Key Figures in Medieval Europe - An Encyclopedia

["Fehm, Sherwood A. \u201cNotes on Spinello\u2019s So-Called Monte STAINREUTER, LEOPOLD Oliveto Altarpiece.\u201d Mitteilungen des Kunsthistorischen Institutes in Florenz, 17, 1973, pp. 257\u2013272. von den 95 Herrschaften (begun in the late 1380s), an influential compendium of Austrian history borrowing Fremantle, Richard. Florentine Gothic Painters: From Giotto the frame of world history, and commissioned by Duke to Masaccio\u2013\u2013A Guide to Painting in and Near Florence. Albrecht III. The Chronik, sometimes called the Chron- London: Secker and Warburg, 1975, pp. 343\u2013354. ica patrie, is a detailed, annalist prose history\u2014based in part on the religious chronicle Flores temporum Weppelmann, Stefan. \u201cAndrea di Nerio o Spinello Aretino?\u201d focusing on Austria from its earliest times through the Nuovi Studi, 4, 1999, pp. 5\u201316. rule of Duke Albrecht. (The concluding events are the death of the duke in 1395 and the pilgrimage of Duke \u2014\u2014. \u201cSulla pittura del trecento aretino tra le botteghe di An- Albrecht IV in 1398.) Stainreuter\u2019s Chronik is nour- drea di Nerio e Spinello Aretino.\u201d Proporzioni, 1, 2000, pp. ished by its vivid historical awareness, as indicated by 28\u201336. its opening references to Seneca as helmsman, of the value of memory (gedechtn\u00fcs), and of history writing Flavio Boggi itself. There follows a fabulous pseudo-history, insis- tent in its efforts to legitimate Habsburg rule, placing STAINREUTER, LEOPOLD Austria in a historical context that is both inventive and (ca. 1340\u2013ca. 1400) tendentious. As valuable as any of the Austrian historical events reported by Stainreuter is his allusion to a very An Austrian by birth, the cleric Leopold Stainreuter early German Bible. He reports (in paragraph 388) that studied at the Universities of Paris and Vienna, becom- Queen Agnes of Hungary (d. 1364), het ain bibel, die ing court chaplain to Duke Albrecht III of Austria (d. waz ze de\u00fctsche gemachet (possessed a Bible written 1395). Stainreuter was a prominent translator of Latin in the German tongue). theological tracts, having rendered the Rationale divi- norum officiorum of Guilelmus Durandus (d. 1296) for By the 1980s scholarship on Leopold Stainreuter the ducal court. Apparently at the behest of the duke\u2019s seemed stable and serene. For all the vague remarks in steward, Hans von Liechtenstein, Stainreuter translated the critical literature of the type that works were \u201cas- Latin books on pilgrimage (called Pilgerb\u00fcchlein). cribed\u201d to him, a consensus had emerged that he was a Stainreuter, as translator and popular theologian, joins translator and historian of note. Now that consensus has the so-called Wiener Schule (Viennese School), formed been shattered. Paul Uiblein recently shook Stainreuter from authors with close ties both to the Habsburg court research to its foundations, claiming Stainreuter was and the University of Vienna: Heinrich von Langenstein, in fact the beneficiary of a kind of mistaken identity. Nikolaus von Dinkelsb\u00fchl, Thomas Peuntner, Nikolaus Uiblein identifies our author, instead, as a certain Leop- Kempf, and Nikolaus von Astau. (Johannes von Geln- old of Vienna (Leupoldus de Wienna), a cleric of similar hausen, Rudolf Wintuawer, Friedrich der Karmeliter, background who studied theology in Paris and taught and Ulrich von Pottenstein are also associated, however the same in the theological faculty of the University of tangentially, with the Viennese School.) Vienna, established in 1384. At some point before this, Leopold had become court chaplain of Duke Albrecht III Central concerns of the authors named were reli- of Austria. Among his ducal duties was the preparation gious instruction and edification, to which ends they of translations; for these, as well as for his teaching at translated Latin writings into the vernacular. Believing the university, he was recognized in 1385. In that year that literature should offer practical instruction for daily Duke Albrecht interceded on Leopold\u2019s behalf with living and should promote the conversion of souls, they Pope Urban VI, so that the chaplain might receive a aimed their catechetical literature at a broad audience, benefice. That Leopold of Vienna already enjoyed the embracing clerics, the laity, common people, and the favor of the pope is shown by the bestowal of the title nobility. Augustinianism was the theological direction \u201cpapal honorary chaplain\u201d in 1385. of the school, Stainreuter having been active in the monastery of the Augustinian Hermits in Vienna. Suffice it here to say that scholarship on Leopold Stainreuter is in flux; it is not yet certain when, or how, Stainreuter also found his voice as historian, trans- researchers might sort through the claims and counter- lating and composing dynastic history. For his 1385 claims, and make a cogent case for the achievements of translation of the Historia tripartita, the three-part either \u201cLeopold.\u201d Until that time, the literary patronage church history by Cassiodorus, he wrote, as a type of of the Habsburg dukes, primarily Albrecht III, will be introduction, a panegyric poem to Duke Albrecht III, more opaque than once believed. What is clear is that in labeled an \u201cEpistel in daz lob des furstleihen herren late-fourteenth-century Austria a court historiography herczog Albrechten czw \u00d6sterreich\u201d (Epistle of praise arose animated by nobles and confected of genealogy, of his princely duke Albrecht of Austria). In the work historical fact, and fable. Stainreuter identifies himself both as chapplan, prueder Lewpoltz (Brother Leopold, chaplain) and lesmaister (lector). Noteworthy is his employment of genealogy, a topic carried to fullness in his \u00d6sterreichische Chronik 607","STAINREUTER, LEOPOLD Aistulf. Pepin\u2019s agents now took possession of formerly Byzantine cities and territories in the exarchate and the Further Reading Pentapolis and granted them to the pope, in a document known as the Donation of Pepin. Although these terri- Boot, Christine, ed. Cassiodorus\u2019 Historia Ecclesiastica Tripar- tories did not encompass all that Pepin had promised in tita in Leopold Stainreuter\u2019s German Translation MS ger. 754, they and the duchy of Rome constituted the core of fol.1109. 2 vols. Amsterdam: Rodopi, 1977. what was in effect an independent papal state. Stephen II followed up this success by playing a significant role in Uiblein, Paul. \u201cLeopold von Wien (Leupoldus de Wienna),\u201d in the election of Desiderius (757\u2013774) to succeed Aistulf Die deutsche Literatur des Mittelalters. Verfasserlexikon, under terms favorable to the papacy. 2d ed., ed. Kurt Ruh et al. Berlin: de Gruyter, 1985, vol. 5, cols. 716\u2013723. When Stephen II died, there remained many uncer- tainties about the exact boundaries of the papal state, the William C. McDonald future course of action of the new Lombard king, and the relationship between the papacy and the Frankish STEPHEN II, POPE (d. 757, r. 752\u2013757) monarchy. However, Stephen\u2019s successes in expanding the republic of Saint Peter and in gaining a protector for Pope Stephen II is sometimes identified as Stephen it marked a turning point not only in papal and Italian III\u2014his predecessor, the original Stephen II, having died history but also in the history of the west and its rela- in 752 before being consecrated. Stephen became pope tionship with the east. at a time of flux that gravely threatened the papacy. Since the late seventh century, the control of the Byzantine em- See also Pepin III the Short pire over its Italian possessions had steadily deteriorated. This decline allowed a succession of popes to assume de Further Reading facto control over the duchy of Rome and to formulate an increasingly persuasive ideology justifying the right Editions of the successors of Saint Peter to guide the orthodox in Italy, i.e., the true Romans who spurned the heretical Codex Carolinus, ed. Wilhelm Gundlach. Monumenta Germaniae iconoclastic policy of the emperors. However, another Historica, Epistolae Merowingici et Karolini aevi, 1. Berlin: Italian power, the Lombard kingdom, was eager to ex- Weidmann, 1892, pp. 487\u2013505. ploit the decline of Byzantium. The Lombards became increasingly aggressive, and in 751 the Lombard king, Le liber pontificalis, 3 vols., ed. Louis Duchesne, 2nd ed. Biblio- Aistulf (r. 749\u2013756), seized the exarchate, an important th\u00e8que des \u00c9coles Fran\u00e7aises d\u2019Ath\u00e8nes et de Rome. Paris: E. Byzantine territory around Ravenna, and threatened to de Boccard, 1955\u20131957, Vol. 1, pp. 440\u2013462. occupy the duchy of Rome. Critical Studies Stephen\u2019s central concern throughout his pontificate was to provide security for what was coming to be called Miller, David Harry. \u201cThe Roman Revolution of the Eighth the Republic of Saint Peter. After diplomacy failed to Century: A Study of the Ideological Background of the Papal avert the Lombard threat and after approaches to Con- Separation from Byzantium and Alliance with the Franks.