373\u20131374). It offers a series of examples of the nealogie, was in no way anti-Christian. In 1360\u20131361, instability of worldly glory, running all the way from the pope gave Boccaccio a full dispensation for his Adam through King Arthur to contemporary cases but illegitimate birth, enabling him to hold some church mainly emphasizing classical history. Inserted among office or benefice that probably provided him with an these examples are famous chapters on the praise of income. Nonetheless, a message in 1362 from the holy poverty, the combat between Poverty and Fortune, the man Pietro Petroni, warning Petrarch and Boccaccio to defense of literature, the nature of dreams, and other turn from literature to God or risk damnation, caused topics. The work became known in England through Boccaccio serious misgivings. His fears were calmed Lydgate\u2019s Fall of Princes. by Petrarch, who argued that although intellectual pur- suits are not necessary to salvation, they offer a higher Boccaccio also took up the case of women, protest- way than simple faith. Petrarch even invited Boccaccio ing against their neglect by other historians, including to live with him, but Boccaccio preferred to remain Petrarch. De mulieribus claris (On Famous Women), independent. written and revised several times between 1361 and 1375, presents biographies from Eve to Queen Giovanna In 1363, Boccaccio did accept an invitation to live of Naples, i.e., it covers the same span of time as De at the court of Naples, bringing De mulieribus and casibus. In Genealogie, Boccaccio had given historical probably De casibus with him as a gift. His illusion of readings of some myths; similarly, in De mulieribus ending his days comfortably as a great man at the court were quickly shattered, however. In an angry letter, he complained of having been lodged and fed with lowly 83","BOCCACCIO, GIOVANNI Caccia di Diana, ed. Vittore Branca. Tutte le Opere, Vol. 1. Verona: Mondadori, 1967. servants and forced to follow the seneschal, Niccol\u00f2 Acciaiuoli, around in his constant travels, making study Carmina, ed. Giuseppe Velli. Tutte le opere, Vol. 5, t. 1. Milan: impossible; as a final insult, he had even been left behind Mondadori, 1992. by the entourage. After a consoling visit with Petrarch in Venice, Boccaccio returned to Certaldo bitterly con- Comedia delle ninfe Fiorentine, ed. Antonio Enzo Quaglio. Tutte firmed in his preference for impoverished independence. le opere, Vol. 2. Verona: Mondadori, 1964. His public duties for Florence resumed in 1365. Corbaccio, ed. Tauno Nurmela. Suomalaisen Tiedeakatemian Besides Boccaccio\u2019s prose and verse narratives, 126 Toimituksia: Annales Academiae Scientiarum Fennicae, of his securely attributed lyric poems remain. They Series B, 146. Helsinki, 1968. were written throughout his life on such topics as love, religion, and poetry and were never assembled into any Decameron, ed. Vittore Branca. Tutte le opere, Vol. 4. Verona: fixed collection. (Nearly fifty poems less surely attrib- Mondadori, 1976. uted to him have also been published.) The influence of Ovid, the stilnovisti, and Petrarch is recognizable in De Canaria, ed. Manlio Pastore Stocchi. Tutte le opere, Vol. 5, many of Boccaccio\u2019s verses. Around 1370, Boccaccio t. 1. Milan: Mondadori, 1992. circulated his completed Carmen buccolicum: sixteen diverse Latin eclogues on amatory, political, moral, lit- De mulieribus Claris, ed. Vittorio Zaccaria. Tutte le opere, Vol. erary, and religious matters. Three of the later eclogues 10. Verona: Mondadori, 1970. Elegia di madonna Fiammetta, present a hell, paradise, and purgatory clearly inspired ed. Cesare Segre. In Opere di Giovanni Boccaccio. Milan: by Dante\u2019s. Boccaccio also copied together into one Mursia, 1963. manuscript the eclogues of Virgil, Petrarch, Dante, Giovanni del Virgilio, Checco di Meletto de\u2019 Rossi, and Epistole e lettere, ed. Ginetta Auzzas. Tutte le opere, Vol. 5, t. 1. his own; this anthology of pastoral verse contributed to Milan: Mondadori, 1992. the subsequent popularity of the genre. Esposizioni sopra la Comedia di Dante, ed. Giorgio Padoan. Tutte In 1373, Boccaccio was invited to give the first public le opere, Vol. 6. Verona: Mondadori, 1965. lectures in Florence on Dante\u2019s Commedia. These lec- tures were interrupted by his illness during the following Filocolo, ed. Antonio Enzo Quaglio. Tutte le opere, Vol. 1. Verona: year; moreover, Boccaccio expressed his concern, in Mondadori, 1967. several sonnets (122\u2013125), that he might be prostituting the muses by exposing Dante\u2019s poetry to the crowds. His Filostrato, ed. Vittore Branca. Tutte le opere, Vol. 2. Verona: written Esposizioni (Commentaries), divided into literal Mondadori, 1964. and allegorical explanations, break off at Inferno 17. In the midst of his own illness, Boccaccio received news of Genealogie deorum gentilium libri, 2 vols., ed. Vincenzo Romano. Petrarch\u2019s death (July 1374), and he mourned Petrarch Bari: Laterza, 1951. in Italian verse. Near the end of Boccaccio\u2019s life, one of his most devoted friends was Coluccio Salutari, who was Lettere edite e inedite, ed. Francesco Corazzini. Florence, to be important to the next generation of humanists. On 1877. 21 December 1375, Boccaccio died at Certaldo, leaving his books to the Augustinians of Santo Spirito. He had Ninfale fiesolano, ed. Armando Balduino. Tutte le opere, Vol. 3. composed his own epitaph: Verona: Mondadori, 1974. Beneath this stone lie the ashes and bones of Giovanni; Opere Latine minori, ed. Aldo Francesco Mass\u00e8ra. Bari: Laterza, His spirit sits before God adorned with the merits of the 1928. labors Rime, ed. Vittore Branca. Tutte le opere, Vol. 5, t. 1. Milan: Of his mortal life. His father was Boccaccio, Mondadori, 1992. His home Certaldo, his eager study was nourishing poetry. Teseida delle nozze di Emilia, ed. Alberto Limentani. Tutte le See also Chaucer, Geoffrey; Cino da Pistoia; opere, Vol. 2. Verona: Mondadori, 1964. Dante Alighieri; Petrarca, Francesco Trattatello in laude di Dante, ed. Pier Giorgio Ricci. Tutte le Further Reading opere, Vol. 3. Verona: Mondadori, 1974. Editions of Boccacio\u2019s Works Vite, ed. Renata Fabbri. Tutte le opere, Vol. 5, t. 1. Milan: Mon- dadori, 1992. Amorosa visione, ed. Vittore Branca. Tutte le opere, Vol. 3. Ve- rona: Mondadori, 1974. Translations of Boccaccio\u2019s Works (by Work) L\u2019Ameto, trans. Judith Serafini-Sauli. New York: Garland, 1985. Amorosa visione, trans. Robert Hollander, Timothy Hampton, and Margherita Frankel. Hanover, N.H., and London: University Press of New England, 1986. Amorous Fiammetta (Elegia di madonna Fiammetta), trans. Bartholomew Young. London, 1587. (Rev. ed., Edward Hut- ton, London, 1926. Reprint, Westport, Conn.: Greenwood, 1970.) Boccaccio on Poetry, trans. Charles Osgood. Indianapolis, Ind.: Bobbs-Merrill, 1930. (Genealogie, books 14 and 15.) The Book of Theseus (Teseida), trans. Bernadette McCoy. New York: Medieval Text Association, 1974. Concerning Famous Women, trans. Guido Guarino. New Bruns- wick, N.J.: Rutgers University Press, 1963. The Corbaccio, trans. Anthony K. Cassell. Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1975. (2nd ed. rev., Binghamton: Medieval and Renaissance Texts and Studies, 1993.) Decameron, trans. G. H. McWilliam. Harmondsworth: Penguin, 1972. (2nd ed., 1995.) Decameron, trans. Mark Musa and Peter Bondanella. New York: Norton, 1982. 84","Diana\u2019s Hunt: Caccia di Diana\u2014Boccaccio\u2019s First Fiction, ed. BOETHIUS DE DACIA and trans. Anthony K. Cassell and Victoria Kirkham. Phila- delphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1991. Smarr Janet L. Boccaccio and Fiammetta: The Narrator as Lover. Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1986. Eclogues, trans. Janet Levarie Smarr. New York: Garland, 1987. Criticism: Decameron The Elegia di Lady Fiammetta, trans. Mariangela Causa Steindler Almansi, Guido. The Writer as Liar: Narrative Technique in the and Thomas Mauch. Chicago, Ill.: University of Chicago Decameron. London: Routledge and Kegan Paul, 1975. Press, 1990. Cottino-Jones, Marga. Order from Chaos. Washington, D.C.: The Fates of Illustrious Men, trans. and abridged Louis Brewer University Press of America, 1982. Hall. New York: Ungar, 1965. Dombroski, Robert, ed. Critical Perspectives on the Decameron. Il Filocolo, trans. Donald Cheney with the collaboration of London: Hodder and Stoughton, 1976. Thomas G. Bergin. New York: Garland, 1985. Fido, Franco. \u201cBoccaccio\u2019s Ars Narrandi in the Sixth Day of [Il Fibcolo, extract.] Thirteen Most Pleasant and Delectable the Decameron.\u201d In Roots and Branches: Essays in Honor Questions of Love, trans. H. G. London, 1566. (Rev. ed., of Thomas G. Bergin, ed. Giose Rimanelli and Kenneth John Harry Carter, NewYork: Potter, 1974. (\u201cH. G.\u201d may be Henry Atchity. New Haven, Conn.: Yale University Press, 1976, Grantham.) pp. 225\u2013242. Il Fibstrato, ed. Vincenzo Pernicone, trans. Robert P. ap Roberts Forni, Pier Massimo. Forme complesse nel Decameron. Florence: and Anna Bruni Seldis. New York: Garland, 1986. Olschki, 1992. The Fibstrato, trans. Nathaniel Edward Griffin and Arthur Beck- \u2014\u2014. Adventures in Speech: Rhetoric and Narration in Boccac- with Myrick. Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, cio\u2019s Decameron. Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania 1929. (Reprint, New York: Octagon, 1970.) Press, 1996. [Il Filostrato.] The Story of Troilus (Filostrato), trans. Robert Kay Greene, Thomas. \u201cForms of Accommodation in the Decameron.\u201d Gordon. London: Dent, 1934. (Reprint, Toronto: University Italica, 45, 1968, pp. 297\u2013313. of Toronto Press, 1978.) Hollander, Robert. \u201cUtilit\u00e0 in Boccaccio\u2019s Decameron.\u201d Studi sul Life of Dante, trans. James Robinson Smith. In The Earliest Boccaccio, 15, 1985\u20131986, pp. 215\u2013233. Lives of Dante. New York: Holt, 1902. (Reprint, Norwood, Pa.: Norwood Editions, 1976.) \u2014\u2014. Boccaccio\u2019s Dante and the Shaping Force of Fiction. Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 1997. The Life of Dante (Trattatello in laude di Dante), trans. Vincenzo Zin Bollettino. New York: Garland, 1990. Kirkham, Victoria. \u201cLove\u2019s Labors Rewarded and Paradise Lost.\u201d Romanic Review, 72, 1981, 79\u201393. (Day 3.) The Nymph of Fiesole, trans. Daniel J. Donno. New York: Co- lumbia University Press, 1960. \u2014\u2014. \u201cAn Allegorically Tempered Decameron.\u201d Italica, 62, 1985a, pp. 1\u201323. Nymphs of Fiesole (Ninfale fiesolano), trans. Joseph Tusiani. Rutherford, N.J.: Fairleigh Dickinson University Press, \u2014\u2014. \u201cBoccaccio\u2019s Dedication to Women in Love.\u201d In Renais- 1971. sance Studies in Honor of Craig Hugh Smyth, ed. Andrew Morrogh et al. Florence: Giunti Barbera, 1985b, Vol. I, pp. Theseid of the Nuptials of Emilia, trans. Vincenzo Traversa. New 333\u2013343. York: Peter Lang, 2002. Lessico critico decameroniano, ed. Renzo Bragantini and Pier Boccaccio Bibliographies Massimo Froni. Turin: Bollati Boringhieri, 1995. Consoli, Joseph P. Giovanni Boccaccio: An Annotated Bibliog- Marcus, Millicent. An Allegory of Form: Literary Self-Conscious- raphy. New York: Garland, 1992. ness in the Decameron. Stanford French and Italian Studies, 18. Saratoga, Calif., 1979. Esposito, Enzo, with the collaboration of Christopher Kleinhenz. Boccacciana: Bibliografia delle edizioni e degli scritti critici Mazzotta, Giuseppe. The World at Play in Boccaccio\u2019s Decam- 1939\u20131974. Ravenna: Longo, 1976. eron. Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 1986. Studi sul Boccaccio. 1963\u2013 . (Contains bibliographic updates.) Musa, Mark, and Peter Bondanella, eds. The Decameron: 21 Traversari, Guido. Bibliografia boccaccesca. Citt\u00e0 di Castello: Novelle, Contemporary Reactions, Modern Criticism. New York: Norton, 1977. S. Lapi, 1907. Olson, Glending. Literature as Recreation in the Later Middle Criticism: General Ages. Ithaca, N.Y.: Cornell University Press, 1982. Barolini, Teodolinda. \u201cGiovanni Boccaccio.\u201d In European Writ- Scaglione, Aldo D. Nature and Love in the Late Middle Ages: An ers: The Middle Ages and the Renaissance, ed. William T. Essay on the Cultural Context of the Decameron. Berkeley: Jackson. New York: Scribner, 1983, Vol. 2, pp. 509\u2013534. University of California Press, 1963. Bergin, Thomas G. Boccaccio. New York: Viking, 1981. Smarr, Janet. \u201cSymmetry and Balance in the Decameron.\u201d Me- Boccaccio 1975: Secoli di vita\u2014Atti del Congresso Internazio- dievalia, 2, 1976, pp. 159\u2013186. nale, Boccaccio 1975, ed. Marga Cottino-Jones and Edward Wallace, David. Giovanni Boccaccio: Decameron. Cambridge: Tuttle. Ravenna: Longo, 1978. Cambridge University Press, 1991. Branca, Vittore. Boccaccio: The Man and His Works, trans. Rich- ard Monges. New York: New York University Press, 1976. Janet Levarie Smarr de\u2019 Negri, Enrico. \u201cThe Legendary Style of the Decameron.\u201d Romanic Review, 43, 1952, pp. 166\u2013189. BOETHIUS DE DACIA (13th century) Hollander, Robert. Boccaccio\u2019s Two Venuses. NewYork: Colum- bia University Press, 1977. Boethius de Dacia was a Danish philosopher active at Lee, A. Collingwood. The Decameron: Its Sources and Ana- the University of Paris in the 1270s. \u201cBoethius\u201d is a logues. London: David Nutt, 1909. latinization of the Nordic name \u201cBo.\u201d Because of a mis- Serafini-Sauli, Judith Powers. Giovanni Boccaccio. Boston, interpretation of the epithet \u201cde Dacia\/Dacus\u201d = \u201cfrom Mass.: Twayne, 1982. Denmark,\u201d some scholars have called him \u201cBoethius of Sweden.\u201d Nothing is known about Boethius\u2019s life except 85","BOETHIUS DE DACIA Bibliographies that he was a master of arts, the author of some thirty Pinborg, Jan. \u201cZur Philosophie des Boethius de Dacia. Ein learned works (ten preserved), and with Siger of Brabant Ueberblick.\u201d Studia Mediewistyczne 15 (1974), 165\u201385; rpt. became one of the main targets of the condemnation in Pinborg, Jan. Medieval Semantics, Selected Studies on issued by the bishop of Paris in 1277. He may at some Medieval Logic and Grammar. Ed. Sten Ebbesen, London: later time have become a Dominican. Boethius was an Variorum, 1984. important linguistic theoretician who contributed to the development of the theory of \u201cmodi significandi.\u201d The Green-Pedersen, N. J., in CPhD, 6.2, 1976 [see above]. theory distinguishes between a word\u2019s lexical meaning Wippel, J. F. Boethius de Dacia [see above]. (the thing it signifies) and its secondary semantical com- ponents (the ways in which it signifies the thing, \u201cmodi Literature significandi\u201d). Grammaticality depends exclusively on concord of \u201cmodi significandi.\u201d The \u201cmodi significandi\u201d Jensen, S\u00f8ren Skovgaard. \u201cOn the National Origin of the Phi- were supposed to be linguistic universals, although not losopher Boetius de Dacia.