\u201d stantinople made clear that his theoretical overlord was Mediaeval Studies, 36, 1974, pp. 79\u2013133. incapable of protecting Rome, Stephen turned to Pepin III, king of the Franks. Pepin was perhaps grateful to the Noble, Thomas F. X. The Republic of Saint Peter. The Birth of papacy, which had approved his seizure of the Frank- the Papal State, 680\u2013725. The Middle Ages. Philadelphia: ish crown in 751, and indicated that he was willing to University of Pennsylvania Press, 1984, pp. 61\u2013107. support Stephen\u2019s cause. Stephen thereupon journeyed to Francia in 753\u2013754. After lengthy negotiations, the Richard E. Sullivan two parties entered a treaty of friendship, and Pepin agreed to protect the papacy and to restore to it exten- STEPHEN LANGTON (ca. 1155\u20131228) sive territories described in a written document. For his part, Stephen solidified the claim of the Carolingians Stephen Langton and his brother Simon were two of the to the throne by reanointing Pepin and his sons and by most influential figures of their age. Stephen was born forbidding anyone to replace the Carolingians as kings. in Langton-by-Wragby, near Lincoln. His early educa- He also bestowed on Pepin and his sons the vague title tion was probably at the Lincoln cathedral school, but patricius Romanorum, which implied that the Frankish ca. 1170 he moved to Paris and studied and then taught, rulers were responsible for protecting the Romans. for about twenty years, around the Petit Pont, probably at the school of Peter the Chanter. Like the Chanter These negotiations resulted in a successful Frankish and Peter Comestor, Stephen was interested in practi- expedition to Italy in 755, which exacted from Aistulf a cal moral questions and in biblical studies. He was at promise to restore extensive territories. However, once his best when discussing, in a common-sense way, the Pepin left Italy, Aistulf refused to respect his promise problems of everyday life. He sided most definitely with and again threatened Rome. Stephen\u2019s appeals led to a the active rather than the contemplative life. second Frankish expedition in 756 and another defeat for Stephen\u2019s fame came not from his theology but from his preaching and biblical commentaries. He was known 608","as Linguatonans\u2014thundering tongue. About 500 of STOSS, VEIT his sermons survive. He is credited with the division of the Bible into more or less its present chapters; he was Lectures Delivered in the University of Oxford in Hilary Term well known for his corrections to the text; and he com- 1927. Oxford: Clarendon, 1928. mented on most of the Bible according to both the literal Roberts, Phyllis Barzillay. \u201cMaster Stephen Langton Preaches to and spiritual senses. His commentaries circulated in a the People and Clergy: Sermon Texts from Twelfth-Century number of forms, some with only one sense, some with Paris.\u201d Traditio 36 (1980): 237\u201368. both. He also wrote commentaries on Peter Comestor\u2019s \u2014\u2014. Stephanus de Lingua-Tonante: Studies in the Sermons of Historia scholastica. Stephen Langton. Toronto: Pontifical Institute of Mediaeval Studies, 1968. While in Paris, he was a close friend of Lothar of Segni, who as Pope Innocent III made him a cardi- Lesley J. Smith nal in 1206. In December 1206, Stephen was elected archbishop of Canterbury; but owing to disputes over STOSS, VEIT (ca. 1445\/1450\u20131533) his election between King John Lackland and the Can- terbury chapter (backed by Innocent III), he was not The famed sculptor was born in Horb am Neckar and allowed to take his seat until 1213. Until then, he lived died in Nuremberg on September 20, 1533. Virtually no in exile at the abbey of Pontigny. documentation exists about Stoss\u2019s training and earlier years. His earliest secure sculptures show his familiar- Stephen was closely involved with Magna Carta and ity with the heightened realism of the art of Nikolaus may have been its author. He worked hard to maintain Gerhaert and Martin Schongauer, suggesting a stay on the role of mediator during the events that led to 1215 the Upper Rhine, perhaps in Strasbourg. Rogier van and saw the charter not as innovation but as restate- der Weyden\u2019s paintings, likely through other artistic ments of the rights and duties of kingship. Innocent intermediaries, also influenced the young sculptor. Al- read Langton\u2019s mediation with the barons as an indirect though scholars have suggested the Stoss collaborated challenge to himself and suspended him as archbishop on altarpieces in Rothenburg (1466) and N\u00f6rdlingen, for two years. The dispute was eventually settled by the nothing is known about his very earliest production. He deaths of John and Innocent, and Stephen returned to certainly was an established sculptor when, in 1477, he England in 1218. moved to Krak\u00f3w from Nuremberg, where he had mar- ried before 1476. Between 1477 and 1489 he created the He attended the Fourth Lateran Council in 1215 Mary Altarpiece for St. Mary\u2019s in Krak\u00f3w. Measuring and was very much in sympathy with its reforming 13.95 \u00d7 10.68 meters, this is probably the period\u2019s larg- principles. Back in England, he avidly pursued church est winged retable. Several of the apostles in the Death reform, holding the first provincial council to legislate and Coronation of the Virgin in the corpus are about 2.8 in England in 1222 in Oxford. He himself was active in meters tall. Here and in the relief scenes of the inner administration of his see. He presided over the transla- and outer wings, Stoss provides his figures with little tion of the relics of Thomas Becket at Canterbury in space. Most are located within a shallow stage with a 1220. He played a major role in the coronation of the sharply tilted ground plane. Stoss\u2019s virtuosity in cutting boy-king Henry III (1220) and became his adviser. He highly animated draperies with deep, crisp folds is best died in Sussex in 1228. observed in the richly polychromed (multicolored) and gilt corpus statues. For a project of this magnitude, the See also Innocent III, Pope; John; Peter Comestor; artist employed several assistants likely including a few Peter the Chanter of his seven sons. The Mary Altarpiece, the red marble Tomb of King Casimir IV Jagiello (1492) in Wawel Further Reading Cathedral in Krak\u00f3w, and his cast bronze Tomb Plate of Callimachus (Filippo Buonaccorsi, d. 1496) in the Stephen Langton. Commentary on the Book of Chronicles, ed. Av- city\u2019s Dominican Church, among other works, exerted rom Saltman. Ramat-Gan:Bar-Ilan University Press, 1978. a tremendous influence on other artists active in Poland and eastern Prussia. \u2014\u2014. Der Sentenzenkommentar des Kardinals Stephan Lang- ton, ed. Artur Michael Landgraf. M\u00fcnster: Aschendorff, In 1496 Stoss moved back to Nuremberg. Three years 1952. later he completed stone statues of the Man of Sorrows and Mater Dolorosa plus three reliefs of the Last Supper, \u2014\u2014. Selected Sermons of Stephen Langton, ed. Phyllis Barzillay Christ on the Mount of Olives, and the Arrest of Christ Roberts. Toronto: Pontifical Institute of Mediaeval Studies, that patrician Paulus Volckamer set in the eastern choir 1980. wall of St. Sebaldus church. The emotional appeal of the figures, notably Christ and Mary, who look beseech- Baldwin, John W. Masters, Princes, and Merchants: The Social ingly at the viewers passing in the ambulatory, coupled Views of Peter the Chanter and His Circle, 2 vols. Princeton: with a growing clarity of form define Stoss\u2019s more Princeton University Press, 1970, Vol. 1, pp. 25\u201331. developed style. His career, however, was temporarily Long\u00e8re, Jean. \u0152uvres oratoires de ma\u00eetres parisiens au XIIe si\u00e8cle: \u00e9tude historique et doctrinale. Paris: \u00c9tudes Augus- tiniennes, 1975. Powicke, Frederick Maurice. Stephen Langton: Being the Ford 609","STOSS, VEIT Schule in N\u00fcrnberg und Umgebung. Munich: Deutscher Kunstverlag, 1983. sidetracked. Having lost 1,265 guilders speculating on \u2014\u2014, ed. Veit Stoss: Die Vortr\u00e4ge des N\u00fcrnberger Symposions. copper, Stoss forged a promissory note in 1503. After Munich: Deutscher Kunstverlag, 1985. being convicted, he was branded on both cheeks and Lutze, Eberhard. Veit Stoss, 4th ed. Munich: Deutscher Kunst- banned from leaving the city. In 1504 Stoss fled and verlag, 1968. worked briefly in M\u00fcnnerstadt, where he polychromed Oellermann, Eike. \u201cDie monochromen Holzbildwerke des Veit Tillmann Riemenschneider\u2019s Mary Magdalene Al- Stoss.