\u201d \u201cClassica et Mediaevalia 24 having the same sort of morphological expression in (1963), 232\u201341. all languages. The \u201cmodi significandi\u201d reflect ways of understanding (\u201cmodi intelligendi\u201d) common to all Pinborg, Jan. Die Entwicklung der Sprachtheorie im Mittelalter. humankind, and they in turn are based on real features Beitr\u00e4ge zur Geschichte der Philosophie und Theologie des of things (\u201cmodi essendi\u201d). Boethius is best known Mittelalters, Texte und Untersuchungen, 42.2. M\u00fcnster: for his theory of knowledge and science, which makes Aschendorff; Copenhagen: Frost-Hansen, 1967; Pinborg, Jan. each science an autonomous system into which it is \u201cZur Philosophie\u201d [see above]. impossible to incorporate nonscientific facts known only through revelation. Thus, Christian beliefs about Sten Ebbesen a temporal beginning of the world, about the existence of a first pair of human beings, or about the resurrec- BOHEMOND OF TARANTO tion and the ultimate good of the individual are true, (c. 1050 or 1058\u20131111) but it would be an error to try to assign them a place in scientific theories. Bohemond (or Bohemund; Bohemond I, prince of An- tioch) was the eldest son of Robert Guiscard by Robert\u2019s See also Siger of Brabant first wife, Alberada. He developed in the shadow of his father\u2019s transformation from a Norman brigand-mer- Further Reading cenary to the founder, as duke of Apulia, of a powerful new state in southern Italy. Bohemond emerged early Editions as his father\u2019s chief lieutenant, notably during Robert Guiscard\u2019s daring invasion of the Byzantine empire in Boethii Daci Opera = Corpus Philosophorum Danicorum Medii the early 1080s. Aevi [CPhD], 4\u20139. The Danish Society of Language and Literature. Copenhagen: Gad, 1969\u2013; contents of individual Bohemond was bypassed in the succession to his volumes: Pinborg, Joannes, and Henricus Roos, eds. Modi father\u2019s Apulian realm in favor of Roger Borsa, Robert\u2019s significandi sive Quaestiones super Priscianum minorem. eldest son by his second wife. However, Bohemond forc- CPhD, 4.1\u20132, 1969. ibly extorted from his half-brother a territorial enclave that included Bari. Beyond that, he had inherited his Saj\u00f3, G\u00e8za, ed. Quaestiones de generatione et corruptio- father\u2019s grandiose dream of carving out a realm in the ne\u2014Quaestiones super libros Physicorum. CPhD, 5.1\u20132, east at the expense of Byzantium. The great project that 1972\u201374. was to become the First Crusade was clearly a perfect opportunity for Bohemond. When Pope Urban II called Green-Pedersen, N.J., et al., eds. Topica\u2014Opuscula. CPhD, for crusaders to champion Christendom against Islam, 6.1\u20132, 1976 [Opuscula = De aeternitate mundi, De summo Bohemond was among the western barons who respond- bono, De somniis]. ed. He was an archetype of the self-seeking opportunist, hungry for a principality of his own in the east. Fioravanti, Gianfranco, ed. Quaestiones super IVm Meteorlogi- corum. CPhD, 8, 1979. Bohemond set out in the autumn of 1096 for Con- stantinople, where the crusaders had agreed to meet. Ebbesen, S. Sophismata. CPhD, 9. The Byzantines, who knew him all too well, inevitably suspected that he had ulterior motives; but Bohemond Translations went out of his way to be deferential to Emperor Alexius I Comnenus (Alexios Komnenos). Pledging loyalty, he McDermott, A. Charlene Senape, trans. Godfrey of Fontaine\u2019s sought for himself the Byzantine post of domestikos of Abridgement of Boethius of Dacia\u2019s Modi significandi sive the east, and he became a leading negotiator between Quaestiones super Priscianum maiorem. History of Linguis- the crusaders and Alexius. He accepted Alexius\u2019s tic Science, ser. 3; Studies in the History of Linguistics, 22. terms\u2014an oath of fealty and a promise to surrender Amsterdam: Benjamin, 1980. to the emperor any conquered cities or lands that had previously belonged to the empire\u2014but Alexius had Wippel, John F., trans. Boethius of Dacia: On the Supreme Good, On the Eternity of the World, On Dreams. Mediaeval Sources in Translation, 30. Toronto: Pontifical Institute of Mediaeval Studies; Leiden: Brill, 1987. 86","no illusions about Bohemond\u2019s sincerity or goals. As BONAGIUNTA ORBICCIANI DEGLI AVERARDI the expedition proceeded beyond the taking of Nicaea, Bohemond\u2019s self-interest became increasingly evident, \u2014\u2014. The Norman Fate, 1100\u20131154. Berkeley: University of and at a very early point he seems to have set his sights California Press, 1976. on the important Syrian city of Antioch, one particu- larly desired by Alexius. Bohemond was a leader in the Rowe, J. G. \u201cPaschal II, Bohemund of Antioch, and the Byzantine prolonged, brutal siege of Antioch (1097\u20131098), and by Empire.\u201d Bulletin of the John Rylands Library, 49, 1966\u20131967, clever manipulation he was able to secure its surrender pp. 165\u2013202. to himself. He refused to share it with the other leaders, and\u2014by now outspoken in his hostility to Alexius\u2014he Runciman, Steven. The First Crusade. Cambridge: Cambridge made it the center of his own principality. Bohemond University Press, 1980. (Abridged from Vol. 1 of his History remained in Antioch while the rest of the crusaders\u2019 of the Crusades, 1951.) forces went on to storm Jerusalem (1099). Yewdale, Ralph Bailey. Bohemond I, Prince of Antioch. Princeton, Bohemond soon found himself beleaguered by both N.J.: Princeton University Press, 1924. (Reprint, Amsterdam, Byzantines and Turks; he was even briefly taken prisoner 1970.) by the Turks, and he felt that his hold on Antioch was precarious. Convinced that Alexius was his supreme John W. Barker obstacle, Bohemond developed a characteristically daring scheme of attacking Byzantium directly, in his BONAGIUNTA ORBICCIANI DEGLI father\u2019s pattern. In 1104, he left behind his nephew and AVERARDI (c. 1220\u2013before 1300) longtime deputy, Tancred, to hold Antioch, and secretly had himself conveyed back to Europe. (A story is told Bonagiunta, a poet from Lucca who preceded the stil that, to avoid interception by Byzantine squadrons, novo, is a character in Dante\u2019s Divine Comedy (Pur- Bohemond gave out the report that he was dead and gatorio, 24). Bonagiunta was a judge and a notary; then spent much of the voyage in a coffin, along with a accordingly, in two authoritative manuscripts (Vatican dead chicken to add olfactory verisimilitude.) In Rome 3793 and 3214) the poet is given the honorific ser, and he convinced the gullible Pope Paschal II of Alexius\u2019s his name is preserved in deeds drawn up between 1242 treachery and animosity to the crusade and was given a and 1257. Fewer than forty of his poems have survived: blessing to organize a force to attack Byzantine lands, eleven canzoni, two \u201cdiscords\u201d (descorts, or disputes), disseminating vicious propaganda against Alexius in five ballads, and some twenty sonnets. Three of the son- the process. Bohemond made a landing at Avlona in nets are addressed to other poets: one to Guinizzelli (d. October 1107 but was quickly contained by Alexius at 1276) and two to unidentified correspondents. Another Dyracchium. Compelled to surrender, Bohemond signed two or three sonnets belong to a tenzone\u2014a cycle of a humiliating treaty with Alexius in September 1108, verses by several authors\u2014initiated by the judge Gon- once again accepting Byzantine suzerainty over Antioch. nella Antelminelli with Bonagiunta and a certain Bo- Bohemond never returned to his hard-won principality; nodico, all from Lucca. Bonagiunta\u2019s themes include, as shortly after making this treaty, he died, perhaps in Bari. might be expected, his changing moods (sorrow, hope, Tancred refused to recognize the treaty of 1108 and thus joy, disappointment) as an apprehensive lover, and praise initiated an independent Norman rule in Antioch that of his lady. In some poems, as is also true of Guittone would last for the next few generations. d\u2019Arezzo (c. 1235\u20131294) and other Tuscan poets of the time, Bonagiunta touches on or develops moral topics: Bohemond was buried in a curious tomb, of either honor versus pleasure; wisdom and integrity versus Muslim or crusader design, still to be seen outside the foolishness; boasters; corrupt judges; how to deal with duomo in the town of Canosa di Puglia. On its bronze fortune; and so on. door there is an inscription of fulsome praise to this restless but ultimately futile Norman prince. To ascertain Bonagiunta\u2019s place in poetry, and to give him his due in the development of the Italian lyric, three See also Urban II, Pope crucial connections must be explored. How can we relate him to (1) the Sicilian school, (2) Guittone d\u2019Arezzo, Further Reading and (3) the stil novo? An adjunct to the third question is this: Why did Dante, in seeking a narrative catalyst to Anna Comnena. Alexiad, trans. Elizabeth A. S. Dawes. London, give himself an opportunity to proclaim and define his 1928. dolce stil nuovo (Purgatorio, 24:57), select Bonagiunta and not, as Contini (1960) wonders, Giacomo da Lentini \u2014\u2014. Alexiad, trans. E. R. A. Sewter. London, 1969; Harmonds- or Guittone? worth: Penguin, 1979. With regard to question 1, it is easy to reach agree- Douglas, David C. The Norman Achievement, 1050\u20131100. Berke- ment. Between the Sicilian school and Bonagiunta ley: University of California Press, 1969. there is, in fact, a clear path of transfer and continuity; thus we have no trouble in granting, with Contini, that \u201capart from the very members of the School, Bonagiunta was the real transplanter of the Sicilian poetry to Tuscany.\u201d 87","BONAGIUNTA ORBICCIANI DEGLI AVERARDI joyfully acknowledge, in the unescapable dialectics of contrappasso, the messianic renewal that Dante was However, as regards questions 2 and 3, Contini seems bringing about. to go too far by loosening the connection between Bonagiunta and Guittone in an attempt to establish, See also Dante Alighieri; Guinizzelli, Guido instead, a more direct link between Bonagiunta and the poets of the stil novo; according to Contini, beneath the Further Reading cumbersome superstructure of Guittone\u2019s trobar clus (hermetic style), Bonagiunta elaborated the Sicilian Barolini, Teodolinda. Dante\u2019s Poets: Textuality and Truth in tradition and channeled it toward the results finally the \u201cComedy.\u201d Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, achieved by the Florentine stil novo. Marti (1973) has 1984. toned down this interpretation. Bonagiuntismo may have been the state of affairs to which Guittone was Contini, Gianfranco, ed. Poeti del Duecento, 2 vols. Milan- reacting in developing his own innovative, pithy writing; Naples: Ricciardi, 1960, Vol. 1, pp. 257\u2013282; Vol. 2, p. 825. but Bonagiunta was no doubt attracted by the younger, more authoritative, and more charismatic Giuttone. Al- De Sanctis, Francesco, and Gerolamo Lazzeri, eds. Storia della though Bonagiunta\u2019s own tendency was comparatively letteratura italiana dai primi secoli agli albori del Trecento. archaic and leu (free, open), he considered himself a Milan: Hoepli, 1950, pp. 376, 396, 520\u2013529. staunch supporter of Guittone. This is revealed in the sonnet directed to Guinizzelli (Voi, ch\u2019avete mutata la Marti, Mario. \u201cOrbicciani, Bonagiunta.\u201d In Enciclopedia dant- mainera, \u201cYou who have changed the manner\u201d), where esca. Rome: Istituto della Enciclopedia Italiana, 1973, Vol. he harshly chides Guinizzelli for changing the style 4, pp. 181\u2013182. then gloriously in force: that is, Guittone\u2019s. In addition, Dante perceived\u2014and condemned\u2014Bonagiunta as a Quaglio, Antonio Enzo. \u201cI poeti siculo-toscani.\u201d In La letteratura Guittonian, in De vulgari eloquentia (l.xiii.l) and also in italiana: Storia e testi, ed. Carlo Muscetta. Bari: Laterza, a famous episode in Purgatory, 24 (although, we should 1970, pp. 241\u2013258. note, lato sensu, i.e., without the benefit of a detailed stylistic analysis). Tartaro, Achille. \u201cGuittone e i rimatori siculo-toscani.\u201d In Storia della letteratura italiana, ed. Emilio Cecchi and Natalino An even thornier question is whether Bonagiunta Sapegno. Milan: Garzanti, 1965, Vol. 1, pp. 381\u2013389. might be considered a forerunner or incubator of the stil novo (a problem which also arises, for instance, in trying Zaccagnini, Guido, and Amos Parducci, eds. Rimatori siculo- to place Chiaro Davanzati). This question is especially toscani del Dugento. Series 1a: Pistoiesi, Lucchesi, Pisani. difficult because we do not know when Bonagiunta Bari: Laterza, 1915, pp. 47\u201393, 112\u2013118. died or, more important, when he stopped writing. He probably outlived Guinizzelli, but we have no idea how Ruggero Stefanini long he remained active as a poet in the last twenty years of the century. However, it is not very likely, given his BONAVENTURA BERLINGHIERI advanced age, that the features of the stil novo which (fl. 1235\u20131244) some readers discern in his verses were due to any influence exerted on him by the new school (especially Bonaventura Berlinghieri painted a gabled altarpiece at Cavalcanti), as Francesco Novati was inclined to believe. Pescia depicting Saint Francis flanked by six scenes of Considering the continuity and the constraints of the Francis\u2019s life and miracles. This work, unusual because lyrical tradition, one should be cautious in retrospec- it is both signed and dated (1235), is a linchpin in the tively applying the term stil novo, or even \u201cstilnovistic,\u201d chronology of Italian painting: it clarifies develop- to lexical and metric combinations in the work of earlier ments in style as well as in Franciscan iconography; poets. In such cases the real significance is to be found and current analyses have been aided by its restoration in the context, both literal and cultural. in 1982. For the episode in Purgatory 24, then, Dante would The format and style of this work suggest that Bo- have thought of Bonagiunta for several reasons. For one naventura was the most innovative of the three sons thing, only through Bonagiunta could the lyrical remi- of the Lucchese painter Berlinghiero di Milanese. niscence of Gentucca be introduced; for another, Dante Documents place the activity of Berlinghiero and his certainly held Bonagiunta responsible for having blindly sons\u2014Bonaventura, Barone, and Marco\u2014between 1228 exalted Guittone\u2019s reputation (Purgatory, 26.124\u2013126) and 1282, primarily at Lucca; a relatively recent attempt over that of Guinizzelli, whom Dante considered his own by Caleca (1981) to associate the Berlinghieri of Lucca poetic father. Bonagiunta had resented and objected to with Volterra has not changed that localization. Although the novelty of Guinizzelli\u2019s \u201csweet style\u201d; let him now Marco was commissioned to illuminate manuscripts and both Marco and Bonaventura received commissions for frescoes, most of the extant works associated with the Berlinghieri are images of the Virgin and Child and the Passion painted on wooden panels. These works are in a distinctive style, in which the linear Italian Romanesque tradition is transformed by a new and intense familiarity with Byzantine images produced shortly before 1200. On the basis of the resulting angular, expressive facial 88","types and the architectural and landscape settings, a BONAVENTURE, SAINT large number of works have been associated with the Berlinghieri family. Several of these have been attributed BONAVENTURE, SAINT to Bonaventura Berlinghieri and his followers, including (John of Fidanza; ca. 1217\u201374) a diptych originally from Lucca but now in the Uffizi in Florence, portions of a Crucifixion in Tereglio, and a Bonaventure was born in Bagnoregio, near Viterbo, and group of works sometimes attributed to a separate \u201cOb- sources say that he fought his well-to-do family to enter late Cross Master.\u201d Together, these Lucchese painters the Franciscan order; this he did in Paris, probably in had a profound impact on the style of painters in other 1243. Legend has it that as a child he was miraculously Tuscan centers, especially Florence, such as the Bardi cured by St. Francis\u2019s intervention. He was educated in Saint Francis Master, the Bigallo Master, the Master of the Franciscan friary in Bagnoregio and moved to Paris the Uffizi Crucifix 434, and Coppo di Marcovaldo. for the arts course ca. 1234. He studied theology in the Franciscan school under Alexander of Hales, John of See also Francis of Assisi, Saint La Rochelle, William of Melitona, and Odo Rigaldus; his wide use of the Dominican Hugues de Saint-Cher Further Reading suggests that he may have been Hugues\u2019s pupil as well. He was made regent master, probably in 1253, but for- Angiola, Eloise M. \u201cNuovi documenti su Bonaventura e Marco mal acceptance for him and for Thomas Aquinas was di Berlinghiero.\u201d Prospettiva, 21, 1980, pp. 82\u201384. delayed until October 1257 by the dispute between secular masters and the mendicants. Ayer, Elizabeth. \u201cThirteenth-Century Imagery in Transition: The Berlighiero Family in Lucca.