\u201d Maltechnik 82 (1976): 173\u2013182. tarpiece (1490\u20131492) and painted four scenes of the Sello, Gottfried. Veit Stoss. Munich: Hirmer, 1988. Martyrdom of St. Kilian on the wings. These are Stoss\u2019s Skubiszewski, Piotr. Veit Stoss und Polen. Nuremberg: Ger- only documented paintings; he also created ten engrav- manisches Nationalmuseum, 1983. ings during this decade. Stoss returned to Nuremberg Soding, Ulrich. \u201cVeit Stoss am Oberrhein: Zur Kunstgeschich- and through the intercession of Emperor Maximilian tlichen Stellung der \u2018Isenheimer Muttergottes\u2019 im Louvre.\u201d resumed his career. For the choir of St. Sebaldus, he Jahrbuch der Staatlichen Kunstsammlungen in Baden-W\u00fcrt- made the limewood St. Andrew (1505\u20131507), in which temberg 29 (1992): 50\u201376. the clear and stable pose of the apostle contrasts with the marvelous billowing drapery. Jeffrey Chipps Smith Stoss carved both small-scale and large statues STRICKER, DER (ca. 1190\u2013ca. 1250) throughout the 1510s and 1520s for local patrons and churches. His greatest feat was the Angelic Salutation This itinerant poet, known only by his pseudonym, was (1517\u20131518), an over-life-size Annunciation suspended probably born toward the end of the twelfth century in from the choir vault in St. Lorenz church. Supported the Middle German region. A major portion of his life by an angel holding sanctus bells, Gabriel and Mary was spent in Austria, where he died about 1250, if the float before the high altar. They are enframed by a giant last poems for which reliable dates exist are taken as rosary complete with roses, beads, small figured roun- terminus post quern. Clearly not a member of the no- dels, a group of joyous angels, and, at the apex, God. bility, he seems to have worked for various audiences The ensemble included a great crown above, now lost, and patrons, although none is known to us by name. and Jakob P\u00fclmann\u2019s candelabrum. Commissioned by His oeuvre, consisting of nearly 170 works and span- Anton II Tucher, Nuremberg\u2019s highest official, the An- ning a wide variety of genres, attests not only to his gelic Salutation was covered for much of the liturgical versatility and originality but also to his considerable year. With the advent of the Reformation in Nuremberg, knowledge of theological and legal issues. He is familiar the whole group was sheathed permanently from 1529 with the works of Hartmann von Aue and Wolfram von until circa 1806. The Reformation also affected Stoss\u2019s Eschenbach. The paucity of information regarding the final great commission, the Mary Altar (1520\u20131523) poet extends to the chronology of his works. While it ordered by the artist\u2019s son, Andreas Stoss, who was the is generally assumed that his two longer works, Daniel prior of the local Carmelite convent. Stoss\u2019s preparatory von dem Bl\u00fchenden Tal and Karl der Gro\u00dfe, are prod- drawing is today in the University Museum in Krak\u00f3w. ucts of his youth, it remains impossible to establish a The sculptor had yet to be paid when the convent was sequence for Pfaffe Amis, various stories of medium dissolved in 1525. length, and his vast output of short narratives consist- ing of fables, prayers, didactic poems, and a corpus of After a long legal battle, the altarpiece was trans- M\u00e4ren (stories or tales) that constitute his actual claim ferred by Stoss\u2019s heirs to Bamberg in 1543 and is now to fame. Daniel von dem Bl\u00fchenden Tal, consisting of in the cathedral. Like several of Stoss\u2019s later carvings, 8,478 verses and transmitted in four extant manuscripts, the Mary Altar was stained but never polychromed. is a highly original treatment of the Arthurian romance Stoss continued working at least until 1532. His im- genre. Denounced by earlier scholarship, which viewed pact on regional sculpture, at least before 1525, was Stricker\u2019s novum of an unproblematic hero and an ac- considerable. tive, functioning society as a serious misunderstanding of the genre, it is recognized today as the coherent and See also Maximilian; Riemenschneider, Tillmann; skillful text that introduced the notion of ratio as a means Schongauer, Martin to avoid the pitfalls of human life. The popularity of Stricker\u2019s Karl is attested to by twenty-four manuscripts Further Reading and twenty-three fragments. Whether it was written in the wake of the Charlemagne revival or occasioned by Baxandall, Michael. The Limewood Sculptors of Renaissance the moving of his remains to Aachen in 1215 or by the Germany. New Haven, Conn.: Yale University Press, 1980. transport of Charlemagne reliquaries to Zurich in 1233 still must be determined. Although Stricker\u2019s primary Kahsnitz, Rainer. \u201cVeit Stoss in N\u00fcrnberg. Eine Nachlese zum source was the Chanson de Roland, modern scholarship Katalog und zur Ausstellung.\u201d Anzeiger des Germanischen Nationalmuseum (1984): 39\u201370. \u2014\u2014, ed. Veit Stoss in N\u00fcrnberg: Werke des Meisters und seiner 610","has been reluctant to label the 12,206 verse narrative STURLA \u00de\u00d3R\u00d0DARSON simply a reworking of his source. Yet, attempts to ex- plain it in its historical context as a political piece aimed Schwab, Ute. Die bisher unver\u00f6ffentlichten geistlichen Bispelre- at renewing interest in crusading efforts or as confirma- den des Strickers. G\u00f6ttingen: Vandenhoeck and Ruprecht, tion of the Hohenstaufen emperors as legitimate heirs to 1959. Charlemagne are inconclusive as well. A comprehensive interpretation remains a desideratum. \u2014\u2014. Der Stricker, Tierbispel. T\u00fcbingen: Niemeyer, 1960, 3d ed. 1983. Stricker\u2019s shorter narratives are transmitted in fifty- three manuscripts and range from 10 to circa 2,500 Thamert. Mark Lee. \u201cThe Medieval Novelistic \u2018M\u00e4re\u2019: Telling verses. Counted among the latter are Die Frauenehre, and Teaching in Works of the Stricker.\u201d Ph.d. diss., Princeton Stricker\u2019s praise of women, and Pfaffe Amis, a cyclical University, 1986. narrative arranged in twelve episodes that castigates the folly of man. The thematic emphasis on prudentia Wailes, Stephen L. Studien zur Kleindichtung des Stricker. Berlin: and self-knowledge, either as underlying message or Schmidt, 1981. overtly stated, extends to many of the shorter works, which range from purely religious to profane, from en- Ziegeler, Hans-Joachim. Erz\u00e4hlen im Sp\u00e4tmittelalter. Munich: tertaining to moralizing. Viewed as a whole, the shorter Artemis, 1985. narratives present a canon of values appropriate to men and women and to all social classes. Ingeborg Henderson See also Charlemagne; Hartmann von Aue; STURLA \u00de\u00d3R\u00d0DARSON Wolfram von Eschenbach (July 29, 1214\u2013July 30, 1284) Further Reading Sturla \u00de\u00f3r\u00f0darson attained eminence as a historian, poet, and legal expert. His literary fame is based on his Bartsch, Karl. Karl der Gro\u00dfe von dem Stricker. Quedlin-burg: histories: \u00cdslendinga saga (\u201cHistory of the Icelanders\u201d), Basse, 1857; rpt. Berlin: de Gruyter, 1965. which covers in detail the period from 1183 to 1242, and H\u00e1konar saga H\u00e1konarsonar, a chronicle of the reign of Ehrismann, Otfrid. Der Stricker: Erz\u00e4hlungen, Fabeln, Reden. the Norwegian king H\u00e1kon H\u00e1konarson (1217\u20131263). Mittelhochdeutsch\/Neuhochdeutsch Stuttgart: Re-clam, He also composed a version of Landn\u00e1mab\u00f3k (\u201cBook 1992. of Settlements\u201d) known as Sturlub\u00f3k. Although much of his skaldic poetry has been lost, the surviving verses Fischer, Hanns. \u201cStrickerstudien: Ein Beitrag zur Liter-aturge- are generally considered conventional rather than excep- schichte des 13. Jahrhunderts.