\u201d Dissertation, Rutgers the State In February 1257, Bonaventure was made minister- University, 1991. general of the Franciscans, on the suggestion of John of Parma, who had resigned under pressure from Pope Belting, Hans. Likeness and Presence: A History of the Image Alexander IV. His nomination suggests that the divide before the Era of Art, trans. Edmund Jephcott. Chicago, Ill.: between the two wings of the order (Conventual and University of Chicago Press, 1994. Spiritual) was not yet unbridgeable, since John was later characterized as a Spiritual and Bonaventure a Boskovits, Mikl\u00f3s. The Origins of Florentine Painting 1100\u2013 Conventual. As a master, he composed a commentary 1270, trans. Robert Erich Wolf. A Critical and Historical on Peter Lombard\u2019s Sententiae (by far his longest and Corpus of Florentine Painting, 1, Vol. 1, 1993. most systematic work) and biblical commentaries, as well as various theological \u201cquestions.\u201d Caleca, Antonino, and Mariagiulia Burresi. Momenti dell\u2019arte a Volterra: Volterra, Palazzo Minucci Solaini, Agosto-Settembre Bonaventure\u2019s accession to the minister-generalate 1981. Pisa: Pacini, 1981. effectively ended his academic career, but he continued to write devotional works. His writing is marked by a Capohvori e Restauri, Firenze, Palazzo Vecchio, 14 Dicembre lucid latinity and deep devotion, qualities that he could 1986\u201326 Aprile 1987. Florence: Cantini Edizioni d\u2019Arte, also bring to academic argument. He combined aca- 1986. demic discipline with fervent piety: for Bonaventure, more clearly than for any other scholastic theologian, Garrison, Edward B., Jr. \u201cA Berlinghieresque Fresco in S. Stefano, the point of any theology was the building up of the life Bologna.\u201d Art Bulletin, 28, 1946, pp. 211\u2013225. of faith and prayer. After a visit to La Verna, in Italy, in 1259, he began to write mystical texts of great influence; \u2014\u2014. \u201cPost-War Discoveries\u2014III: The Madonna \u2018di sotto gli he had, in the Franciscan tradition, a particular devotion Organi.\u2019 \u201d Burlington Magazine, 89, 1947, pp. 274\u2013279. to the Passion. \u2014\u2014. Italian Romanesque Panel Painting. Florence: Olschki, During the 1260\u201370s, he worked to defend the or- 1949. der, which did not practice the absolute poverty of its founder, against charges of hypocrisy, especially by his \u2014\u2014. \u201cToward a New History of Early Lucchese Painting.\u201d Art Apologia pauperum (1270). His aim was to reinterpret Bulletin, 33, 1951, pp. 11\u201331. Francis\u2019s Testament for subsequent generations. He was called the \u201csecond father of the order,\u201d because of his \u2014\u2014. Studies in the History of Medieval Italian Painting, 4 vols. attempt to produce a theology of the Franciscan life. Florence: L\u2019Impronta, 1953\u20131963. On the publication of his new Life of Francis (1266), all previous Lives were ordered to be destroyed, as Gombrich, Ernst H. \u201cBonaventura Berlinghiero\u2019s Palmettes.\u201d had happened similarly when Humbert of Romans had Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld Institutes, 39, 1976, produced his new Life of Dominic (1260). Bonaventure pp. 234\u2013236. was made Cardinal-Bishop of Albano in 1273; he died unexpectedly at the Second Council of Lyon in 1274. Kr\u00fcger, Klaus. Der fr\u00fche Bildkunst des Franziskus in Italien: Gestaltund Funktionswandel des Tafelbildes im 13. und 14. Jahrhundert. Berlin: Gebr. Mann Verlag, 1992. Marcucci, Luisa. Gallerie Nazionali di Firenze, I Dipinti toscani del secolo XIII, scuole bizantine e russe dal secolo XII al secolo XVIII. Rome: Istituto Poligrafico dello Stato, 1959. La pittura in Italia: Il Duecento e il Trecento. Milan: Edizioni Electa, 1985, Vol. 2, pp. 557\u2013558. Sandberg-Vaval\u00e0, Evelyn. La croce dipinta italiana e l\u2019iconografia della passione. Verona: Casa Editrice Apollo, 1929. Sinabaldi, Giulia, and Giulia Brunetti. Pittura italiana del Duecento e Trecento, catalogo della Mostra Giottesca di Firenze del 1937. Florence: Sansoni, 1943. Rebecca W. Corrie 89","BONAVENTURE, SAINT \u2014\u2014. Lexique saint Bona venture. Paris: \u00c9ditions Franciscaines, 1969. Bonaventure\u2019s theology is traditionally Augustinian. He is willing to make use of whatever tools come to Chavero Blanco, Francisco de Asis, ed. Bonaventuriana: mis- hand, and to this end he was prepared to use Aristotle, cellanea in onore di Jacques-Guy Bougerol. 2 vols. Rome: but he held no specifically \u201cAristotelian\u201d opinions. As Antonianum, 1988. well as Aristotle, his sources include Pseudo-Dionysius the Areopagite\u2019s Celestial Hierarchy, John Damascene, Cousins, Ewert H. Bonaventure and the Coincidence of Oppo- Boethius, and mystical \u201cmoderns\u201d like Richard of Saint- sites. Chicago: Franciscan Herald, 1978. Victor. For Bonaventure, theology was so far above philosophy in purpose that there could be no difficulty S. Bonaventura 1274\u20131974. 5 vols. Grottaferrata (Rome): Col- deciding between faith and reason. This is not to say legio S. Bonaventura, 1973\u201374. that faith is irrational; in cases of apparent disagreement, faith is clearly acting out of a different rationality. He Hayes, Zachary. The Hidden Center: Spirituality and Speculative made careful distinction among the object of faith per se, Christology in St. Bonaventure. New York: Paulist, 1981. which is God, who can be known directly (the \u201cbeliev- able\u201d or \u201ccredible\u201d thing); the object of faith as known Lesley J. Smith through the authority of Scripture; and the object of faith as investigated in theological inquiry. Theology\u2019s task BONIFACE VIII, POPE is not superior to either revelation or Scripture, or un- (c. 1235 or 1240\u20131303) dermining of it, but is intended to cast a new light\u2014that of intelligibility\u2014on the search for God. Pope Boniface VIII (Benedetto Caetani, sometimes Gaetani, r. 1294\u20131303) was born in Anagni, a hill town Bonaventure, known as Doctor devotus and Doctor southeast of Rome that was his family\u2019s ancestral home. seraphicus, saw the Son of God as the pattern for life on He is remembered as the last great monarch-pope, an earth, and his theology is particularly Trinitarian\u2014in- ambitious amasser of power and wealth. He asserted deed, he described many things in threes. For instance, the supremacy of papal authority in the power struggles he developed a theology-spirituality of the triple way: attending the advent of the European nation-states\u2014 the purgative way, moved by the prick of conscience; the struggles in which he was an able player. However, he illuminative way, moved by the light of the intellect; and was defeated in his clash with the French king Philip the unitive way, moved by the flame of wisdom. IV (the Fair) and was tried posthumously. Often, it is from the record of these posthumous proceedings that The obviously devotional stance of Bonaventure\u2019s historians and Boniface\u2019s biographers have gleaned work has sometimes led to his being unfavorably com- details of his personal character; thus it is difficult to pared with Thomas Aquinas; the two are better seen as know how seriously to take the charge that Boniface was complementary than as comparable. a heretic who openly denied the immortality of the soul and the sanctity of the eucharist. He did surely use his See also Alexander of Hales; Francis of Assisi; office to increase the wealth of the church and did openly Hugues de Saint-Cher declare that it was a logical impossibility for the pope to be guilty of simony. Dante, for one, begged to differ Further Reading and proclaimed Boniface\u2019s imminent arrival among the simoniacs in Inferno 19. Bonaventure. Opera omnia, ed. PP. Collegii a S. Bonaventura. 11 vols. in 28. Ad claras Aquas (Quaracchi): Typographia Colegii The young Benedetto (Benedict) Caetani began his S. Bonaventurae, 1882\u20131902. legal education and his ecclesiastical career at Todi and Spoleto in the 1260s; he gained valuable diplomatic \u2014\u2014. Sermones dominicales, ed. Jacques-Guy Bougerol. Grot- experience as a papal legate in France and England. taferrata (Rome): Collegio S. Bonaventura, Padri Editori di He was made a cardinal by Pope Martin IV in 1281. Quaracchi, 1977. The following year, the uprising known as the Sicilian Vespers transferred control of Sicily from Charles I of \u2014\u2014. Saint Bonaventure\u2019s Disputed Questions on the Mystery of Anjou, king of Naples (a papal fief), to Pedro III of the Trinity, trans. Zachary Hayes. St. Bonaventure: Franciscan Aragon. The struggle between Anjou and Aragon for Institute, St. Bonaventure University, 1979. the control of Sicily was to plague Boniface\u2019s entire tenure as pope. \u2014\u2014. The Works of St. Bonaventure, trans. Jos\u00e9 de Vinck. 5 vols. Paterson: St. Anthony Guild, 1960\u201370. The precise circumstances that led to Cardinal Bene- dict\u2019s accession to the papacy as Boniface VIII remain \u2014\u2014.What Manner of Man? Sermons on Christ by St. Bonaven- somewhat mysterious. After the death of Nicholas IV ture, trans. Zachary Hayes. Chicago: Franciscan Herald, in 1292, the Colonna and Orsini factions in the College 1974. of Cardinals could not come to terms, and the conclave, removed to Perugia from malarial Rome, dragged on Bougerol, Jacques-Guy. Introduction \u00e0 Saint Bonaventure. Paris: into the hot summer months of 1294. Benedict, who was Vrin. 1988. now in his sixties and was intermittently unwell, with \u2014\u2014. Introduction to the Works of Bonaventure, trans. Jos\u00e9 de Vinck. Paterson: St. Anthony Guild, 1964. \u2014\u2014. St. Bonaventure et la sagesse chr\u00e9tienne. Paris: Seuil, 1963. 90","gout and kidney stones, rested in Viterbo and Sismano. BONIFACE VIII, POPE He spent time in the company of a certain Parisian doctor with whom he discussed, rather casually, questions of way since the early 1290s and the aristocratic Black faith and sexual morality. One witness reported having Guelfs had been banished from power. By November overheard Benedict say, \u201cSleeping with women or boys 1301, Charles had entered Florence, reinstalled the is no more a sin than rubbing your hands together.\u201d Black Guelfs, and taken what he could for himself; but Meanwhile, the weary conclave finally agreed on an no peace came of his efforts. The Black Guelfs immedi- unlikely outsider, Pietro Morrone, a devout eremite of ately exiled the leading Whites, including Dante, whose the Abruzzi who was an exponent of the fanatical asceti- disdain for Boniface as an emblem of ecclesiastical cism that had been sweeping central Italy for a century. corruption marks the entire Comedy. Pietro became Pope Celestine V and spent his entire his five-month papacy in Naples under the watch of Charles In the meantime, the tension with Philip had led to of Anjou, frustrating the Franciscan Spirituals who open conflict and defiance on both sides. In 1301, Boni- hoped to make Celestine their longawaited reformer, and face issued the letter Ausculta fili (Listen Here, Son), an overwhelmed by political demands he could not fathom. unbridled indictment of Philip; and in November 1302 Celestine wanted to escape, and although it was unclear he issued the famous bull Unam sanctam. According to whether a pope could legally abdicate, Benedict assured Unam sanctam, it is true that the world is ruled by two him that abdication was both legal and appropriate. (One swords, temporal and spiritual, but the spiritual must of the more wild-eyed chronicles has Benedict haunting forever guide and judge the temporal; and this must Celestine at night, casting his voice into Celestine\u2019s cell be taken on faith as divine revelation. In April 1303, through a tube and urging him to resign.) Celestine re- Boniface recognized Albert of Hapsburg as Holy Ro- signed on 13 December, and Benedict became Boniface man emperor while reaffirming the absolute supremacy VIII on the day before Christmas. of the papacy in the bull Patris aeterni, in which the earlier military metaphors are replaced by astronomy: Boniface acted at once to reimpose papal authority pope and emperor are, respectively, like the sun and by invalidating Celestine\u2019s appointments, which in any moon, a greater source and a lesser, reflected light. case had been rather arbitrary. During the first few years Dante would redefine this traditional imagery in Book of his papacy, he intervened deftly in European affairs. 3 of Monarchia, where both lights are declared to be By 1296, however, his tense relations with Philip the equally dependent on God. In the same month that he Fair and with Edward I of England had reached a crisis issued Patris aeterni, Boniface founded the University over the issue of taxation: did secular monarchs have of Rome. the authority to tax the clergy? In the bull Clericis la- icos, Boniface soundly forbade taxation of the clergy Through the spring and summer of 1303, Philip the without the pope\u2019s approval. Philip responded by expel- Fair held council with his ministers and the alienated ling Italian trading agents from France and outlawing Colonna and drew up formal charges against Boniface, the export of gold bullion. The scene was set for their denying the legitimacy of Boniface\u2019s rule and demand- final conflict. ing that he stand trial. Boniface moved to excommuni- cate Philip. A contingent of men led by Sciarra Colonna In 1297, however, mere was a commotion closer to and Philip\u2019s minister Guillaume de Nogaret laid siege to home. The Colonna, who were alarmed by the loss of Boniface at Anagni and seized the pope during the first their lands to the Caetani and Orsini under Boniface, week of September. Boniface managed to escape after at last openly challenged the legitimacy of his election. three days, but he was utterly undone by the episode. Boniface declared war, indeed a holy war, against the He died in Rome on 12 October. Colonna and their property, and by late 1298 he had the Colonna at his mercy: they had taken refuge in See also Celestine V, Pope; Dante Alighieri; their mountaintop fortress at Palestrina. These events Edward I, Philip IV the Fair inform Dante\u2019s encounter in Inferno 27 with Guido da Montefeltro, a soldier turned Franciscan, an encounter Further Reading in which the apparently penitent friar provides treach- erous advice. In the end, Palestrina was razed, and the Boase, T. S. R. Boniface VIII. London: Constable, 1933. Colonna fled to France to bide their time. Bonifacio VIII e il suo tempo: Anno 1300 il primo giubileo, ed. Also in 1298, Boniface published an important com- Marina Righetti Tosti-Croce. Milan: Electa, 2000. (Catalog of pilation of canon law. In 1300, he declared the first jubi- exhibit in Palazzo Venezia, Rome, 12 April\u201316 July 2000.) lee. In 1301, he invited Philip\u2019s landless brother Charles Chamberlin, E. R. \u201cThe Lord of Europe: Benedict Gaetani\/Pope of Valois to Italy, ostensibly to help him restore peace Boniface VIII (1294\u20131303).\u201d In The Bad Popes. New York: in Sicily\u2014and in upstart Florence, where dangerous Barnes and Noble, 1969, pp. 75\u2013103. experiments in republican democracy had been under DuPuy, Pierre. Histoire du diffirend d\u2019entre le pape Boniface VIII et Philippes le Bel, roy de France. Paris: Cramoisy, 1655. (Reissue, Tucson, Ariz.: Audax, 1963.) Ferrante, Joan M. \u201cBoniface VIII, Pope.\u201d In The Dante Encyclo- pedia, ed. Richard Lansing. New York and London: Garland, 2000, pp. 122\u2013124. 91","BONIFACE VIII, POPE and inner worth, good advice and false counsel. In the role of the minnesinger, he gives a satirical catalog of the Kessler, Herbert L., and Johanna Zacharias. Rome 1300: On lady\u2019s preposterous demands. Boppe\u2019s technical devices the Path of the Pilgrim. New Haven, Conn.: Yale University indicate considerable rhetorical skill. He repeatedly uses Press, 2000. the traditional bestiary imagery to exemplify good and false behavior and has a special preference for cumula- Oestreich, Thomas. \u201cPope Boniface VIII.\u201d The Catholic En- tive enumerations, displayed by catalogs of countries cyclopedia, 1999. (Online edition: http:\/\/www.newadvent. and peoples, values and virtues, biblical exempla (ex- org\/cathen\/02662a.htm.) amples), and series of parallel statements and rhetorical questions, often combined with anaphora. Tosti, Luigi. Pope Boniface VIII and His Times, trans. Eugene J. Donnelly. New York: Samuel R. Leland, 1933. See also Konrad von W\u00fcrzburg Gary P. Cestaro Further Reading BOPPE, MEISTER (fl. end of the 13th c.) Alex, Heidrun. Der Spruchdichter Boppe: Edition, \u00dcbersetzung, -Kommentar. T\u00fcbingen: Niemeyer, 1998. Boppe was a poet and composer best known for didactic lyrics. References to fellow poet Konrad von W\u00fcrz- Brunner, Horst, and Burghart Wachinger, eds. Repertorium der burg (d. 1287) in an obituary prayer to King Rudolf of Sangspr\u00fcche und Meisterlieder des 12. bis 18. Jahrhunderts. Habsburg (1273\u20131291) and to the margraves of Baden Vol. 3. T\u00fcbingen: Niemeyer, 1986, pp. 209\u2013245. indicate that Boppe had composed his verses and music in southern Germany by the end of the thirteenth century. Tolle, Georg. Der Spruchdichter Boppe. Versuch einer kritischen As for most of the didactic lyrical poets (Sangspruch- Ausgabe seiner Dichtungen. Sondershausen: Programm der dichter), however, there is no external documentary f\u00fcrstlichen Realschule, 1894. evidence of this. The famous Heidelberg University Codex Manesse attributes forty stanzas in eight different Gert H\u00fcbner metrical and melodical forms (T\u00f6ne) to him, but other manuscripts ascribe six of these T\u00f6ne and seven of the BRAGI BODDASON (9th century) strophes to other poets. The Jena manuscript, which gives Boppe the title Meister (master) preserves only Braggi Boddason (the Old), a Norwegian poet probably the first Ton, later named Hofton (court verse form), of the second half of the 9th century, is generally reck- with eighteen stanzas. A nine-strophical Ave Maria in oned to be the earliest skald whose compositions have the Hofton survives in a fourteenth-century Heidelberg been preserved, although in fragmentary form. Details of manuscript. As Boppe ranks with a group of twelve fa- his life are tentative, and several semimythological sto- mous old Sangspruch masters, more than two hundred ries exist, linking him in one case with ancestors of set- further stanzas in the Hofton are recorded in Meistersang tlers in Iceland (Landn\u00e4mab\u00f3k, S112, H86, M30; H\u00e1lfs manuscripts of the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries. saga ok H\u00e4lfsrekka, ch. 11; Geirmundar \u00deattr heljar- Boppe is commonly regarded as the composer of the skinns, ch. 2). Sk\u00e1ldatal, an Icelandic catalogue of poets Hofton and the author of the Hofton stanzas in the older and their patrons, names him as a court poet of Ragnarr manuscripts, with the exception of the religious Ave lo\u00f0br\u00f3k (\u201chairy-breeches\u201d), Eysteinn beli (\u201cbelly\u201d), and Maria. The stanzas of the other T\u00f6ne not attributed to Bj\u00b8orn at Haugi (Edda Snorra Sturlusonar, ch. 3, pp. other poets may be his. The number of the Meistersang 251\u201369). Snorri Sturluson also connected Bragi with texts that are his work\u2014and to what extent they are his Ragnarr lo\u00f0br\u00f3k and attributed two groups of stanzas to work\u2014remains uncertain. a Ragnarsdr\u00e1pa, a dr\u00e1pa or sequence of stanzas with a refrain, in honor of Ragnarr. Snorri quotes these stanzas Boppe\u2019s poems treat the common themes of the in chs. 52 and 62 of Sk\u00e1ldskaparm\u00e1l (Finnur J\u00f3nsson thirteenth-century didactic lyric (Sangspruchdichtung) 1931: 134, 155; Faulkes 1987: 106, 123\u20134). Although in conventional ways. In the role of teacher and coun- Ragnarr was a hero of the Danes, recent scholarship selor, the poet gives instruction and advice to his courtly indicates the probability of a Norwegian origin for this audience, praising secular chivalric ideals and female legendary Viking (Smyth 1977). virtues as well as God and the Virgin Mary. While divine grace is the highest value in one stanza, earthly love\u2019s Bragi\u2019s Ragnarsdr\u00e1pa is thought to have been a rewards outrank everything else in another, and in a shield poem, which gave verbal representation to a satirical strophe money is the ultimate ideal. The poet set of pictures and mythological subjects painted on a laments his own poverty and extols decency, charity, and leather-covered shield that the poet had received from princely generosity, a merit particularly important for his patron. The resulting poem was the skald\u2019s counter- the wandering artists; he decries miserliness, self-praise, gift to his lord. A similar context underlies \u00dej\u00f3\u00f0\u00f3lfr of and unjustified eulogy. He has knowledge of the myster- Hvin\u2019s Haustlo\u02dbng. In 1860, G\u00edsli Brynj\u00falfsson proposed ies of Redemption, the dignity of the priesthood and of that such shields were divided into four fields and hence mankind, the preexistence of the Virgin and her identity had four poetic subjects. Subsequent editorial arrange- as God\u2019s mercy, the contrasts between outer appearance 92","ment of the hypothetical Ragnarsdr\u00e1pa has followed this BRAGI BODDASON view, even though Snorri clearly admits only the stanzas mentioned above (3\u20137 and 8\u201312 in Finnur J\u00f3nsson\u2019s Dronke, Ursula, ed. and trans. The Poetic Edda. 1. Heroic Po- Skjaldedigtning) as part of this dr\u00e1pa. Following Finnur ems. Oxford: Clarendon, 1969 [for Ragnaradr\u00e1pa 3\u20136 and J\u00f3nsson\u2019s arrangement, Ragnarsdr\u00e1pa\u2019s four subjects Ham\u00f0ism\u00e0l, pp. 204\u201314]. were the encounter between the heroes Ham\u00f0ir and So\u00b8 rli and the Gothic tyrant J\u00b8ormunrekkr (Ermanaric), also Clunies Ross, Margaret. \u201cAn Edition of the Ragnarsdr\u00e0pa of subject of the eddic poem Ham\u00f0ism\u00e1l (sts. 3\u20137); Hildr\u2019s Bragi Boddason.\u201d Diss. Oxford University, 1973 incitement to battle of her father, H\u00b8ogni, and her abduc- tor, He\u00f0inn (8\u201312); how Gefjon and her giant oxen won Turville-Petre, E. O. G. Scaldic Poetry. Oxford: Clarendon, land from the Swedish king Gylfi (13); and a version 1976. of the god \u00de\u00f3rr\u2019s fishing expedition to catch the World Serpent (14\u201319). Convention has also allocated to the Frank, Roberta. Old Norse Court Poetry: The Dr\u00f3ttkv\u00e6tt Stanza. dr\u00e1pa two half-stanza introductory verses, in the second Islandica, 42. Ithaca and London: Cornell University Press, of which the poet thanks the \u201cson of Sigur\u00f0r\u201d (Ragnarr\u2019s 1978. father is said to have been Sigur\u00f0r hringr [\u201cring\u201d]) for the shield (1\u20132), and finishes off the dr\u00e1pa with a half- Seelow, Hubert, ed. H\u00e1lfs saga ok H\u00e1lfsrekka. Reykjavik: Stofnun stanza (20) on the metamorphosis of the giant \u00dejazi\u2019s \u00c1rna Magn\u00fassonar, 1981 [for lausav\u00edsa on Geirmundr and eyes into a pair of stars. Hence the Ragnarsdr\u00e1pa we H\u00e1mundr heljarskinn]. read in the standard editions is a scholarly reconstruc- tion for which there is only partial authority in the work Translations in which its component verses are to be found, Snorri Sturluson\u2019s Edda (ca. 1225). Hollander, Lee M. The Skalds: A Selection of Their Poems, With Introductions and Notes. New York: American-Scandinavian Other medieval texts in which stanzas attributed to Foundation, 1945; rpt. Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Bragi occur are MSS F (Codex Frisianus, AM 45 fol.), Press, 1968 [Bragi Boddason, pp. 25\u201337]. J (J\u00f6fraskinna, AM 38 fol.), and K (AM 35 fol.) of Heimskringla (Ynglinga saga, ch. 5) for Ragnarsdr\u00e1pa Faulkes, Anthony, trans. SnorriSturluson. Edda. Everyman Clas- 13; the Fourth Grammatical Treatise (\u00d3lsen 1884: 129) sics. London and Melbourne: Dent, 1987 [Bragi\u2019s verses pp. for Ragnarsdr\u00e1pa 3; MSS of Landn\u00e1mab\u00f3k, H\u00e1lfs saga 7, 69, 72\u20134, 89, 95, 99, 105\u20136, 120, 123\u20134, 132, 142; see also and Geirmundar \u00de\u00e1ttr (for details see paragraph 1) Index of Names, p. 224]. for a lausav\u00edsa on the twins Geirmundr and H\u00e1mundr heljarskinn. Bibliographies See also Snorri Sturluson Hollander, Lee M. A Bibliography of Skaldic Studies. Copenha- gen: Munksgaard, 1958. Further Reading Bekker-Nielsen, Hans. Old Norse\u2013Icelandic Studies: A Select Editions Bibliography. Toronto Medieval Bibliographies, 1. Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1967. Bj\u00f6rn Magn\u00fasson \u00d3lsen, ed. Den Tredje og Fj\u00e6rde Grammatiske Afhandling i Snorres Edda Tilligemed de Grammatiske Afhan- Literature dlingers Prolog og To Andre Till\u00e6g. Samfund til udgivelse af gammel nordisk litteratur, 12. Islands grammatiske litteratur G\u00edsli Brynj\u00falfsson. \u201cBrage den Gamles Kvad om Ragnar i middelalderen 2. Copenhagen: Knudtzon, 1884 [for Rag- Lodbrogs Skjold.\u201d Aarb\u00f8ger for nordisk Oldkyndighed og narsdr\u00e1pa 3]. Historie (1860), 3\u201313. Finnur J\u00f3nsson, ed. Den norsk-islandske skjaldedigtning. Vols. Reichhardt, Konstantin. Studien zu den Skalden des 9. und 10. 1A\u20132A (tekst efter h\u00e5ndskrifteme) and 1B\u20132B (rettet tekst). Jahrhunderts. Palaestra, 159. Leipzig: Mayer & M\u00fcller, Copenhagen and Christiania [Oslo]: Gyldendal, 1912\u201315; rpt. 1928. Copenhagen: Rosenkilde & Bagger, 1967 (A) and 1973 (B) Finnur J\u00f3nsson. \u201cBrage skjald.\u201d Acta Philologica Scandinavica Finnur J\u00f3nsson, ed. Edda Snorra Sturlusonar. Copenhagen: 5 (1930\u201331), 237\u201386. Gyldendal, 1931. Vogt, W. H. \u201cBragis schild.\u201d Acta Philologica Scandinavica 5 J\u00f3n J\u00f3hannesson et al., eds. Sturlunga saga. 2 vols. Reyk- (1930\u201331), 1\u201328. javik: Sturlungu\u00fatgafan, 1946 [for Geirmundar \u00de\u00e1ttr heljarskinns,vol. 1, pp.5\u201311]. J\u00f3n J\u00f3hannesson. Ger\u00f0ir Landn\u00e1mab\u00f3kar. Reykjavik: F\u00e9lags- prentsmi\u00f0jan, 1941, pp. 165\u201370. Bjarni A\u00f0albjamarson, ed. Heimskringla. 3 vols. \u00cdslenzk fornrit, 26\u20138. Reykjavik: Hi\u00f0 \u00edslenzka fornritaf\u00e9lag, 1941\u201351 [Rag- Lie, Hallvard. \u201cSkaldestil-studier.\u201d Maal og minne (1952), 1\u201392; narsdr\u00e1pa 13, vol. 1, p. 21]. rpt. Om Sagakunst og Skaldskap. Utvalgte Avhandlinger. \u00d8vre Ervik: Alvheim & Eide, 1982, pp. 109\u2013200 Jakob Benediktsson, ed. \u00cdslendingab\u00f3k. Landn\u00e1mab\u00f3k. \u00cdslenzk fornrit, 1. Reykjavik: Hi\u00f0 \u00edslenzka fornritaf\u00e9lag, 1968 [for Lie, Hallvard. \u201cBilledbeskrivende dikt.\u201d KLNM 1 (1956), lausav\u00edsa on Geirmundr and H\u00e1mundr heljarskinn, p. 151]. 542\u20135. Lie, Hallvard. \u201cNatur\u201d og \u201cunatur\u201d i skaldekunsten. Avhan- dlinger utg. av Det norske Videnskaps-Akademie i Oslo, 2. Hist.-filos. Kl. No. 1. Oslo: Aschehoug, 1957; rpt. Om Sagakunst og Skaldskap, pp. 201\u2013315. Almqvist, Bo. Norr\u00f6n niddiktning. Traditionshistoriska studier i versmagi. 1. Nid mot furstar. Nordiska texter och unders\u00f6knin- gar, 21. Uppsala: Almqvist & Wiksell, 1965, pp. 28\u201334 [for analysis of exchange between Bragi and a troll-woman, as reported in Snorra Edda, in tradition of Icelandic \u00e1kv\u00e6\u00f0ask\u00e1ld to whom supernatural powers were attributed]. Lie, Hallvard. \u201cRagnarsdr\u00e1pa.\u201d KLNM 13 (1968), 647\u20139 Clunies Ross, Margaret. \u201cHildr\u2019s Ring: A Problem in the Rag- narsdr\u00e1pa, Strophes 8\u201312.\u201d Mediaeval Scandinavia 6 (1973), 75\u201392. Lindow, John. \u201cThe Two Skaldic Stanzas in Gylfaginning: Notes on Sources and Text History.\u201d Arkiv f\u00f6r nordisk filologi 92 (1977), 106\u201324 [on Bragi\u2019s Gefjon stanza]. 93","BRAGI BODDASON costume is equally important in identifying his charac- ters, as in the case of crowned kings, mitered bishops Smyth, Alfred P. Scandinavian Kings in the British Isles, 850\u201380. (or high priests), round-hatted Jews, or heavy-homed Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1977. devils. De Brailes\u2019s style is not one of courtly elegance. It is a \u201cliterary\u201d one, appropriate to the books of a uni- Clunies Ross, Margaret. \u201cThe Myth of Gefjon and Gylfi and Its versity town. Function in Snorra Edda and Heimskringla.\u201d Arkiv f\u00f6r nordisk filologi 93 (1978), 149\u201365. Further Reading Clunies Ross, Margaret. \u201cStyle and Authorial Presence in Skaldic Cockerell, Sydney Carlyle. The Work of W. de Brailes. Oxford: Mythological Poetry.\u201d Saga-Book of the Viking Society 20 Roxburghe Club, 1930. (1981), 276\u2013304; Lindow, John. \u201cNarrative and the Natute of Skaldic Poetry.\u201d Arkiv f\u00f6r nordisk filologi 97 (1982), Donovan, Claire. The de Brailes Hours: Shaping the Book of 94\u2013121. Hours in Thirteenth-Century Oxford. London: British Li- brary, 1991. Kuhn, Hans. Das Dr\u00f3ttkv\u00e6tt. Heidelberg: Winter, 1983 [esp. pp. 275\u20139]. Morgan, Nigel. Early Gothic Manuscripts (1) 1190\u20131250. A Survey of Manuscripts Illuminated in the British Isles 4:1, Marold, Edith. Kenningkunst. Ein Beitrag zu einer Poetik der ed. J.J.G. Alexander. London: Harvey Miller, 1982, p. 14 Skaldendichtung. Berlin and New York: de Gruyter, 1983 and nos. 68\u201374. [esp. pp. 67\u2013114]. Pollard, G. \u201cWilliam de Brailes.\u201d Bodleian Library Record 5\/4 S\u00f8rensen, Preben Meulengracht. \u201cThor\u2019s Fishing Expedition.\u201d In (1955): 202\u201309. Words and Objects: Towards a Dialogue Between Archaeol- ogy and History of Religion. Ed. Gro Steinsland. The Institute Swarzenski, Hanns. \u201cUnknown Bible Pictures by W. de Brailes for Comparative Research in Human Culture, B.71. Oslo: and Some Notes on Early English Bible Illustrations.\u201d Journal Norwegian University Press; Oxford and New York: Oxford of the Walters Art Gallery 1 (1938): 55\u201369. University Press, 1986, pp. 257\u201378. Claire M. Donovan Margaret Clunies Ross BRUNETTO LATINI (c. 1220\u20131294) BRAILES, WILLIAM DE (fl.1230\u201360) Brunetto was active in Florentine public life as a no- A 13th-century illuminator recorded in Oxford ca. taio (notary) or lawyer by 1254. In 1260, he was sent 1230\u201360, de Brailes secured his memory\u2014among many as ambassador by the Florentine commune to King hundreds of unnamed illuminators\u2014through his self- Alfonso X el Sabio (the Wise) of Castile, with the aim portraits, three of which survive in two manuscripts. of enlisting Alfonso\u2014a Guelf\u2014in the struggle against From these, accompanied by the name \u201cw de brail,\u201d his Manfred and the Ghibellines. Brunetto was returning hand and his style are established. His style is found in a from this embassy, according to his Tesoretto (verses considerable corpus of manuscripts, some of which were 123\u2013162), when he met at the Pass of Roncesvalles a evidently produced in Oxford. Documents show that student from Bologna who told him of the Guelfs\u2019 de- in 13th-century Oxford there was an active community feat at Montaperti (4 September 1260). Brunetto then of book producers living in the streets surrounding St. spent six years of exile in France until the defeat and Mary the Virgin. Among them, ca. 1230\u201360, was one death of Manfred at Benevento (28 February 1266). William de Brailes. He achieved a certain prosperity, During his exile Brunetto visited friars at Montpellier had a wife, Celena, and probably came from Brailes in (Tesoretto, 2539\u20132545); wrote notarial letters at Paris Warwickshire. His identity is near certain. (September 1263) and Bar-sur-Aube (April 1264); and composed his two most important didactical works: Oxford in William\u2019s time was dominated by the de- the prose Livres dou tr\u00e9sor (Book of the Treasure) in veloping university, creating a demand for books. The the Picardian dialect, and the verse Tesoretto (Little variety of manuscripts illuminated by William, or by Treasure) in his native Tuscan. In France Brunetto the large number of hands associated with him, would also wrote his Rettorica, an Italian translation of and have satisfied the demands of scholars, churchmen, and commentary on the first seventeen chapters of Cicero\u2019s laity. Characteristically his manuscripts, often pocket- De inventione. After returning to Florence, Brunetto sized, are illustrated with many small historiated initials, held a series of important public offices and was fre- creating a visual narrative to accompany the text. Even quently consulted by the Florentine government. He large manuscripts or full-page images are fragmented introduced the stilus altus (high style) of the imperial with foliage decoration to create multiple small spaces chancery into Florentine letters; he also continued his for illustration. efforts toward public education by translating a number of Ciceronian orations into Italian and composing his Filling, even spilling over, their restricted frames, Sommetta, a collection of letters for teaching ars dic- William\u2019s figures convey the narrative with emphatic taminis. Brunetto was married and was the father of a gesture, dynamic poses, and firmly focused eyes. Al- though he may use established iconography, it is filtered through his imagination and retold with new immediacy. Rarely does he use elaborate settings, although the es- sentials are clear\u2014a mountain for Christ\u2019s temptation, steps for the child Mary to climb to the Temple\u2014and 94","daughter and two sons. He was buried at Santa Maria BRUNETTO LATINI Maggiore, Florence. Tesoretto closes on a note of penitent introspection and In both Tr\u00e9sor and Tesoretto, Brunetto strove for a reopens (verse 2427) in the modus dicendi (style) of a compendium of diverse technical information, but any personal letter. Now acutely conscious of the ambigu- closer association that he may have intended for these ity of this world, and of its characteristically slippery works remains unclear. Since he decided to write in the language, Brunetto is disposed to ask his fino amico vernacular, both works are aimed at a secular readership, caro (dear friend): Non sai tu ke lo mondo\/Si dovria dir although in different ways: in Tr\u00e9sor he transposes Latin \u201cnon mondo\u201d? (2457\u20132458, \u201cDon\u2019t you know that the learning into a flourishing Romance koine for popular world\/Itself should be called impure?