\u201d Ph.d. diss., Lud-wig Maximil- tional in inspiration and in expression. In the last two ian-Universit\u00e4t, Munich, 1953. decades of his life, he was an acknowledged authority on his native law. Following Iceland\u2019s integration into \u2014\u2014. Studien zur deutschen M\u00e4rendichtung. T\u00fcbingen: Nie- Norway (1264), the Norwegian king Magn\u00fas H\u00e1konar- meyer, 1968, 2d ed. 1983. son (1263\u20131280) appointed him a member of the com- mission charged with revising provincial law. \u2014\u2014. Der Stricker: Verserz\u00e4hlungen I. T\u00fcbingen: Niemeyer, I960, 4th ed. Johannes Janota, ed. 1979. Sturla was born the illegitimate son of a major chieftain, \u00de\u00f3r\u00f0r Sturluson, in the northwest of Iceland. \u2014\u2014. Der Stricker. Verserz\u00e4hlungen II T\u00fcbingen: Niemeyer, Although his illegitimacy was a distinct social disad- 1967, 4th, ed. Johannes Janota, 1983. vantage, his upbringing was privileged. In his infancy, he was raised by his grandmother Gu\u00f0n\u00fd, a woman of Geith, Karl-Ernst. Carolus Magnus: Studien zur Darstellung remarkable intellect and energy. His father trained him Karls des Gro\u00dfen in der deutschen Literatur des 12. und 13. early in the duties of a chieftain, which included par- Jahrhunderts, Bibliotheca Germanica 19. Bern: Francke, ticipation in legal affairs and in armed ventures. At age 1977. thirteen, he was delegated to empower his uncle Snorri to administer his father\u2019s chieftaincy al the Al\u00feingi. Henderson, Ingeborg, Strickers Daniel von dem Bl\u00fchenden Tal: In his late teens, he guarded Bishop Gu\u00f0mundr and Werkstruktur und Interpretation. Amsterdam: Benjamins, 1976. his retinue of paupers during his visitation of western Iceland. Subsequently, Sturla joined his brothers in Henne, Hermann. Der Pfaffe Amis. G\u00f6ppingen: K\u00fcmmerle, protecting their father\u2019s territory from the depredations 1991. of Snorri\u2019s son \u00d3r\u00e6kja. These missions involved him in open or barely concealed enmities that would test his Hofmann, Klaus. Strickers Frauenehre: \u00dcberlieferung, Textkri- organizational skills and would develop his abilities as tik, Edition, literaturgeschichtliche Einordnung. Marburg: a chieftain. Elwert, 1976. In 1235, Sturla joined his uncle Snorri, the great Mettke, Heinz. Fabeln und M\u00e4ren von dem Stricker. Halle: writer and historian. A closeness developed between the Niemeyer, 1959. two. Although Sturla would ascribe demeaning foibles to Snorri in \u00cdslendinga saga, the fact remains that Snorri Moelleken, Wolfgang W. Die Kleindichtung des Strickers, 5 vols. assigned to Sturla the administrative powers that made G\u00f6ppingen: K\u00fcmmerle, 1973\u20131978. R\u00e4kel, Hans-Herbert. \u201cDie Frauenehre von dem Stricker,\u201d in \u00d6sterreichische Literatur zur Zeit der Babenberger, ed. Alfred Ebenbauer. Vienna: Halosar, 1977. Resler, Michael. Der Stricker: Daniel von dem Bl\u00fchenden Tal. T\u00fcbingen: Niemeyer, 1983. \u2014\u2014. Der Stricker: \u2018Daniel of the Blossoming Valley\u2019(Daniel von dem Bl\u00fchenden Tal). New York: Garland, 1990. 611","STURLA \u00de\u00d3R\u00d0DARSON of Grettis saga. A 14th-century clerical author credits Sturla with a fantastic story about the troll-woman Sturla, at age twenty-six, one of the foremost chieftains Selkolla. Less certain is the conjecture that he was of western Iceland (1240). Sturla acknowledged his debt responsible for the oldest versions of Icelandic annals by naming his oldest son after his uncle and by join- and for a list of lawspeakers that has survived only in a ing \u00d3r\u00e6kja in seeking blood revenge for the slaying of MS of the 17th century. Snorri (1241). See also H\u00e1kon H\u00e1konarson; In the internecine struggles of the thirties and forties, Magn\u00fas H\u00e1konarson; Snorri Sturluson the power of Sturla\u2019s clan, the Sturlungar, had been trun- cated. Increasingly, the Norwegian king manipulated the Further Reading internal jockeying for power. Sturla was embroiled in these fights, both because two of the main contestants, The primary sources for Sturla\u2019s life are his own \u00cdslendinga saga, \u00de\u00f3r\u00f0r Kakali and \u00deorgils Skar\u00f0i, were his cousin and other sagas in the collection known as Sturlunga saga, and nephew respectively, and because he felt compelled \u00c1rna saga biskups. to protect his own territorial interests. His fortunes fluctuated as he participated, sometimes reluctantly, Literature sometimes actively, in bitter feuds. Tragedy also touched his life. In 1253, Sturla had allied himself with Gizurr Ker, William Paton. Sturla the Historian. The Romanes Lecture, \u00deorvaldsson, the chieftain who had ordered Snorri\u2019s 1906. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1906; rpt. in Col- death. To strengthen the alliance, Sturla had affianced lected Essays of W. P. Ker. Ed. Charles Whibley. London: his daughter to Gizurr\u2019s son Hallr. At the end of the Macmillan, 1925. wedding celebration, Gizurr\u2019s manor, Flugum\u00fdrr, was put to the torch. The bride barely escaped in the attack Einar \u00d3l. Sveinsson. The Age of the Sturlungs: Icelandic Civiliza- that was futilely launched in revenge for the slaying of tion in the Thirteenth Century. Trans. J\u00f3hann S. Hannesson. both Snorri and of Snorri\u2019s nephew, Sturla Sighvatsson. Islandica, 36. Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1953; rpt. New Moreover, \u00deorgils Skar\u00f0i, for a brief time the major York: Kraus, 1966. chieftain in northern Iceland and Sturla\u2019s close associ- ate, was slain in 1258. Mager\u00f8y, Hallvard. \u201cSturla Tordsson.\u201d In Norsk biografisk leksikon 15. Oslo: Aschehoug, 1966, pp. 188\u2013201 [contains A period of uncertainty, dashed hopes, ill-fated alli- bibliography]. ances, and ventures ended in Sturla\u2019s exile to Norway in 1263. His stay at the court was prolonged. It was J\u00f3n J\u00f3hannesson. A History of the Old Icelandic Commonwealth: also an intellectually busy and fruitful time. Appointed \u00cdslendinga saga. Trans. Haraldur Bessason. University of court historian, he composed the official history of Manitoba Icelandic Studies, 2. Winnipeg: University of Magn\u00fas\u2019s father, King H\u00e1kon H\u00e1konarson, a work Manitoba Press, 1974. based on eyewitness reports and on records in the royal chancery. Sturla was also busy with the revision of the Ciklamini, Marlene. \u201cBiographical Reflections in \u00cdslendinga provincial laws, including Icelandic law. He returned saga: A Mirror of Personal Values.\u201d Scandinavian Studies to Iceland with the first codification of the amended 55 (1983), 205\u201321. law, the so-called J\u00e1msi\u00f0a (\u201ciron side\u201d), in 1272. He then assumed the highest judiciary post. In 1277, his Gu\u00f0r\u00fan \u00c1sa Gr\u00edmsd\u00f3ttir and J\u00f3nas Kristj\u00e1nsson, eds. Sturlus- jurisdiction as lawman was restricted to northern and tefna. R\u00e1\u00f0stefna haldin \u00e1 sj\u00f6 alda \u00e1rti\u00f0 Sturlu P\u00f3r\u00f0arsonar western Iceland. Concomitantly, he was summoned to sagnaritara 1984. Reykjavik: Stofnun \u00c1rna Magn\u00fassonar, Norway on charges that he was less active in discharging 1988. his duties than the newly appointed lawman for eastern and southern Iceland. Still, he was honored by the king, Marlene Ciklamini who appointed him a member of the court with the rank of knight (skutilsveinn). Again he assumed the post of SUCHENWIRT, PETER (FL. 14TH C.) royal biographer by writing the history of Magnus\u2019s reign, of which only one page survives. He resigned Neither the birth date nor death date is known for this his post as lawman when he felt unable to cope with most famous German herald of the fourteenth century. the question of jurisdiction over church property that The name Suchenwirt is apparently a professional one pitted landowners against the bishop. He died in 1284, derived from such den wirt (get the innkeeper); he calls respected by his contemporaries for his scholarliness himself chnappe von den wappen (page of the weapons, and integrity. poem 30, II. 169\u2013189). His name appears in twelve documents from 1377 to 1407, all dealing with his house His literary work was extensive. He probably wrote, in Vienna. His name also appears in a eulogy by Hugo as a prologue to Landn\u00e1mab\u00f3k, an account of Iceland\u2019s von Montfort (1357\u20131423), who was with him on Duke christianization, Kristni saga, and also a lost version Albrecht III\u2019s Prussian crusade of 1377. Suchenwirt\u2019s language, perspective, and sympathies suggest that he was an Austrian. The best source of information about his life is found in his poetry. There are fifty two poems by Peter Suchenwirt extant in at least thirty three manuscripts. The main manuscript containing Suchenwirt\u2019s works, called \u201cA,\u201d is in the Na- tional Library in Vienna (no. a3045, 503 pages from be- 612","ginning of fifteenth century). The poems range in length SUGER from 57 lines to 1,540 lines. They include a number of different genres: four death laments; eighteen elegies zehnten Jahrhunderte. Ein Beytrag zur Zeit- und Sittenge- (Ehrenreden); eleven historical and political occasional schichte. Vienna: J.B. Wallishausser, 1827; rpt. Vienna: H. poems; fifteen moral allegories and spiritual didactic Geyer, 1961. poems; four comic poems. The general term Ebrenrede Van D\u2019Elden, Stephanie Cain. Peter Suchenwirt and Heraldic was coined by Alois Primisser, Suchenwirt\u2019s first editor, Poetry. Vienna: Halosar, 1976. and was applied to Suchenwirt\u2019s poems honoring fa- mous Austrian nobles. These were poems that followed Stephanie Cain Van D\u2019Elden a strict formula: a formal expression of humility; general praise of the hero; description of hero\u2019s specific deeds; SUGER (1081\u20131151) repetition of general praise; prayer for intercession of his soul (if the hero was already deceased); description Abbot of Saint-Denis from 1122 to 1151, Suger is one of of his coat of arms, both shield and helmet; name of the the most interesting representatives of French monastic hero; a short closing prayer. culture in the 12th century, combining an extraordinary devotion to his monastery with an understanding of The subject matter of his political comments is espe- the weaknesses and potential strengths of the kings of cially enlightening. He discusses the ramifications of a France. He was an ardent administrator and builder, division of property, the political consequences of a tax and, if he is best remembered for his desire to adorn his on wine, and the interrelationships among the classes; church, he also reformed the liturgy and improved the these are not generally the subject matter for chronicles life of the community, earning the praise of Bernard, or historical songs. abbot of Clairvaux. Suchenwirt (and a certain Gelre in the Low Lands) are Suger also stands out from most of his contempo- unique in writing Ehrenreden. Their poetry places them raries because of the much clearer picture we have of his within a long and illustrious tradition whose origins are personality and achievements. He himself wrote a Latin in the death lament, the political-historical song, and in vita of Louis VI, in which he gives a vivid picture of the the so-called \u201ctournament and siege poetry.\u201d king\u2019s attempts to subdue the turbulent aristocracy in the Paris region, his own role in this process, and the king\u2019s The heroes of the Ehrenreden follow similar life special devotion to St. Denis. He also wrote two works patterns with crusades against the heathens in Prussia, concerning his administration of the monastery\u2019s lands pilgrimages to the Holy Land, expeditions into Italy, and the building and consecration of the new church. and in the so-called numerous local campaigns in their A small number of his charters and letters survive, and homelands. his image and his words are preserved in several places in the church of his abbey. Further Reading Suger was born of a modest knightly family prob- Achnitz, Wolfgang. \u201cPeter Suchenwirts Reimtraktat \u2018Die zehn ably not too far from Saint-Denis and was given as an Gebote\u2019 im Kontext deutschspracher Dekaloggedichte des oblate to the abbey. During his early years, he seems to Mittelalters. Mit Textedition und einem Abdruck der Dekalog- have realized how the abbey had lost prestige, power, Auslegung des Johannes K\u00fcnlin.\u201d Beitr\u00e4ge zur Geschichte der and wealth since the time of Charlemagne and Charles deutschen Sprache und Literatur 120 (1998): 53\u2013102. the Bald; how the reciprocal devotion of saint and king had been a strength to both; and how the church\u2019s small Blosen, Hans. \u201c\u00dcberlegungen zur Textuberlieferung und Text- size and decayed furnishings no longer served the needs gestaltung bei einem Gedicht von Peter Suchenwirt,\u201d in of the monks or the crowds of pilgrims coming there. Probleme altgermanistischer Editionen, ed. Hugo Kuhn, Karl Throughout his long life and particularly during his ab- Stackmann, and Dieter Wuttke. \u201cWiesbaden: Steiner, 1968. bacy, it was his purpose to remedy these three lacks. Brinker-von der Heyde, Claudia. \u201cSuchenwirt, Peter,\u201d in Die Suger tells us how as a youth he used to look at the deutsche Literatur des Mittelalters. Verfasserlexikon, 2d ed., abbey\u2019s muniments and how he was aware not only of ed. Kurt Run et al. vol. 9. Berlin: de Gruyter, 1995, cols. its lost domains, but also how through mismanagement 481\u2013488. it was receiving much less revenue than it should. The first portion of his book on the administration of the ab- Busse, Kaarl Heinrich von. \u201cPeter Suchenwirt\u2019s Sagen \u00fcber bey, De rebus in administratione sua gestis, described Livlane.\u201d Mittheilungen aus dem gebiete der Geschichte Liv-, how he carefully and painstakingly tried to recover what Esthh- und Kurland\u2019s, ed. Gesellschaft f\u00fcr Geschichte und was owed to the abbey and to increase its revenues. For Altertumskund der russischen Ostsee-Provinzen. 3. Riga: example, increases came from getting more revenues Nicolai Kymmel, 1845, pp. 5\u201321. from the town of Saint-Denis or acquiring a wealthy priory like Argenteuil, but they also came from clearing Docen, Bernard Joseph. \u201cDie Schlacht bei Sempach. 1386. Von forests, planting new crops and vines, settling new in- Peter Suchenwirt.\u201d Sammlungf\u00fcr altdeutsche Literatur und habitants on the land, enforcing ancient rights against the Kunst 1, no. 1 (1812): 152\u2013160. encroachments of local lords, building houses, granges, Friess, Godfried Edmund. \u201cF\u00fcnf unedierte Ehrenreden Peter Suchenwirts.\u201d Wiener Sitzungsberichte der Akademie der Wissenschaften, Phil.-hist. Klasse 88 (1877): 99\u2013126. Primisser, Alois, ed. Peter Suchenwirt\u2019s Werke aus dem vier- 613","SUGER In his last years, as regent, he had had to spend much of his time away from Saint-Denis, and money that had and courts, establishing new churches, and converting been intended for the rebuilding of the nave he used for cash rents into payments in kind. the king\u2019s needs. He died at Saint-Denis in 1151. Suger also learned from the monastery\u2019s history that Further Reading it had been a frequent beneficiary of royal munificence. Lands, money, and precious objects had been given to Suger. Vie de Louis VI le Gros (Vita Ludovici VI), ed. and trans. Saint-Denis by kings of France from Dagobert on. He Henri Waquet. Paris: Les Belles Lettres, 1929. knew, too, that it was in times of peace and harmony that Saint-Denis had prospered most. An opportunity \u2014\u2014. Abbot Suger on the Abbey Church of Saint-Denis and to recreate that special harmony between king and ab- Its Art Treasures, ed. and trans. Erwin Panofsky. 2nd ed. bot arose from the fact that Louis VI, once a pupil at Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1979. [Liber de rebus the abbey, had a particular devotion to the martyrs and in administratione sua gestis, chs. xxiv\u2013xxxiv; Libellus de confidence in Suger. Although Suger was to become consecratione Sancti Dionysii; Ordinatio.] regent while Louis VII was on crusade, and it was then that he acted as a royal \u201cminister\u201d of the king, it Bur, Michel. Suger, abb\u00e9 de Saint-Denis, r\u00e9gent de France. Paris: was really during the reign of Louis VI (d. 1137) that Perrin, 1991. troublesome enemies of both king and abbey, like the lords of Le Puiset, were brought to heel. The ancient Cartellieri, Otto. Abt Sugervon Saint-Denis, 1081\u20131151. Berlin: relationship between regnum and monasterium was not Ebering, 1898. only enhanced but refashioned when Louis VI returned the crown of his father, Philip I, to Saint-Denis; took Gerson, Paula L., ed. Abbot Suger and Saint-Denis: A Symposium. the royal standard from the abbey\u2019s altar as he left for New York: Metropolitan Museum of Art, 1986. war in 1124, declaring that if he were not king he would do homage to the abbey; granted the fair of the Lendit Thomas G. Waldman what amounted to an immunity from royal justice; and declared that the kings of France should be buried at SUNESEN, ANDERS (ca. 1160\u20131228) Saint-Denis. Anders Sunesen was archbishop of Lund from 1201\/2 The more rigorous administration of the monastic to 1223\/4. His father, Sune Ebbesen, was a cousin of lands and the creation of symbols that emphasized Saint- Archbishop Absalon and one of the wealthiest men Denis\u2019s special importance for the French were anteced- in Denmark. In the 1180s, Anders studied abroad. He ent to Suger\u2019s intention to tear down the old church and probably received his main training in Paris (arts and replace it with a larger one with more splendid hangings, theology), but also visited Italy (for law studies in Bo- stained glass, altars, crosses, and other objects. Though logna?), and England (for an unknown purpose). After this must have long been planned for, Suger tells in his becoming a master of arts perhaps by 1186, and of De consecratione ecclesie sancti Dionisii that once theology some years later, he spent some time teaching, construction started the work proceeded quickly, the probably theology in Paris, before becoming chancellor western narthex and towers being consecrated in 1140, to King Knud VI (r. 1182\u20131202). His first-known job and the translation of the saints to their new reliquaries as chancellor was on an embassy in 1195 that tried to and the construction of the eastern end with the new reconcile Philippe Auguste of France with his Danish ambulatory and stained-glass windows completed in queen, Ingeborg. In 1201\/2, Anders succeeded Absalon 1144. If stylistically the chevet anticipates many features as archbishop of Lund and left the chancellery to his of the Gothic churches of the \u00cele-de-France, the church brother Peter, bishop of Roskilde, Denmark. In 1204, also incorporates many of Suger\u2019s major concerns: the Anders was named papal legate to Denmark and Swe- preservation of the past, a harmonious adaptation of the den. During the years 1206\u20131222, he cooperated with old to the new, an emphasis on the liturgy, and most of King Valdemar II (r. 1202\u20131241) in the subjugation all the exaltation of the saints. and christianization of pagan populations in the Baltic area, in particular Estonia. Though initially reluctant, Suger was inventive and eclectic. He reshaped and he seems in the end to have obeyed a papal summons to adorned objects that had been in the church; if he was attend the Fourth Lateran Council in Rome in 1215. In not given the precious stones he needed, he bought them. 1222, he petitioned the pope to be relieved of his duties So, too, he found the sources for his conception of the as archbishop due to \u201can incurable bodily infirmity.\u201d His church in writings as diverse as saints\u2019 lives, liturgical successor, Peder Saksesen, was consecrated in 1224. texts, biblical commentaries, chronicles, and the writ- Anders died in 1228, leaving various possessions to ings of Pseudo-Dionysius the Areopagite, as well as in Lund chapter, including a collection of books. buildings he had seen. As archbishop, Anders was an able administrator and Suger was a small man and an assertive one, and on politician on good terms with both pope and king. A behalf of his church he considered any means legitimate. later legend, modeled on the story of Moses in Exodus 17, credits him with prayer that secured Danish victory in the decisive battle against the Estonians at Lyndanis 614","on June 15, 1219. This legend is often combined with SVEN HARALDSSON (FORKBEARD) another, according to which the Danish flag, Dannebrog, was sent from heaven during the battle. Literature. Copenhagen: Gad, 1985\u201388 [contains English introduction in part 1 and extensive bibliography in part 2]. Anders produced no literary works in Danish, as far as is known. Apart from administrative documents, the Literature following Latin works have been attributed to Anders: (1) Hexaemeron, a theological poem in 8,040 hexam- Kabell, Aage. \u201cUeber die dem d\u00e1nischen Erzbischof Anders eters, extant. (2) De vii ecclesiae sacramentis, also Sunesen zugeschriebenen Sequenzen.\u201d Archivum latinitatis in hexameters, now lost. (3) Two sequences, \u201cMissus medii aevi 28 (1958), 19\u201330. Gabriel de celis\u201d and \u201cStella solem preter morem\u201d; \u201cMissus,\u201d however, seems to predate Anders, and his Christensen, A. E. \u201cSunesen, Anders.\u201d Dansk Biografisk Leksikon authorship of \u201cStella\u201d is also doubtful. (4) A Latin ver- 14. Copenhagen: Gyldendal, 1983, pp. 208\u201311. sion of the Law of Scania, extant; the attribution rests on slender evidence, but is generally accepted. Mortensen, Lars Boje. \u201cThe Sources of Andrew Sunesen\u2019s Hexae- meron.\u201d Universit\u00e9 de Copenhague, Cahiers de l\u2019Institut du The Hexaemeron is preserved in one medieval MS moyen \u00e2ge grec et latin 50 (1985), 113\u2013216. (Copenhagen, Royal Library, E don. var. 155 4to) from the second half of the 13th century, originally in the Ebbesen, Sten, ed. Anders Sunesen, stormand\u2014teolog\u2014admin- cathedral library at Roskilde. Anders probably com- istrator\u2014digter. Copenhagen: Gad, 1985 [contains fifteen posed the work in Paris in the early 1190s. It consists of studies on Sunesen, with English summaries and extensive twelve books and combines a commentary on Genesis bibliography]. 1\u20133 (Books 1\u20134) with an exposition of the main points of systematic theology, excluding the sacraments (5\u201312 Ebbesen, S. \u201cCorpus Philosophorum Danicorum Medii Aevi, plus a digression on divine names in 2\u20133). Main sources Archbishop Andrew (+1228), and Twelfth-Century Tech- include, for the commentary on Genesis, Peter Come- niques of Argumentation.\u201d In The Editing of Theological sior\u2019s Historia scholastica and Richard of St. Victor\u2019s and Philosophical Texts from the Middle Ages. Ed. Monika Allegorie, and for the remaining part of the work, Ste- Asztalos. Acta Universitatis Stockholmiensis, Studia Latina phen Langton\u2019s Summa and Quaestiones. As a whole, Stockholmiensia, 30. Stockholm: Almqvist & Wikselt, 1986, the Hexaemeron takes the reader from the Creation (1) pp. 267\u201380. to the Day of Judgment (12). A second proemium in Book 10 marks off two main parts: creation and fall Sten Ebbesen (1\u20139), recreation in Christ (10\u201312). Anders shows great skill as a poet of hexameters. In his handling of the Latin SVEN HARALDSSON (FORKBEARD) language and of verse technique, he dissociates himself (r. 987\u20131014) from the classicizing school represented by Saxo. The poem seems to have had a very limited diffusion, prob- Sven Haraldsson was king of Denmark 987\u20131014. Sven ably because so much learning is packed into it that it seized power through a revolt against his father, Harald makes for very difficult reading. Gormsson (Bluetooth), who fled to the Wends and died of his wounds on November 1, 987. That Sven was See also Peter Comestor; Philip II Augustus; captured and ransomed from the Wends following this Richard of Saint-Victor revolt is highly dubious. According to Adam of Bremen, Sven\u2019s revolt was a pagan reaction, but its motives were Further Reading more likely political; there is no other indication that Sven was a pagan. In Sven\u2019s time, Viking raids against Editions England were resumed, and in 994 he led a raid together with \u00d3l\u00e1fr Tryggvason. He probably also took part in Leges Provinciales Terrae Scaniae ante annos 400 Latin\u00e6 the raid in 991 and the battle of Maldon, but apparently redditae per Andream Suonis F. Ed. Amoldus Hvitfeldius. not in the great raids of 997\u20131002 and 1009\u20131012. In Copenhagen, 1590. 1003\u20131004, however, he conducted a raid, possibly to avenge the death of his sister Gunnhild and her hus- Andreae Sunonis filii archiepiscopi Lundensis Hexameron libri band, Pallig, in \u00c6thelred\u2019s massacre of the Danes on duodecim. Ed. M. Cl. Genz. Copenhagen: Gyldendal, 1892 November 13, 1002. In 1013, he led a raid that, in a [includes edition of the sequences]. strikingly short time, achieved the conquest of England, when \u00c6thelred gave up resistance and left the country Sk\u00e5nske lov. Anders Sunes\u00f8ns parafrase. Aakj\u00e6r, S. and E. Kro- at Christmas, his subjects having acknowledged Sven as man, eds. In Danmarks gamle Landskabslovemed Kirkelovene king. Sven\u2019s English reign was brief, however; he died 1.2. Ed. Johs. Br\u00f8andum-Nielsen and Poul Johs. J\u00f8rgensen. on February 3, 1014, in Gainsborough and was buried Danish Society of Language and Literature. Copenhagen: first in England, then in Roskilde. Gyldendal, 1933. Sven also reasserted his father\u2019s claim to Norway, Andreae Sunonis Filii Hexaemeron Post M. Cl. Gertz. Ed. Sten which had been seized, possibly with the help of \u00c6thel- Ebbesen and L. B. Mortensen. Corpus Philosophorum Dani- red, by \u00d3l\u00e1fr Tryggvason around 995. Sven supported corum Medii Aevi, 11.1\u20132. Danish Society of Language and the sons of Earl H\u00e1kon, and, having married the widow of the Swedish king Erik Bjarnarson and thereby gaining influence in Sweden, he also supported his young step- son Olav (Sk\u00f6tkonung) Eriksson. Together with these allies, he won a decisive victory over \u00d3l\u00e1fr Tryggvason 615","SVEN HARALDSSON (FORKBEARD) Demidoff, Lene. \u201cThe Death of Sven Forkbeard\u2014in Reality and Later Tradition.