\u201d). The glorious use, whereas Tesoretto fosters Italian as a vulgaris illus- personages invoked in the dedication are now seen to tris (refined vernacular). Brunetto followed the example have been vanquished by death, and Brunetto\u2019s previous of the Roman de la Rose (c. 1225\u20131230) of Guillaume investment in fame is retracted through an exposition de Lorris\u2014predating the continuation of the Roman of the seven deadly sins, with pride foremost. Brunetto by Jean de Meun (Jean Chopinel, Jean de Meung, c. is then sufficiently penitent to take up his journey to 1269\u20131278) and beginning an interest in this great al- the seven liberal arts, forgoing his search for Fortune. legory of love that would absorb four or five generations Finally he finds himself on Mount Olympus, where he of Italian poets. This early italianization of the Roman meets Ptolemy; the poem breaks off (2944) just as Ptol- de la Rose proved to be rough going: the narrator of emy is about to respond to a question on the interlinking Tesoretto repeatedly interrupts himself to lament that of the four elements. its heptasyllabic couplets impose constrictions on his burgeoning material. Tesoretto has recently been characterized as an Ovid- ian \u201cart and remedy of fame\u201d; be that as it may, Dante Tesoretto opens with an adulatory dedication to an Alighieri evidently found Brunetto himself in need of anonymous valente segnore (skillful lord), a man peer- therapy. The hunger for knowledge that inspired Tr\u00e9sor less in all the arts of peace and war, surpassing even the and impels Brunetto through Tesoretto informs\u2014more respective virtues of such figures as Solomon, Alexan- or less directly\u2014the controversial depiction in Canto der, and Cicero. The narrative introduces the political 15 in Dante\u2019s Inferno, where Brunetto appears among turmoil that occasioned Brunetto\u2019s embassy to Alfonso the sodomites, bitterly cursing the Florentines for not the Wise; but then the student\u2019s calamitous news and his overcoming their savage origins. Dante\u2019s Brunetto be- own exile cause his thoughts to turn inward, he loses lieves that the published treasure of his learning (mio his way in a forest, and the historic-biographical scene Tesoro) can effect a kind of worldly immortality, and modulates into a visionary landscape. There his thoughts Dante honors him for teaching come l\u2019uom s\u2019etterna revive, and he observes the vast spectacle of Nature, (\u201chow man makes himself immortal,\u201d 85). However, it a personification closely akin to figures in two other remains to be answered why Dante damned his Brunetto, influential models for Tesoretto: Boethius\u2019s Consolatio his former teacher, to this part of hell. The grammar philosophiae (Consolation of Philosophy) and Alanus teacher as pederast was, often, little more than a com- de Insulis\u2019s De planctu naturae (Lament of Nature). mon trope; thus critics have been skeptical about the Nature instructs Brunetto in the history and metaphys- idea that Dante was imputing homosexuality to Bru- ics of creation, in human psychology and physiognomy, netto\u2014either they deny the notion (for which, in fact, and in astronomy and geography. Carrying Nature\u2019s there is no evidence) or they contextualize it, correctly insegna (banner) to guard against evil, Brunetto moves identifying the medieval use of \u201csodomy\u201d as connoting from cosmology to ethics: he proceeds to the court of various forms of behavior, sexual or not, that signify the empress Virtue, who, with her four daughter-queens, violence done to nature. In this sense, Dante could is encircled by magnates and scholars. He overhears also be implying that Brunetto betrayed his heritage by the practical advice\u2014mostly concerning interrelations seeking renown through his French writings and thereby of honor and finance\u2014given to a knight by Larghezza committing an unnatural act against his mother tongue (Largesse), Cortesia (Courtesy), and Prode\u00e7\u00e7a (Prowess, (cf. Convivio, 1:10\u201313). who counsels the knight to hire a lawyer before opting to avenge a tort bodily). The narrator then decides to Tesoretto survives in sixteen manuscripts. Its influ- seek Fortune, parting from the knight and going to the ence, though considerable, was confined mostly to right along a forking road to arrive at a fair meadow, Trecento Italy. Boccaccio was sufficiently inspired by it the Kingdom of Love. There follows an excursus on the to extend its general enterprise in his Amorosa visione, psychology of pleasure until the narrator, exasperatingly, adapting French narrative models to Italian conditions falls subject to Cupid\u2019s power; suddenly, however, he for expressly didactic purposes. sees Ovid, who teaches him self-mastery in matters of love. He next journeys to the friars at Montpellier, where See also Alain de Lille; Alfonso X, El Sabio, King of Castile and Le\u00f3n; Dante Alighieri; Guillaume de Lorris 95","BRUNETTO LATINI works in the genre. V tabule salutationum (Five Catalogs of Salutations, c. 1194) gave a systematic overview of Further Reading epistolary greetings, to which X tabule (Ten Catalogs) added instructions, now lost, for composing letters, Armour, Peter. \u201cInferno XV.\u201d Lectura Dantis, 6 (suppl.), 1990, privileges, orations, and wills. Tractatus virtutum (Trea- pp. 189\u2013208. tise on Virtues, c. 1197) discussed virtues and vices of style. Notule auree (Golden Notes, c. 1197) provided Brunetto Latini. Il tesoretto, ed. and trans. Julia Bolton Holloway. suggestions for openings of letters, a subject revisited in New York: Garland, 1981. Breviloquium (Summary, c. 1203). Palma (c. 1198) gave general rules for the main parts of a letter\u2014salutation, \u2014\u2014. The Book of the Treasure (Li livres dou tr\u00e9sor), trans. Paul narration, and petition\u2014as well as for some secondary Barrette and Spurgeon Baldwin. New York: Garland, 1993. parts, such as the introduction (exordium), appeal for goodwill (captatio benevolentiae), and conclusion; it Carmody, Francis J., ed. Li Livres dou Tr\u00e9sor de Brunetto Latini. also discussed prose style. Ysagoge (1204) provided Berkeley: University of California Press, 1947. systematic instruction on salutations, the parts of the letter, and introductions. Rota veneris (before 1215) Ceva, Bianca. Brunetto Latini: L\u2019uomo e l\u2019opera. Milan: Ric- was a collection of sample exchanges of love letters, ciardi, 1965. i.e., letters for initiating, maintaining, and ending amo- rous relationships; it thus was part of a tradition of ars Holloway, Julia Bolton. ed. Brunetto Latini: An Analytic Bibli- amatoria exemplified by Ovid and Andreas Capellanus. ography. London: Grant and Cutler, 1986. In Rota veneris, Buoncompagno in effect constructed satirical (epistolary) novellae, anticipating aspects of Jauss, Hans Robert. \u201cBrunetto Latini als allegorischer Dichter.\u201d In the narrative art of Giovanni Boccaccio. Formenwandel: Festschrift zum 65. Geburtstag von Paul B\u00f6ck- mann. Hamburg: Hoffmann und Campe, 1964, pp. 47\u201392. Buoncompagno\u2019s interest in prose composition extended beyond letters to various types of legal docu- Kay, Richard. Dante\u2019s Swift and Strong: Essays on Inferno XV. ments; thus he included within ars dictaminis elements Lawrence: Regents Press of Kansas, 1978. of ars notaria, which received particular attention in the legally-oriented professional climate of Bologna. He Wallace, David. \u201cChaucer and the European Rose.\u201d Studies in the published brief works on the writing of privileges and Age of Chaucer, Proceedings, 1, 1984, pp. 61\u201367. confirmations (Oliva, 1199), statutes (Cedrus, 1201), and wills (Mirra, after 1201). \u2014\u2014. \u201cBrunetto Latini.\u201d In Medieval France: An Encyclopedia, ed. William W. Kibler and Grover A. Zinn. NewYork: Garland, While Buoncompagno\u2019s work reflects a general shift 1995, pp. 151\u2013152. toward written composition in medieval rhetorical stud- ies, he did not entirely neglect the traditional focus of William Marvin and David Wallace the discipline: oratory. His historical work on the siege of Ancona (c. 1172), Liber de obsidione Ancone (written BUONCOMPAGNO DA SIGNA between 1198 and 1200), echoes the rhetorical traditions (c. 1165\u2013c. 1240) of classical historiography both in its emphasis on the moral lessons of history (in this case the encouragement Together with Bene da Firenze and Guido Faba, Buon- of the heroic defense of Italian liberties against a foreign compagno (or Boncompagno) was among the leading oppressor) and in its inclusion of several orations during representatives of the Bolognese school of the rhetori- the course of the narrative. Moreover, Buoncompagno\u2019s cal ars dictaminis (art of prose composition) during its second major treatise, Rhetorica novissima (1235), was heyday in the thirteenth century, and of these three he devoted to training advocates in rhetoric for their oral was by far the most versatile and colorful. He was born pleadings; it represented an attempt (unsuccessful) to in Signa, near Florence, sometime between 1165 and replace classical works such as Cicero\u2019s De inventione 1175. He began his studies in Florence and probably and Rhetorica ad Herennium, which continued to be completed them in Bologna. By 1194, he had begun his used for such instruction in the Middle Ages. Rhetorica career in Bologna as a teacher (magister) of rhetoric; novissima also includes brief remarks on the conduct of eventually he became the preeminent doctor of that negotiations and popular assemblies. discipline, which served largely as a propaedeutic to the study of law. (At the time, law predominated in the Rivalry with Cicero is also a theme of Buoncompag- university at Bologna.) After 1215, he worked in Venice, no\u2019s two philosophical tracts: Liber de amicitia (Book of Reggio, and Padua; he returned to Bologna by 1235, Friendship, c. 1204) and Libellus de malo senectutis et but in 1240 we find him in Florence. The chronicler senii (Little Book on the Evils of Old Age and Decline, Salimbene of Parma also reports that Buoncompagno c. 1240). In Liber de amicitia, Buoncompagno distin- tried, unsuccessfully, to obtain an appointment at the papal curia in Rome in 1240. Buoncompagno died, apparently in poverty, in the hospital of San Giovanni Evangelista in Florence. Buoncompagno\u2019s writings centered on ars dictami- nis, and his most influential work in this genre is the Rhetorica antiqua, or Ancient Rhetoric, also known as Boncompagnus (1215, revised 1226). This is primarily a vast collection of sample letters, arranged according to the social positions of writers and recipients, and covering a wide variety of situations from students\u2019 requests for money from home to correspondence with popes and emperors. It had been preceded by smaller 96","guishes twenty-six types of friends; since many of them BURCHARD OF MOUNT SION are less than admirable, he is here undercutting more uplifting works such as Cicero\u2019s De amicitia. Libellus Signa.\u201d Rivista di Cultura Classics e Medioevale, 30, 1988, de malo senectutis et senii, Buoncompagno\u2019s pessimistic pp. 49\u201355. last work, is based on his sad experience of his own decline; here, then, he is undermining Cicero\u2019s paean Critical Studies to the blessings of old age, De senectute. Gaudenzi, Augusto. \u201cSulla cronologia delle opere dei dettatori Many of the characteristics of Buoncompagno\u2019s writ- da Buoncompagno a Bene di Lucca.\u201d Bulletino dell\u2019Istituto ing that make it interesting to the modern reader\u2014such Storico Italiano, 14, 1895, pp. 85\u2013174. (For Buoncompagno, as his lively flights of narrative fancy, his pervasive sense see pp. 86\u2013118.) of irony and satire, his fondness for quirky digressions into obscure erudition, and his quarrelsome insistence on Purkart, Josef. \u201cBoncompagno of Signa and the Rhetoric of his originality\u2014allow a strong individuality to emerge Love.\u201d In Medieval Eloquence: Studies in the Theory and from his work. However, these same traits limited its Practice of Medieval Rhetoric, ed. James J. Murphy. Berkeley: practical impact in his own time, compared with the University of California Press, 1978, pp. 319\u2013331. more mundane efforts of his less colorful contempo- raries. Nevertheless, Buoncompagno\u2019s advocacy of a Sutter, Carl. Aus Leben und Schriften des Magisters Boncom- more direct and less artificial style of letter writing, in pagno: Ein Beitrag zur italienischen Kulturgeschichte im contrast to the classicizing and ornate approach favored dreizehnten Jahrhundert. Freiburg im Breisgau: Mohr, by the Orl\u00e9ans school of dictamen, ultimately carried 1894. the day. Tunberg, Terence O. \u201cWhat Is Boncompagno\u2019s \u2018Newest Rheto- See also Boccaccio, Giovanni ric\u2019?\u201d Traditio, 42, 1986, pp. 299\u2013334. Further Reading Voltolina, Giulietta. \u201cLo scambio epistolare nella societ\u00e0 medio- evale attraverso l\u2019opera inedita di un magister dell\u2019Universit\u00e0 Editions and Translations di Bologna: Boncompagno da Signa.\u201d Rivista di Cultura Classica e Medioevale, 30, 1988, pp. 45\u201355. \u201cBoncompagnus.\u201d In Testi riguardanti la vita degli studenti a Bologna nel sec. XIII (dal Boncompagnus, lib. 1), ed. Vir- Witt, Ronald G. \u201cBoncompagno and the Defense of Rhetoric.\u201d gilio Pini. Testi per Esercitazioni Accademiche, 6. Bologna: Journal of Medieval and Renaissance Studies, 16(1), 1986, Biblioteca di Quadrivium, 1968. (Excerpts.) pp. 1\u201331. Breviloquium, ed. Giuseppe Vecchi. Bologna, 1954. Hanns Hohmann \u201cCedrus\u201d and \u201cBoncompagnus (or Bonconpagnus or Rhetorica BURCHARD OF MOUNT SION (fl. 1280) antiqua).