\u201d Mediaeval Scandinavia 11 (1978\u201379), in the battle of Svl\u00f0r (Svold) and thereby restored tra- 30\u201347. ditional Danish overlordship over Norway. Sobel, Leopold. \u201cRuler and Society in Early Medieval Western The sources for Sven\u2019s reign are contradictory. While Pomerania.\u201d Antemurale 25 (1981), 19\u2013142. Thietmar and Adam of Bremen depict him as a cruel and evil ruler who was punished by the Lord with captivity, Andersson, Theodore M. \u201cThe Viking Policy of Ethelred the exile, and foreign conquest, and whose position was Unready.\u201d Scandinavian Studies 59 (1987), 284\u201395. very insecure, according to the Encomium Emmae, he \u201cwas practically the most fortunate of all the kings of Brown, Phyllis R. \u201cThe Viking Policy of Ethelred: A Response.\u201d his time.\u201d Both views are obviously biased, but Sven\u2019s Scandinavian Studies 59 (1987), 296\u20138. career to a large extent bears out the encomiast\u2019s view. To be able repeatedly to leave Denmark on prolonged Sawyer, Peter. Da Danmark blev Danmark. Gyldendal og campaigns, he must have enjoyed a secure position at Politikens Danmarkshistorie, 3. Copenhagen: Gyldendal; home, suggested also by the fact that the fortifications Politiken, 1988. built late in his father\u2019s reign were allowed to decay. He had remarkable political and military success in Sawyer, Peter. \u201cSwein Forkbeard and the Historians.\u201d In Church Scandinavia as well as in England. and Chronicle in the Middle Ages. Ed. Ian Wood and G.A. Loud. London: Hambledon, 1991, pp. 27\u201340. Sven was the first Danish king to strike coins with his name on them. Only one type is known, imitating Niels Lund an Anglo-Saxon coin and struck by an English moneyer who apparently also worked for \u00d3l\u00e1fr Tryggvason and SVERRIR SIGUR\u00d0ARSON (r. 1177\u20131202) for Olav Eriksson. The coins of the three kings are so different, however, that they are more likely to be inde- King of Norway 1177\u20131202, Sverrir Sigur\u00f0arson pendent imitations than struck by the same moneyer. At was a native of the Faroe Islands, where his paternal the same time, imitations of English coins, but without uncle held the bishopric of Kirkeb\u00f8 (Kirkub\u00e6ur). Here, the Danish king\u2019s name on them, began to be produced Sverrir grew up and received his education. At the age in large numbers in Lund, which developed into a town of twenty-four, he was consecrated a priest, and his early in Sven\u2019s reign. Norwegian mother revealed to him that his true father was the then long-dead King Sigur\u00f0r munnr (\u201cmouth\u201d) See also Adam of Bremen; \u00d3l\u00e1fr Tryggvason Haraldsson. This revelation caused Sverrir to go to Norway in 1176, quit the clergy, and fight his way to the Further Reading throne in fierce opposition to the powerful Archbishop Eysteinn, who had supported Magn\u00fas Erlingsson and Editions crowned him king in 1164. Sverrir was proclaimed king in 1177 in Trondheim, and a few years later he Campbell, Alistair, ed. and trans. Encomium Emmae Reginae. had succeeded in gaining control of the larger part of Camden Society Third Series, 72. London: Royal Historical the country. After the battle at Fimreiti in 1184, where Society, 1949. King Magn\u00fas fell together with the majority of the Norwegian aristocracy, Sverrir became the sole ruler of Thietmar von Merseburg, Chronik. Ed. Werner Trillmich. Aus- Norway, although having constantly to fight an array of gew\u00e4hite Quellen zur deutschen Geschlchte des Mittelalters, pretenders to the kingdom. 9. Berlin: R\u00fctten & Loening, 1957. Our knowledge about Sverrir comes primarily from Adam Bremensis. Gesta Hammaburgensis Ecclesiae Pontificum. his saga, Sverris saga, which presents us with a fascinat- In Quellen des 9. und 11. Jahrhunderts zur Geschichte der ing personality, seemingly embodying great contrasts. hamburgischen Kirche und des Reiches. Ed. Werner Trillmich He describes himself as being fierce as the lion and mild and Rudolf Buchner. Ausgew\u00e4hite Quellen zur deutschen as the lamb, both symbols found on his royal seal. His Geschichte des Mittelalters, 11. Berlin: R\u00fctten & Loening, biography does indeed exhibit his wit and down-to-earth 1978. philosophy, but also the new Christian ethics of mildness and forgiveness toward one\u2019s enemies. Sverrir\u2019s complex Translations background and subtle mind are reflected in his irony and humor, displaying great self-confidence. Sverrir was Adam of Bremen. History of the Archbishops of Hamburg- a brilliant military leader on sea as well as on land. His Bremen. Trans. Francis J. Tschan. Records of Civilization: ingenious tactics in warfare were so untraditional that Sources and Studies. New York: Columbia University Press, he has been called a coward despite being victorious; 1959. his guerilla attacks were often of a kind that most Norse noblemen avoided. Sverrir had a profound knowledge of Literature the Bible. His national-church policy brought him into lasting conflict with the Norwegian bishops; eventually, Skovgaard-Petersen, Inge. \u201cSven Tveskseg i den \u00e6ldste danske the archbishop left the country. Sverrir was excommu- historiografi. En Saxostudie.\u201d In Middelalderstudier tilegnede nicated by him and later by the pope. Aksel E. Christensen p\u00e5 tres\u00e5rsdagen II. september 1966. Ed. Tage E. Christensen et al. Copenhagen: Munksgaard, 1966, pp. 1\u201338. Stenton, F.M. Anglo-Saxon England. 3rd ed. Oxford History of England, 2. Oxford: Clarendon, 1971. 616","SYRLIN, J\u00d6RG THE ELDER AND J\u00d6RG THE YOUNGER Sverrir\u2019s struggle with the Church is set forth in a suggests that most carvings attributed to the pair are by document he himself commissioned. From his Oratio other Ulm sculptors with whom they collaborated. The contra clerum Norvegiae (\u201cSpeech Against the Nor- careers of the Syrlins are relatively well documented. wegian Clergy\u201d), as well as the contemporary Sverris J\u00f6rg the Elder signed and dated (1458) an oak lectern saga, we learn about his political ideology, drawn partly with sculpted evangelist symbols now in the Ulmer from Old Testament values. At the same time that he Museum. More important, his signatures appear on the carried out his controversies with the international sedilia (chancel seats, 1468) and elaborate choir stalls Church, Sverrir introduced those theocratic traits into (1469\u20131474) in the Minister cathedral in Ulm. This his dynastic policy that are so extraordinary for the is the finest extant late Gothic cycle in Germany. It 13th-century Norwegian monarchy. During his reign, includes ninety nine exquisite oak busts and reliefs of Sverrir strengthened the centralization of the king\u2019s philosophers and sibyls, each distinguished by fine facial administration, and the finances of the Crown were characterizations and varied natural poses. Traditionally, improved by a new system of taxation. scholars ascribed the sculpture and the carpentry to J\u00f6rg the Elder, though already in 1910 Georg Dehio chal- After the Reformation, Sverrir was celebrated as the lenged this view by arguing that J\u00f6rg\u2019s signatures and king who had the courage to speak against the author- monograms pertain only to his production as a joiner. ity of Rome. In the 19th-century Norwegian struggle The sculpture of these and other carvings ascribed to for national independence, Sverrir became a symbolic J\u00f6rg are quite varied in their styles rather than the work figure for the national identity. Present-day interest in of a single hand. In later-fifteenth-century Ulm, it was the development of the state as an institution has made common for a single master to receive a commission Sverrir and his royal descendants much valued as the for a complex altarpiece. This artist then engaged a creators of a strong and highly centralized state as early collaborative team of sculptors, joiners, and painters. as the 13th century. Between 1474 and 1481, J\u00f6rg and his colleagues created the M\u00fcnster\u2019s monumental high altar. Although the altar Further Reading was destroyed on July 20, 1531, during the Protestants\u2019 iconoclastic cleansing of the church, J\u00f6rg the Elder\u2019s Literature intricate presentation drawing (81 \u00d7 231 cm; Stuttgart, W\u00fcrttembergisches Landesmuseum) displays his talents Cederschi\u00f6ld, Gustaf. Konung Sverre. Lund: Gleerup, 1901. as a designer, notably his adept mastery of architectural Paasche, Frederik Kong Sverre. Oslo: Aschehoug, 1920. ornament. The sculptor of the altar is unknown, though Koht, Halvdan. Kong Sverre. Oslo: Aschehoug, 1952. Michel Erhart of Ulm has been suggested. Gathome-Hardy, Geoffrey M. A Royal Impostor: King Sverre J\u00f6rg the Younger trained with and assisted his rather of Norway. Oslo: Aschehoug London: Oxford University before assuming control of the workshop in early 1482. Press, 1956. Under his direction the atelier\u2019s production seems to Holm-Olsen, Ludvig. \u201cKong Sverre i s\u00f6kelyset.