\u201d In Briefsteller und formelb\u00fccher des eilfien bis vierzehnten jahrhunderts, ed. Ludwig, Rockinger. New German Dominican, pilgrim to the Holy Land and au- York: Burt Franklin, 1961, Vol. 1, pp. 121\u2013127, 128\u2013174. thor of a travel narrative, Descriptio Terrae Sanctae, the (Reprint of 1863\u20131864 ed.; Cedrus, complete; Boncompag- first systematic description of the portion of Palestine nus, excerpts.) west of the Jordan. Libellus de malo senectutis et senii, ed. F. Novati. Rendiconti della Regia Accademia dei Lincei, Classe di Science Morale, Nothing is known about Burchard\u2019s origins or life ex- Series 5(1), 1892, pp. 50\u201359. cept that he joined the Dominican convent at Magdeburg Liber de amicitia, ed. S. Nathan. Miscellanea di Letteratura del and by 1280 had undertaken his pilgrimage. Burchard Medio Evo. Rome, 1909, Vol. 3, pp. 46\u201388. stayed in Acre for some time and was connected with Liber de obsidione Ancone, ed. Giosu\u00e8 Carducci et al. In Rerum the Dominican convent of Mount Sion, from which his Italicarum Scriptores, 2nd ed., Giulio C. Zimolo. Bologna: name is derived. Zanichelli, 1937, Vol. 6, part 3, pp. 3\u201355. \u201cPalma.\u201d In Carl Sutter, Aus Leben und Schriften des Magisters In 1283, Burchard wrote his travelogue, entitled De- Boncompagno: Ein Beitrag zur italienischen Kulturgeschichte scriptio Terrae Sanctae, based on his recollections of the im dreizehnten Jahrhundert. Freiburg im Breisgau: Mohr, Christian holy sites he visited, of the topography, flora, 1894, pp. 105\u2013127. and fauna, and of the sociopolitical conditions of the \u201cRhetorica novissvma.\u201d In Bibliotheca iuridica medii aevi: Script Holy Land, with a particular emphasis on Jerusalem. anecdota glossatorum, ed. Augusto Gaudenzi. Bononiae (Bologna): P. Virano, 1892, Vol. 2, pp. 249\u2013297. He was an excellent observer, critical and empirical Rota veneris, ed. Friedrich Baethgen. Rome, 1927. by nature; he often challenged statements made by Rota veneris, ed. Paolo Garbini. Rome: Salerno, 1996. previous authors no matter how authoritative, if their Rota veneris: A facsimile Reproduction of the Strassburg Incu- accounts were contradicted by his own observations. nabulum, ed. and trans. Josef Purkart. Delmar, N.Y.: Scholars\u2019 For example, during his visit on Mount Gilboa, he ex- Facsimiles and Reprints, 1975. perienced a heavy rain, despite the account of King V tabule salutationum. In Giulietta Voltolina, \u201cLo scambio David\u2019s curse \u201cneither let there be rain upon you\u201d epistolare nella societ\u00e0 medioevale attraverso l\u2019opera inedita given in the magnificent passage in II Samuel 1:21; di un magister dell\u2019Universita di Bologna: Boncompagno da thus he challenged the interpretation of the biblical text. He also showed a very early interest in bibli- cal archaeology. Having been aware of the historical evolution that had caused the destruction of many early Christian sites in Palestine, he recommended digging through the strata of ruins in order to reach the original holy places. 97","BURCHARD OF MOUNT SION Marie de Bourgogne, and her consort, Maximilian of Austria, whom she married in 1478. He remained a Burchard\u2019s description of Palestinian society is an member of the Habsburg-Burgundian chapel in the important record of the ethno-social conditions of the Netherlands until it was temporarily disbanded in 1483 region in the last generation of the Crusader presence. after Marie\u2019s death. He is listed in court documents of Among the Eastern Christian communities there, he that time as a \u201cpriest-chaplain.\u201d praised the Armenians for their piety and vehemently criticized the Crusaders for their behavior, prophesy- Busnoys\u2019s subsequent activities are uncertain, but ing the loss of the Holy Land to Christendom \u201cdue to they may have included a visit to Italy, since some works their sins.\u201d with Italian texts are attributed to him and his music was widely disseminated there. At the time of his death in Further Reading 1492, he was choirmaster at Saint-Sauveur in Bruges. Burchard of Mount Sion. Descriptio Terrae Sanctae. Ed. C.J.J. Busnoys\u2019s reputation as a composer during his later Laurent. Leipzig: Akademie Verlag, 1864. years and after his death was exceeded among his con- temporaries only by that of Ockeghem. The theorist Grabois, Aryeh. \u201cChristian Pilgrims in the Thirteenth Century and Johannes Tinctoris dedicated his treatise on the modes the Latin Kingdom of Jerusalem: Burchard of Mount Sion.\u201d In (1476) jointly to Ockeghem and Busnoys, and as late Outremer: Studies in the History of the Crusading Kingdom as 1529 Pietro Aron called him \u201ca great man and an of Jerusalem Presented to Joshua Prawer. Ed. B.Z. Kedar et excellent musician.\u201d al. Jerusalem: Yad Izhak Ben-Zvi, 1982, pp. 285\u2013296. Busnoys was also an outstanding poet. A friend of Aryeh Grabois Jean Molinet, with whom he exchanged poems, he un- doubtedly wrote many of the texts he set to music, in BUSNOYS, ANTOINE the tradition of such earlier poet-musicians as Adam de (Busnois; ca. 1430\u20131492) la Halle and Guillaume de Machaut. His works include two Masses for four voices (L\u2019homme arm\u00e9, O crux French composer in the service of the Burgundian court. lignum), a Credo, a Magnificat, eight motets (mostly His works, of which three-voice chansons are most four-voice), two hymns, and some seventy-five secular numerous, typify the Franco-Burgundian style in the pieces, almost all French rondeaux and virelais. His third quarter of the 15th century. music is characterized by its triadic sonority, strong harmonic progressions, clear structure, and extensive Busnoys\u2019s name indicates that he or his family came use of imitation, securing for him a central position in from Busne (Pas-de-Calais), a town in northeastern the evolution of musical style from Dufay to Josquin. France. Nothing is known of his early life and education, but in 1461 he was recorded as a chaplain at Saint-Gatien See also Adam de la Halle; Machaut, Guillaume de; in Tours, at which time he was involved in an attack on Ockeghem, Johannes a priest and was excommunicated. He did not remain in disgrace for long, since he soon became a singer and Further Reading minor cleric at the royal abbey of Saint-Martin in Tours and in April 1465 was promoted from the position of Busnoys, Antoine. Collected Works. New York: Broude Trust, choir clerk to subdeacon there. At Tours, he was a col- 1990. Parts 2 and 3: The Latin-Texted Works, ed. Richard league and perhaps a student of the famous composer Taruskin. Johannes Ockeghem, master of the French royal chapel and treasurer of the abbey of Saint-Martin. In September Higgins, Paula M. \u201cAntoine Busnois and Musical Culture in Late 1465, Busnoys sought and received the post of master of Fifteenth-Century France and Burgundy.\u201d Diss. Princeton the choirboys at Saint-Hilaire-le-Grand, Poitiers, which University, 1987. he held until July 1466. \u2014\u2014. \u201cIn hydraulis Revisited: New Light on the Career of In his motet In hydraulis, which pays homage to Antoine Busnois.\u201d Journal of the American Musicological Ockeghem, Busnoys describes himself as \u201cunworthy Society 39 (1986): 36\u201386. musician of the illustrious count of Charolais,\u201d referring to Charles the Bold, son of Philip the Good, duke in Perkins, Leeman L. \u201cThe L\u2019homme arm\u00e9 Masses of Busnoys June 1467, Busnoys was listed as a singer in Charles\u2019s and Ockeghem: A Comparison.\u201d Journal of Musicology 3 private service in March 1467, and he continued in that (1984): 363\u201396. position when Charles succeeded his father as duke in June 1467. Busnoys was officially admitted to the ducal Taruskin, Richard. \u201cAntoine Busnoys and the L\u2019homme arm\u00e9 chapel in 1471 and, with other members of the chapel, Tradition.\u201d Journal of the American Musicological Society followed Charles on most of his military campaigns, 39 (1986): 255\u201393. but probably not the last, the disastrous battle at Nancy in 1477, at which Charles was killed. Martin Picker After Charles\u2019s death, Busnoys served his daughter, BYRHTFERTH (fl. 985\u20131011) Priest and monk of the Abbey of Ramsey, one of the most learned Englishmen of his time, and a student 98","of Abbo of Fleury during Abbo\u2019s visit to England in BYRHTFERTH 985\u201387. Byrhtferth\u2019s varied literary career appears to have begun shortly after the departure of that great verse, and rhetorical figures and diacritics. Book Four scholar. His works fall into three genres: computistical, of the Enchiridion is a clearly presented Latin treatise hagiographical, and historical. on number symbolism, the fullest statement anywhere in Byrhtferth\u2019s writings of his belief that the divine Computus order of the universe can be perceived through the study of numbers; it is also an excellent general source Computus (OE gerim, gerimcr\u00e6ft) is the science of for the modern student interested in medieval number computation as it relates to the ecclesiastical calendar. symbolism. The word can also be used of any collection of short texts on that science; these generally contained a calendar The last of Byrhtferth\u2019s works on computus is an accompanied by tables and instructions for performing unsigned fragment of an OE text preserved in BL Cot- such tasks as finding the moon\u2019s age and calculating the ton Caligula A.xv, fols. 142v\u2013l43r; his authorship of the dates of movable feasts. fragment is suggested by its stylistic similarity to the OE of the Enchiridion. The earliest of the datable works associated with Byrhtferth is a compilation of materials on computus. Of Hagiography the three copies of this compilation all are incomplete, and two were evidently revised or augmented at later Two Latin saints\u2019 lives have been attributed to Byrhtferth periods. The version that seems closest to Byrhtferth\u2019s on the basis of their stylistic affinity with the Latin of is in Oxford, St. John\u2019s College 17, a large and elegant his signed works, the Epilogus and Enchiridion. These manuscript written around 1110\u201311 at the nearby Ab- works, the Life of St. Oswald and the Life of St. Ec- bey of Thorney. This manuscript contains, among other gwine, are preserved together in a single manuscript, items, several computistical works by Bede and Helperic BL Cotton Nero E.i, a large passional to which they and a computus, all accompanied by extensive marginal were added in the last half of the 11th century. Both glosses and introduced by a Latin Epilogus (\u201cpreface\u201d) the original passional and the additions were written by Byrhtferth. Several passages in the computus and at Worcester. glosses date the compilation (leaving aside those items that postdate Byrhtferth) to the years 988\u201396. Apart from The Life of St. Oswald, written between 996 and the Epilogus the only item in the compilation attributed 1005, details the career of the bishop of Worcester and to Byrhtferth is a full-page diagram illustrating the har- archbishop of York who, with Dunstan and \u00c6thelwold, mony of the universe, and suggesting correspondences was one of the leaders of the Benedictine Reform of among cosmological, numerological, and physiological the 10th century; Byrhtferth\u2019s work is considered the aspects of the world. Though other, minor items in St. most important source for his life. The Life is also cited John\u2019s 17 may well be by Byrhtferth, their authorship as a historical source for the murder of King Edward cannot be proved; nor can it be proved beyond doubt in 978 and, more famously, for the Battle of Maldon that he was responsible for the compilation as a whole. in 991. However, the Life tells us little about the latter But the date of the compilation, the presence in it of the two incidents that we cannot learn from other sources, Epilogus and diagram, and its close association with and historians have at times shown impatience with its the Enchiridion, discussed below, make it likely that lack of circumstantial detail\u2014forgetting, perhaps, that Byrhtferth built it up from a smaller compilation left hagiographers, unlike chroniclers, were interested less behind at Ramsey by his teacher Abbo. in events themselves than in their theological signifi- cance. Byrhtferth\u2019s Enchiridion (also called his Manual), preserved in a single manuscript, Bodl. Ashmole 328, The danger of using saints\u2019 lives as historical sources can be dated from internal evidence to the year 1011. is perhaps nowhere better illustrated than in Byrhtferth\u2019s Written in Latin and OE, it treats a variety of subjects; Life of St. Ecgwine, written after the year 1000, evidently however, the largest part of it is a guide to the use of at the request of the monks of Evesham, the monastery the computus. The first three of the four books of the that Ecgwine, as bishop of Worcester, had founded Enchiridion take the student step by step through a around the beginning of the 8th century. While Byrht- computus evidently similar to the one in St. John\u2019s 17, ferth could draw on a wealth of documentary evidence, introducing its tables and the calendar with explana- eyewitness report, and personal recollection in writing tions drawn largely from Helperic, Hrabanus Maurus, about St. Oswald, with Ecgwine he had no documents and Bede. Byrhtferth frequently digresses from the beyond a spurious charter and an irrelevant letter; all computus to touch on matters as diverse as the orga- other evidence was filtered through some two centuries nization of the universe, elision of syllables in Latin of oral tradition. It is no surprise, then, that Ecgwine emerges as an utterly conventional saint and that paral- lels for the incidents of his life can generally be found in the lives of other, equally conventional saints. 99","BYRHTFERTH See also Bede the Venerable; Dunstan of Canterbury; Isidore of Seville, Saint History Further Reading That Byrhtferth was responsible for the early sections (up to 887) of the Historia regum (History of the Kings) Primary Sources attributed to the 12th-century writer Simeon of Durham is suggested by the stylistic affinity of those sections Many of the older editions below are unreliable; new editions with Byrhtferth\u2019s other works. Byrhtferth\u2019s work is di- are in progress: Arnold, T, ed. Symeonis monachi opera om- verse and might be better characterized as a \u201chistorical nia. Rolls Series 75. 2 vols. London: Longmans, 1882\u201385, miscellany\u201d than as a history. It contains the following 2:3\u201391, except for interpolations at pp. 32\u201338 and 47\u201350 sections: 1) legends of Kentish saints; 2) lists of Nor- [Historia regum]. thumbrian kings; 3) material based mainly on Bede\u2019s Historia abbatum; 4) a chronicle covering the years Baker, Peter S., and Michael Lapidge, eds. Byrhtferth\u2019s Enchirid- 732\u2013802; 5) a chronicle covering the years 849\u201387, ion. EETS s.s. 15. London: Oxford University Press, 1995 based mainly on Asser\u2019s Life of King Alfred. Forsey, G.F., ed. and trans. \u201cByrhtferth\u2019s Preface.\u201d Speculum 3 Like Byrhtferth\u2019s other Latin works the Historia (1928): 505\u201322. regum is written in bombastic style, much loved in the 10th century, that modern critics call \u201chermeneutic.\u201d Giles, J.A, ed. Vita quorundum Anglo-Saxonum. London: Caxton Like all of his works it betrays his unusual interest in Society, 1854, pp. 349\u201396. Repr. New York: Burt Franklin, computus, in numerology, and in the figural interpreta- 1967 [Life of St. Ecgwine]. tion of biblical history and the material world\u2014some- times introducing such topics in places that seem to Raine, J., ed. Historians of the Church of York. Rolls Series 71.3 us inappropriate. Indeed one of the most prominent vols. London: Eyre & Spottiswoode, 1879, 1:399\u2013475 [Life characteristics of Byrhtferth\u2019s style is his tendency to of St. Oswald]. digress suddenly, for reasons that are not always appar- ent at first glance. Secondary Sources The student should be aware that some older schol- Baker, Peter S. \u201cThe Old English Canon of Byrhtferth of Ramsey.\u201d ars attributed to Byrhtferth an extensive set of glosses Speculum 55 (1980): 22\u201337. on Bede\u2019s scientific works, a life of St. Dunstan, and two works entitled De principiis mathematicis and De Baker, Peter S. \u201cByrhtferth\u2019s Enchiridion and the Computus in institutione monachorum. More recent scholarship has Oxford, St John\u2019s College 17.\u201d ASE 10 (1981): 123\u201342. shown that Byrhtferth had nothing to do with the saint\u2019s life or the glosses on Bede, and it is likely that the other Hart, C.R. \u201cByrhtferth\u2019s Northumbrian Chronicle.\u201d EHR 97 two works never existed. (1982): 558\u201382. Lapidge, Michael. \u201cByrhtferth and the Vita S. Ecgwini.\u201d MS 41 (1979): 331\u201353. Repr. in Anglo-Latin Literature, 900\u20131066. London: Hambledon, 1993, pp. 293\u2013315. Lapidge, Michael. \u201cByrhtferth of Ramsey and the Early Sections of the Historia regum Attributed to Symeon of Durham.\u201d ASE 10 (1981): 97\u2013122. Repr. in Anglo-Latin Literature, 900\u20131066. London: Hambledon, 1993, pp. 317\u201342. Peter S. Baker 100","C C\u00c6DMON (fl. 657\u201380) He \u00e6rest sceop eor\u00f0an bearnum heofon to hrofb, halig scyppend; The first English poet with any vernacular work sur- \u00fea middangeard moncynnes weard, viving (\u201cC\u00e6dmon\u2019s Hymn\u201d), who invented English ece drihten, \u00e6fter teode religious poetry by combining secular verse techniques \ufb01rum foldan, frea \u00e6lmihtig with Christian subject matter. [Now should we praise the guardian of the heavenly Bede tells the story in his Ecclesiastical History 4.24, kingdom, the power of the Creator and the counsel of the only source. C\u00e6dmon was a cowherd at the monas- his mind, the works of the Father of glory, how he, the tery of Abbess Hild at Whitby. One night, after leaving a eternal Lord, originated every marvel. He, the holy Cre- feast at the monastery in order to avoid performing with ator, first created the heaven, as a roof for the children of the harp, he had a dream in which a man commanded the earth; then the eternal Lord, guardian of the human him to sing. Although he demurred, the man insisted race, the almighty ruler, afterward fashioned the world that he do so and gave him the subject matter for his as a soil for men.] song: the Creation. At this C\u00e6dmon began to sing the poem that has come to be called C\u00e6dmon\u2019s Hymn, the C\u00e6dmon composed in the repetitious style associ- first recorded English poem. Upon waking C\u00e6dmon ated with formulaic, memorized verse. The three-part reported his dream to the steward and then to Hild and poem turns on the favorite subjects of the Anglo-Sax- her advisers, who recited another biblical narrative to ons: praise, mind, power, time, and God, who creates him and asked him to turn it into song as well. When the earth as a metaphorical hall (\u201cheaven as a roof\u201d) he had done so, he was invited and chose to become for human beings to live in. In verse 6b the brand-new a monk and devoted his life to composing vernacular poet calls God \u201cscyppend\u201d (Shaper), punning on \u201cscop\u201d poetry based on religious subjects. (Shaper, poet). Bede lists C\u00e6dmon\u2019s works, which included poems Some cynics dismiss the whole story as another on Genesis and Exodus, the life of Christ, the apostles\u2019 miracle tale, but Bede, fond of miracles, never uses the teachings, the Last Judgment, and heaven and hell. None term \u201cmiracle\u201d about C\u00e6dmon. Hild\u2019s scholars saw survive, but the list resembles the contents of Bodl. C\u00e6dmon\u2019s accomplishment as a heavenly gift, while Junius 11, which has thus been called the \u201cC\u00e6dmon modern critics debate how an illiterate cowherd sud- Manuscript,\u201d though its contents are not now attributed denly learned to compose sophisticated verse. Theories to C\u00e6dmon. include overcoming stage fright, practicing secretly, and modifying formulas heard in secular verse. C\u00e6dmon\u2019s Hymn survives in Northumbrian and West Saxon versions; the latter follows: C\u00e6dmon\u2019s style and subject matter dominated Anglo- Saxon verse for 400 years and probably reinforced the Nu sculon herigean heofonrices weard, native tendency toward stressed meter. In that sense metodes meahte and his modge\u00feanc, C\u00e6dmon, encouraged by Abbess Hild, \u201cinvented\u201d Eng- weorc wuldorf\u00e6der, swa he wundra gehw\u00e6s, lish verse as we know it. ece drihten, or onstealde. 101","C\u00c6DMON the stories are meant to serve as examples to live by, they are called exempla, and while they are shaped as See also Bede the Venerable; Hild miracle tales, weaving religious doctrine with popular material, each has a particular moral point. While the Further Reading primary audience for the Dialogus miraculorum was that of male Cistercian monasteries, there is evidence Primary Sources that the works of Caesarius are important in the history of medieval women\u2019s spirituality in Germany. There ASPR 6:105\u201306; Colgrave, Bertram, and R.A.B. Mynors, eds. are over two hundred references to women\u2019s cloisters and trans. Bede\u2019s Ecclesiastical History of the English People. in Caesarius\u2019s works and evidence that he personally Oxford: Clarendon, 1969, pp. 414\u201321. knew six Cistercian women\u2019s monasteries in the Lower Rhineland. Secondary Sources Further Reading Dobbie, E.V.K. The Manuscripts of C\u00e6dmon\u2019s Hymn and Bede\u2019s Death Song: With a Critical Text of the Epistola Cuthberti de Caesarius of Heisterbach. Caesari Heisterbacensis Monachi Or- obitu Bedae. New York: Columbia University Press, 1937. dinis Cisterciensis Dialogus miraculorum, ed. Joseph Strange. 2 vols. Bonn: Colonia, 1871. Fritz, Donald W. \u201cC\u00e6dmon: A Monastic Exegete.\u201d American Benedictine Review 25 (1974): 351\u201363. \u2014\u2014. The Dialogue on Miracles, trans. H. von E. Scott and C. C. Swinton Bland. London: Routledge, 1929. Fry, Donald K. \u201cC\u00e6dmon as a Formulaic Poet.\u201d Forum for Mod- ern Language Studies 10 (1974): 227\u201347. Moolenbroek, J. J. van. \u201cCaesarius von Heisterbach \u00fcber Zister- zienserinnes.\u201d Citeaux 41 (1990): 45\u201365. Fry, Donald K. \u201cThe Memory of C\u00e6dmon.\u201d In Oral Traditional Literature: A Festschrift far Albert Bates Lord, ed. John Miles Rosemary Drage Hale Foley. Columbus: Slavica, 1981, pp. 282\u201393. CAMPIN, ROBERT (ca. 1376\u20131444) Howlett, D.R. \u201cThe Theology of C\u00e6dmon\u2019s Hymn.\u201d Leeds Studies in English, n.s. 7 (1973\u201374): 1\u201312. Late-medieval painter whose career is shrouded in mystery because of limited archival information and few Lester, GA. \u201cThe C\u00e6dmon Story and Its Analogues.\u201d Neophilo- attributed works. He is known principally for his famous logus 58 (1974): 225\u201337. pupil Rogier van der Weyden. Campin\u2019s reputation in Tournai as a master is substantiated by the positions he Magoun, Francis P., Jr. \u201cBedes Story of C\u00e6dmon: The Case His- held: subdeacon of the goldsmith\u2019s guild, head of the tory of an Anglo-Saxon Oral Singer.\u201d Speculum 30 (1955): painter\u2019s guild, and one of the stewards to the city in 49\u201363. charge of finances and accounts. Tournai\u2019s relationship with the Burgundian court ultimately affected Campin\u2019s O\u2019Keeffe, Katherine O\u2019Brien. \u201cOrality and the Developing Text production. In one of his earlier works, the Entombment of C\u00e6dmon\u2019s Hymn.\u201d Speculum 62 (1987): 1\u201320. Triptych (1415\u201320), Campin displays a knowledge of the italianate painters of the court, such as Malouel and Wrenn, Charles Leslie. \u201cThe Poetry of C\u00e6dmon.\u201d PBA 33 (1946): Bellechose, in his use of gold background and treatment 277\u201395. of the angels. Court patronage, however, did not provide the artists of Tournai with a steady source of income. Donald K. Fry Instead, they belonged to guilds and served the city and local clients. Campin\u2019s most famous work and the CAESARIUS OF HEISTERBACH one that epitomizes his style is the Merode Altarpiece (1180\u2013ca. 1240) (ca. 1425), now at the Cloisters in New York. Commis- sioned by the Ingebrecht family, who appear at the left A Cistercian monk educated in Cologne, Caesarius be- of the panel, the triptych demonstrates Campin\u2019s skill came the prior and master of novices at the monastery with disguised symbolism. The composition teems with of Heisterbach. His extant writings include a number mundane objects that acquire meaning in the presence of sermons and a few saints\u2019 lives, but Caesarius is of the divine. Sadly, Campin\u2019s career suffered greatly in most noted for his Dialogus miraculorum (Dialogue on the 1430s, when the pro-Burgundian faction in Tournai Miracles), compiled and written in Latin between 1219 snatched power away from the guilds. In the midst of and 1223. As novice master, he gathered the material the conflict, Campin was arrested and, though he was together in a collection of stories intended to illustrate eventually set free, his career never recovered. Christian doctrine for the monks in his charge and aid in the development and preparation of sermons on See also Van der Weyden, Rogier particular topics. Hence, the stories are divided into a variety of thematic units, with subject headings such as conversion, contrition, confession, temptation, demons, the Eucharist, and the Miracles of the Virgin Mary. The collection is framed by a dialogue between a novice monk (novicius interrogans) and the master (monacbus respondent). The content, owing as much to an oral tradi- tion as to religious sources, straddles the border between official canonical doctrine and that of folk legend. Many of the stories depict scenes drawn from the everyday life of the region and time period, including that of emper- ors, peasants, townspeople, beggars, and clergy. Because 102","Further Reading CANGRANDE DELLA SCALA Frinta, Mojm\u00edr S. The Genius of Robert Campin. Paris: Mouton, rescind his excommunication), Cangrande reaffirmed 1966. his Ghibelline connection and helped to lift the siege of Milan in 1323. He entered a league with Mantua, Snyder, James. Northern Renaissance Art. New York: Abrams, Ferrara, and the emperor in 1324\u20131325 and brought 1985. his forces to various sieges in the countryside around Modena. In 1327, Cangrande finally gained control of Michelle I. Lapine Padua with the help of exiled malcontents, entering the city on 11 September. Early in July 1329 he began a war CANGRANDE DELLA SCALA against Treviso, conquering the city on 17 September. (1291\u20131329) Cangrande fell ill after entering Treviso and died there on 22 July 1329. He left no legitimate heir. Cangrande I della Scala (Canfrancesco) was the third son of Alberto I della Scala, lord of Verona. He was While he is chiefly known for his military exploits, probably born on 8 or 9 May 1291 and was christened Cangrande also sheltered the poet Dante during Dante\u2019s Canfrancesco, but from his childhood he was called long exile (1312\u20131318). Dante eulogized him in Parad- Canis Magnus, or Cangrande (also Can Grande, \u201cgreat iso 17 (76\u201393), describing him as so magnificent \u201cthat dog\u201d). Little is known of his youth. In 1294, at the age of his enemies will not repress\/Their tongues from tell- three, he was made a knight during a courtly celebration ing what things he hath done\u201d (Le sue magnificenze of his father\u2019s victory over the d\u2019Este family. Upon his conoscriute\/saranno ancora, si che\u2019suoi nemici\/non ne father\u2019s death in 1301, he was entrusted to the care of potran tener le lingue mute). his elder brother Bartolomeo. The essential work on Cangrande is still Spangenberg In 1306, Cangrande was invested with a fief by the (1892\u20131895), a derailed narrative political biography bishop of Vicenza and began to take part in his brother organized chronologically; the auditor\u2019s annotations are Alboino\u2019s military campaigns. The brothers collaborated an invaluable guide to primary sources, and the work as rulers of Verona from 1308 on, and in 1308 Cangrande includes a few key documents (2:151\u2013163). None of the was married to Giovanna of Svevia, daughter of Conrad sources for Cangrande\u2019s career, however, is available of Antioch. Both Alboino and Cangrande were made in translation. The sources most central to an analysis imperial vicarii of the city in 1311, during the Italian of his rule are Antiche cronache Veronesi and Statuti di expedition of Emperor Henry VII. When Alboino died Verona del 1327. later that year, Cangrande became the sole ruler of Verona. See also Dante Alighieri; Henry VII of Luxembourg Cangrande was clearly the most militarily gifted of the Scaliger lords (Scaliger was a name adopted by de- Further Reading scendants of the della Scala). He expanded his rule over the entire mark of Verona-Treviso. He was granted the Primary Sources imperial vicariate of Vicenza early in 1312 and quickly established himself as personal ruler of the city. After Antiche cronache Veronesi, ed. Carlo Cipolla. Monumenti Storici Emperor Henry VII died in 1313, Cangrande remained Pubblicati dalla R. Deputazione Veneta di Storia Patria, Series loyal to the imperial party. He did homage to Frederick 3, Vol. 2. Venice: R. Deputazione Veneta di Storia Patria, of Austria in 1317 and received a confirmation of his 1890. vicariate of Verona; when he refused to renounce the imperial vicariate, Pope John XXII excommunicated Statuti di Verona del 1327, ed. Silvana Anna Bianchi and Rosalba him the following year. Allied with Duke Henry of Granuzzo, 2 vols. Rome: Jouvence, 1992. Gorizia and Henry of Carinthia, Cangrande conquered much of the countryside south of Padua in the winter Studies of 1317\u20131318, and most of the castles in the territory of Treviso the following September. His participation in Allen, A. M. A History of Verona. London: Methuen, 1910. the siege of Genoa (in the autumn of 1318) increased his Bowsky, William M. Henry VII in Italy: The Conflict of Empire stature among other Ghibelline leaders, but Cangrande\u2019s ambitions were focused on the Veneto. In 1319 he laid and City-State (1310\u20131313). Lincoln: University of Nebraska siege to Padua, but a defeat in August 1320 led to the Press, 1960. lifting of the blockade. The following year, however, he Dante e Verona: Studi, ed. Antonio Avena and Pieraluise di conquered Feltre (June 1321) and then Belluno (Octo- Serego-Alighleri. Verona: Tip. Cooperativa, 1921. ber 1322). After a brief flirtation with the papal party Hyde, John Kenneth. Padua in the Age of Dante: The Social Life in the early 1320s (he was negotiating with the curia to of an Italian City State. Manchester: University of Manchester Press; and New York: Barnes and Noble, 1966. Rossini, Egidio. Verona Scaligera. Vol. 3, part 1 of Verona e il suo territorio. Verona: Istituto per gli Studi Storici Veronesi, 1975. Gli Scaligeri 1277\u20131387: Saggi e schede pubblicati in occasione della mostra storico-documentaria allestita dal Museo di Castelvecchio di Verona (giugno-novembre 1988), ed. Gian Maria Varanini. Verona: Arnoldo Mondadori, 1988. 103","CANGRANDE DELLA SCALA second voyage, he fell into complete obscurity. The late Dami\u00e3o Peres suggests (based on the Soligo map) that Spangenberg, Hans. Cangrande I. della Scala (1291\u20131329), 2 C\u00e3o may have incurred the displeasure of Jo\u00e3o II (and vols. Berlin: R. Gaertner, 1892\u20131895. (Vol. 1 covers 1291\u2013 subsequently fallen into obscurity) by asserting that he 1320; Vol. 2 covers 1321\u20131329.) had found the terminal cape of Africa\u2014which turned out to be only a deep, but blind, bay. Varanini, Gian Maria. \u201cDelia Scala, Cangrande.\u201d In Dizionario biografico degli Italiani. Rome: Istituto della Enciclopedia Two other confusions render even the briefest biog- Italiana, 1960\u2013. raphy of C\u00e3o uncertain: the fact that one or more other voyages of Portuguese discovery somewhat overlap Maureen C. Miller his and easily become confused with them, and the question of whether Martin Behaim accompanied C\u00e3o C\u00c3O, DIOGO (fl. 1482-1486) and labeled his maps in accordance with the explorer\u2019s discoveries. Portuguese navigator in the service of Jo\u00e3o II who explored the African coast as far south as Cape Saint See also Beheim, Michael Catherine; his most memorable discovery was the Congo River. His itineraries and other accomplishments are Further Reading unclear, as are the dates of his birth and death. He was descended from a Trasmontane family that had fought Barros, Jo\u00e3o de. D\u00e9cadas da \u00c1sia. Decade I, books 2 and 3. for Portuguese independence in the 1380s and, accord- Lisbon, 1778. ing to tradition, was born in Vila Real. The first mention of him is from 1480, as already being in the service of Peres, D. Descobrimentos portugueses. 2d ed. Coimbra, 1960. Jo\u00e3o II as a navigator; it is recorded that he returned from Africa with captured Spanish vessels. George D. Winius In 1482 his career as an explorer seems to have be- CARTAGENA, ALFONSO DE gun on an expedition that stopped at San Jorge da Mina (1385\/6\u20131456) (Elmina) before proceeding south into the unknown seas beyond Cape Saint Catherine. It was on this voyage that Alfonso Garc\u00eda de Santa Maria (Alphonsus Burgensis) he discovered the Congo (Zaire) River and planted the was the second son of Shlomo ha-Levi, rab de la corte stone pillar known as the Padra\u00f5 de San Jorge. He then of the Jewish aljama of Burgos, who on 21 July 1390, proceeded south to Cape Santa Maria, where he erected before Alfonso had been taught Hebrew, converted to another padr\u00e3o before returning to Lisbon. Christianity under the name Pablo de Santa Mar\u00eda and was subsequently elected bishop of Cartagena (1402) He brought with him four Sonyo nobles taken as and Burgos (1415). The Santa Mar\u00eda became leading hostages in return for the safety of Portuguese crew members of the Burgos patriciate, intermarrying with members, who had been sent on an embassy to the the noble houses of Manrique, Mendoza, Rojas, and oth- Manicongo but had not returned before the ship sailed. ers; on being granted a royal patent of nobility in 1440, The nobles were treated well; according to the chroni- the family changed its surname to Cartagena. Alfonso cler Barros, the intent was to teach them the Portuguese Garc\u00eda read canon law at Salamanca (ca. 1400\u20131406) language for future communication with natives of the before entering the church and court bureaucracy. By region. Jo\u00e3o II was highly pleased with the results of the 1415 he was dean of Santiago de Compostela (dean of expedition and ennobled C\u00e3o, apparently believing, that Segovia and canon of Burgos, 1420) and judge in the his navigator had approached \u201cthe Arabian Gulf.\u201d royal audiencia of Castile; in 1419, on the majority of Juan II of Castile (1406\u20131454), he was appointed to the The outlines of C\u00e3o\u2019s second voyage of 1485 are king\u2019s council. In 1421\u20131423 he was sent on the first much hazier, but it is known from Barros that he re- of several diplomatic missions to the Portuguese court turned the hostages to their homeland; he then, planted of Jo\u00e3o I, where in the summer of 1422, at the behest a padr\u00e3o at Cape Negro, Morocco, according to Martin of Prince Duarte, he wrote the \u201cfirst-born of all my Behaim\u2019s globe of 1492, and another at Cape Cross, writings,\u201d Memoriale uirtutum, a scholastic compilatio before reaching Walvis Bay. During this voyage he of Aristotle\u2019s Nicomachean Ethics with glosses from seems to have visited the Manicongo, at least accord- Aquinas written in rhythmical Latin prose; the prologue ing to the chroniclers Rui de Pina and Jo\u00e3o de Barros. to Book II extols the delights of studious solitude, adduc- And, given the authenticity of inscriptions on the cliff ing the parallels of Scipio Africanus (Cicero, De officiis, at Ielala, he sailed his ships a hundred miles up the III, 1) and Count Fern\u00e1n Gonz\u00e1lez in Pelayo\u2019s cave on Congo River. Otherwise, reports on this second voyage the banks of the Arlanza, while the ultilogus illustrates are contradictory. A legend on the famous globe by the the effects of vice in public life with Tarquin\u2019s rape of German cartographer Martin Behaim, hic moritur, has Lucretia and King Roderick\u2019s of La Cava, while virtue been taken to indicate C\u00e3o\u2019s death, probably in 1486, though Barros does not mention it in his Decades, (I, book 3, chapter 3) and speaks as if C\u00e3o returned safely home. Whether or not C\u00e3o actually returned from this 104","is represented by the heroes of the Reconquest. CARTAGENA, ALFONSO DE These exempla foreshadow a civic humanist ideal, Aeneas Sylvius Piccolomini informs us that Carta- based on the model of classical Roman culture and gena\u2019s oratory so deeply impressed everyone that, when virtue but with a significant admixture of native ele- Pablo de Santa Mar\u00eda died in 1435, Pope Eugenius IV ments, which it became Cartagena\u2019s life-long project immediately provided him to the vacant see; his election to preach to the aristocracy. Within months he penned as bishop of Burgos was confirmed by Juan II\u2019s nomina- his first Castilian work, a completion of Pero L\u00f3pez de tion. A further outcome of his stay in Basel was his Latin Ayala\u2019s unfinished translation of Boccaccio, De casibus correspondence with Leonardo Bruni and Pier Candido illustrium uirorum (Ca\u00edda de pr\u00edn\u00e7ipes de Juan Boca\u00e7io, Decembrio, in which he successfully requested transla- 30 September 1422); this was followed by versions of tions from Greek (Porphyry, Homer, and Plato\u2019s Repub- Cicero\u2019s De senectute and De officiis (Quatro libros de lic). In March 1438 Cartagena attended the imperial Tulio, Montem\u00f3r o Novo, 10 January 1422 o.s.\/1423 coronation of Albrecht III of Austria in Breslau, where n.s.), Pro Marcello (Ora\u00e7i\u00f3n de Tulio a Julio \u00c7esar), he met Diego de Valera and Pero Tafur. He returned via and De inuentione, I (Reth\u00f3rica de Marco Tulio \u00c7icer\u00f3n, Prague, Nuremburg, and Mainz, reaching Spain in De- 1425\u201327), whose prologues make explicit the program cember 1439, where his first act was to grant a canonry for educating knights in \u201clengua clara vulgar e mater- in Burgos to his prot\u00e9g\u00e9 Rodrigo S\u00e1nchez de Ar\u00e9valo; nal,\u201d steering a via media between the competing claims at the same time the young Alfonso de Palencia entered of classical rhetoric and scholastic philosophy. his retinue. In 1440 he was the chief negotiator in the marriage of Juan II\u2019s son Prince Enrique to Blanca of Cartagena\u2019s next project was a cycle of vernacular Navarre; it was during the princess\u2019s stay in his brother translations from the C\u00f3rdoban Stoic Seneca theYoung- Pedro\u2019s palace in Burgos that the Bohemian traveler er which, under the patronage of Juan II, was designed Rozmital met Cartagena, and it was probably also at to show the antiquity and worth of Hispanic classical this time that the latter formed his close friendships culture in defiance of the Italians (Gran copila\u00e7i\u00f3n del with Pedro Fern\u00e1ndez de Velasco (Epistola ad comitem alphabeto de algunos dichos de S\u00e9neca, from Fra Luca de Haro, ca. 1441, a Latin treatise on noble education Manelli\u2019s fourteenth-century Tabulatio et expositio Sen- which again propounds Cartagena\u2019s ideal of educated ecae, 1428\/9\u201330; Cinco libros de S\u00e9neca, from De uita chivalry), with \u00cd\u00f1igo L\u00f3pez de Mendoza (Respuesta a beata, Ep. Ad Lucilium 88, Deprov-identia, the apoc- la questi\u00f3n fecha por el marqu\u00e9s de Santillana, 1444, ryphal De institutis legal\u02c9\u0131bus, and Seneca the Elder\u2019s on Leonardo Bruni\u2019s De militia, a discussion of the Controuersiae, 1431; De constantia; De clementia). classical origins of chivalry), and with Diego G\u00f3mez de Sandoval, Count of Castrojeriz (Doctrinal de cavalleros, It was on a third Portuguese legation in 1427 that ca. 1445, a compendium of laws and commentaries on Cartagena experienced a first direct contact with Ital- chivalry). Cartagena formed a deeper friendship with ian humanism through a pair of Leonardo Bruni\u2019s Fern\u00e1n P\u00e9rez de Guzm\u00e1n, to whom he dedicated his Latin translations from the Greek brought back from Duodenarium, a set of Latin essays on political, moral, Bologna by some Portuguese jurists. The result was his and linguistic questions sent to its addressee (unfinished) Declinationes super noua quadam Ethicorum Aristotelis soon after 1442. translatione, dedicated to Fern\u00e1n D\u00edaz de Toledo in 1431, a pamphlet criticizing Bruni\u2019s humanist version of In the 1440s Cartagena wrote a number of juridical Aristotle\u2019s Ethics as too rhetorical and unphilosophical. briefs on the rights and constitutions of his bishopric The Declinationes aroused European controversy when, against the pretensions of Alfonso Carrillo, archbishop in 1434, Cartagena took a copy to the General Council of of Toledo (Liber Mauricianus, Conflatorium), and reor- Basel as a member of the Castilian delegation. There he ganized the cathedral archive; he was also responsible also pronounced a number of public speeches, notably for major building works, including the cathedral\u2019s two a disputation on Lex Gallus de postumis instituendis famous openwork stone spires, designed by Johann von uel exheredandis (Avignon, 18 July 1434), sermons on K\u00f6ln, and the Chapel of the Visitation, which houses his the feasts of St. Thomas Aquinas (Juan II\u2019s birthday) own tomb, and the plaza and episcopal palace of El Sar- and All Saints, and political briefs on the powers of mental. To these years belong his gloss on a devotional the Council and the papal plenitudo postestatis, on the sermon of St. John Chrysostom and Apologia super preeminence of the crown of Castile over that of England psalmum Judica me Deus, a \u201ccontemplaci\u00f3n mezclada (Propositio super altercatione preeminentie sedium inter con orati\u00f3n\u201d on the Penitential Psalm 26, both written reges Castelle et Anglie, 14 September 1434), and on in Latin and subsequently translated by the author into the Castilian right to the conquest of the Canaries (Al- Castilian; and the massive Defensorium unitatis Christi- legationes super conquesta insularum Canarie contra anae, a reasoned impugnation of the anti-converso libels Portugalenses, 27 August 1437). The latter are no less of Pero Sarmiento in the Rebellion of Toledo, addressed interesting for their Ciceronian rhetorical schemes than to Juan II in 1449, in which, once again, Cartagena for their political ideology. brought his vast knowledge of history, theology, and 105","CARTAGENA, ALFONSO DE don Alfonso de Cartagena,\u201d El Crotal\u00f3n: \u00c1nuario de Filolog\u00eda Espa\u00f1ola 2 (1985), 335\u201363. oratory to bear on a subject which other writers had Gonz\u00e1lez-Quevedo Alonso, S. (ed.) El Oracional de Alonso de treated only in legal terms. The political situation in the Cartagena. Chapel Hill, N.C., 1983. wake of Sarmiento\u2019s rebellion was volatile, however, Lawrance, J. (ed.) Un tratado de Alonso de Cartagena sobre la and, after \u00c1lvaro de Luna\u2019s arrest and imprisonment educaci\u00f3n y los estudios literarios. Bellaterra, 1979. in his brother Pedro\u2019s Burgos palace in March 1453, Morr\u00e1s, M. (ed). Texto y concordancias del De officiis de Cicer\u00f3n, Cartagena found himself in the invidious position of traducci\u00f3n castellana por Alfonso de Cartagena. Madison, having to draw up the charges for the execution of the Wisc., 1989. privado whose policy he had so loyally supported for twenty years. Jeremy Lawrance Cartagena\u2019s last works were the Oracional (ca. CARTAGENA, TERESA DE (1420\/25\u2013?) 1455), a layman\u2019s treatise on prayer written in Castil- ian for Fern\u00e1n P\u00e9rez de Guzm\u00e1n, which lays stress on Born between 1420 and 1425, Teresa de Cartagena the inwardness of spiritual life in ways which point to was the author of two important pious prose works, the Devotio moderna and Illuminism rather than Italian the Arboleda de los enfermos (ca. 1450) and the Admi- humanism, while the Latin Anacephaleosis regum His- raci\u00f3n operum Dey (of uncertain date but written out of panie, on which he was working in the months before self-justification to counter the surprise caused by the his death and which he dedicated to Burgos cathedral reception of the Arboleda). She was a member of the chapter, develops the Neo-Gothic myth expounded in most illustrious converso family of fifteenth-century his father\u2019s Coplas de las siete edades del mundo on the Castile, the Santa Mar\u00eda-Cartagenas, whose members Messianic imperial and crusading destiny of Hispania. achieved great distinction in literature and the church. In the summer 1456 Cartagena undertook a pilgrimage She was the grandaughter of Pablo de Santa Mar\u00eda, suc- to Santiago for the jubilee, but he was already ill, and cessively the chief rabbi and bishop of Burgos as well as had to return before the feast of St. James, dying at Vil- the author of an historical work, Siete edades del mundo, lasandino on 22 July. His decease is recounted in touch- the niece of the humanist, statesman, and polemicist ing terms, with the obligatory deathbed miracle, in the Alfonso de Cartagena, also bishop of Burgos, as well as contemporary De actibus domini Alfonsi de Cartagena his brother, the intellectual and chronicler Alvar Garc\u00eda (BNM 7432, fols. 89\u201392v, attributed to his amanuensis de Santa Mar\u00eda. Teresa also corresponded with G\u00f3mez Juan S\u0192nchez de Nebreda). Other tributes were penned Manrique, one of the principal literary figures of the by Fernando de la Torre in a letter to Pedro de Carta- realm, and was urged by Manrique to continue her lit- gena; by Fern\u00e1n P\u00e9rez de Guzm\u00e1n in his Coplas sobre erary endeavors. Teresa lost her hearing at an early age el transitu del reverendo padre don and, educated at Salamanca, she became a Franciscan nun. Her deafness appears to have been instrumental in Alfonso de Cartajena (\u201cAquel S\u00e9neca espir\u00f3 | a quien the development of both her spiritual sensibilities and yo era Lu\u00e7ilo\u201d); and by his pupil and camarero Diego her literary enterprise. Rodr\u00edguez de Almela in a semblanza included in a work undertaken at Cartagena\u2019s behest, Valerio de las estorias The Arboleda de los enfermos is a consolatory escol\u00e1sticas e de Espa\u00f1a, VIII, 6, 9 (completed March work couched in terms of an allegorical exposition and 1462, printed Murcia 1487). The most vivid portraits, meditation on the spiritual benefits of illness, specifi- however, are those by his fellow conversos (Catholic cally her deafness, as a means of isolation from worldly converts) Juan de Lucena (Di\u00e1logo moral de vita felici, distractions. In it, Teresa distinguishes between the 1463) and Fernando del Pulgar, whose semblanza shows physical and the spiritual ability to hear, concluding Cartagena as a man of deep intelligence, pious modesty, that deafness can be a defense against metaphysical and complete integrity (Claros varones de Castilla, ca. blindness. Her aim in writing it was to teach others to 1483\u20131486, published 1486). cope with adversity. The work is rich with images and demonstrates an intimate spirituality that also places See also Aquinas, Thomas great value on human relationships, especially family. Its sources are complex, largely biblical and Patristic Further Reading (Augustine, Boethius, Jerome, Gregory the Great, and St. Bernard, among them), and stand as a testimonial Birkenmajer, A. \u201cDer Streit des Alonso von Cartagena mit to Teresa\u2019s learning and erudition. At the same time, Leonardo Bruni Aretino,\u201d Beitr\u00e4ge zur Geschichte der the Arboleda is notable for its authenticity and as a Philosophie des Mittelalters 20 (1917\u201322), Heft 5 (1922), record of an intimate religious experience tempered by 128\u2013210, 226\u201335. personal hardship. Cartagena, A. de Defensorium unitatis Christianae. Ed. M. The Admiraci\u00f3n, although derived from largely Alonso. Madrid, 1943. the same sources as the Arboleda, was composed in Espinosa Fernandez, Y. (ed.) La Anacephaleosis de Alonso de Cartagena. 3 vols. Madrid, 1989. G\u00f3mez Moreno, A. \u201cLa Q\u00fcesti\u00f3n del Marqu\u00e9s de Santillana a 106"]