\u201d Nordisk tidskrift have expanded, though again his role as sculptor is 34 (1958), 167\u201381. doubtful. Inscriptions and other documentation link him Helle, Knut. Norge blir en stat, 1130\u20131319. Handbok i Norges with projects at the Benedictine abbeys of Ochsenhau- historie, 3. 2nd ed. Bergen, Oslo, and Troms\u00f8: Universitets- sen, Zweifalten, and Blaubeuren. For Zwiefalten J\u00f6rg forlaget, 1974. prepared choir stalls, a sacrament house, and seven altars Gunnes, Erik. Kongens \u00e6re: Kongemagt og kirke i \u201cEn tale mot between 1509 and the dedication of the choir in 1517. biskopene.\u201d Oslo: Gyldendal, 1971. He was aided by Christoph Langeisen, an Ulm sculptor. Lunden, K\u00e5re. Norge under Sverre\u00e6tten 1177\u20131319. Oslo: Cap- Langeisen was likely just one of several participating pelen, 1976. sculptors. Little survived the rebuilding of the church \u00d3lafia Einarsd\u00f3ttir. \u201cSverrir\u2014pr\u00e6st og konge.\u201d In Middelalder, in the mid-eighteenth century. Passion reliefs from Methode og Medier. Festskrift til N. Skyum-Niehen. Ed. one of these altars, today in the W\u00fcrttembergisches Karsten Fledelius et al. Copenhagen: Museum Tusculanum, Landesmuseum in Stuttgart, are attributed to Nikolaus 1981, pp. 67\u201393; rpt. in Norske Historikere i Utvalg VI. Oslo: Weckmann (active 1481\u20131526), another Ulm sculptor to Universitetsforlaget, 1983, pp. 126\u201341, 336\u20138. whom the majority of carvings once ascribed to J\u00f6rg the Younger are now credited. It appears that the son too was \u00d3laf\u00eda Einarsd\u00f3ttir primarily a joiner and contractor. In 1493 his workshop created the elaborate choir stalls at Blaubeuren, which SYRLIN, J\u00d6RG THE ELDER while loosely patterned on those in the Ulm M\u00fcnster (1420\/1430\u20131491) include far fewer sculpted busts. AND J\u00d6RG THE YOUNGER (1455\u20131523) J\u00f6rg the Younger, like his father, excelled as a de- Father and son were highly successful joiners and ma- signer. In 1482 one of the Syrlins completed and signed sons. Based in Ulm (Baden-W\u00fcrttemberg), they supplied furniture, altars, fountains, and other carvings for towns throughout Swabia and southern Germany.Yet were they also sculptors? The answer to this question ultimately determines the level of their fame. Recent scholarship 617","SYRLIN, J\u00d6RG THE ELDER AND J\u00d6RG THE YOUNGER the Fish Trough fountain opposite the city hall in Ulm. Ulmer M\u00fcnster: Festschrift, ed. Hans Eugen Specker and The pair probably collaborated on the project; some Reinhard Wortmann. Forschungen zur Geschichte der Stadt scholars believe the showy twisting of the spire relates Ulm 19. Ulm: Stadtarchiv, 1977, pp. 242\u2013322. to other architectural drawings, such as the plan for a \u2014\u2014. \u201cSyrlin der J\u00fcngere oder Niklaus Weckmann?\u201d In Meis- new western tower for the M\u00fcnster, ascribed to the son. terwerke Massenhaft: Die Bildhauerwerkstatt des Niklaus The three sandstone sculptures of knights, now in the Weckmann und die Malerei in Ulm um 1500. Stuttgart: W\u00fcrt- Ulmer Museum, are by yet another hand. tembergisches Landesmuseum, 1993, pp. 7\u201317. Koepf, Hans. Die gotischen Planrisse der Ulmer Sammlungen. See also Erhart, Michel Foschungen zur Geschichte der Stadt Ulm, 18. Ulm: Stad- tarchiv, 1977, nos. 8, 30, 31, 49. Further Reading Schneckenburger-Broschek, Anja. \u201cEin Niederl\u00e4nder als schw\u00e4bisches Genie: Neues zum Ulmer Chorgest\u00fchl.\u201d Baum, Julius. Die Ulmer Plastik der Sp\u00e4tgotik. Stuttgart: J. Zeitschrift des deutschen Vereins f\u00fcr Kunstwissenschaft 40 Hoffmann, 1911. (1986): 40\u201368. Seifert, Hans. Das Chorgest\u00fchl im Ulmer M\u00fcnster. K\u00f6nigstein Dehio, Georg. \u201c\u00dcber einige K\u00fcnstlerinschriften des deutschen im Taunus: K.R. Langewiesche Nachfolger, 1958. 15. Jahrhunderts.\u201d Repertorium f\u00fcr Kunstwissenschaft 33 V\u00f6ge, Wilhelm. J\u00f6rg Syrlin der \u00c4ltere und seine Bildwerke, 2 vols. (1910): 18\u201324. Berlin: Deutsche Verein f\u00fcr Kunstwissenschaft, 1950. Deutsch, Wolfgang. \u201cDer ehemalige Hochaltar und das Chorg- Jeffrey Chipps Smith est\u00fchl, zur Syrlin- und zur Bildhauerfrage,\u201d in 600 Jahre 618","T TANNH\u00c4USER, DER (FL. MID\u201313TH C.) There are sixteen Sangspr\u00fcche in three cycles in the Manesse manuscript and\u2014though authenticity is open The lyrical works of Tannh\u00e4user, a thirteenth-century to question\u2014a further cycle of four in the Jena manu- traveling singer and composer, are preserved in the fa- script. The principle theme of the Manesse Sangspr\u00fcche mous Zurich Manesse family and Jena manuscripts of is the experience (and the poverty) of the traveling courtly love poetry known as Minnesang. The name is singer, patronage, and the death of the patron. The Jena toponymic, but as several villages are called Tannhau- cycle is more pious, including prayers of atonement. sen, the poet\u2019s place of origin cannot be determined. Other lyrical works attributed to Tannh\u00e4user in Jena, We know only that he was for a time at court in Vienna Kolmar, and Wiltener manuscripts are at best of dubi- under the patronage of Duke Frederick II. The first song ous authorship. (Leich) can be dated to 1245, the sixth to 1264\u20131266. The language is South German. Tannh\u00e4user was held in particular esteem in ensuing centuries, his love poetry being celebrated by the Meis- The range and quality of the surviving poetry reveal ters\u00e4nger, who named a melody (Tannh\u00e4userton) after Tannh\u00e4user as a fine poet of great versatility. All three him and cast him as the thirteenth member at the gather- major categories of Middle High German verse are rep- ing of the \u201c12 old masters.\u201d By contrast, a pious rejection resented: Minnesang, Leich, and Sangspruch. The six of sexuality underlies the late medieval Tannh\u00e4user leg- Minnelieder, preserved in the Manesse manuscript, can end, in which the poet endangers his soul by his service be grouped as two summer songs, two winter songs\u2014all to Venus but turns to Mary in the end. In the poems relatively conventional\u2014and two Minne (courtly love) Tannh\u00e4user und Venus and Tannh\u00e4user und Frau Welt, parodies in which the poet\u2019s optimism is obviously the Minnesinger takes his leave of the goddess despite misplaced in the face of the impossibility of his lady\u2019s her allure. The fifteenth-century Tannh\u00e4user-Ballads absurdly exaggerated demands. develops this, with Tannh\u00e4user then traveling to Rome to seek absolution. The pope (Urban IV) tells him he The Leiche, likewise in the Manesse manuscript, are can no more be saved than the papal staff can produce probably Tannh\u00e4user\u2019s best-known pieces. There are life. When the dry stick begins to bud, the pope sends seven, five of them Tanzleiche, the earliest such dance for Tannh\u00e4user, but too late; the poet has returned to Ve- songs in German literature. The first is a panegyric on nus and the pope is damned. The most familiar modern Duke Frederick, and princes and patronage return later version of the legend is Wagner\u2019s opera, in which it is in Leich 6. Minne is a theme in several, and 2 and 3 both merged with the story of the Wartburgkrieg. contain love stories. The shortest, 7, is a riddle. Recur- ring motifs are nature, May, and dancing, lending the Further Reading Leiche a consistently jovial tone. The poet delights in references to contemporary narrative literature. A pas- Thomas, J.W., trans. Tannh\u00e4user: Poet and Legend. Chapel Hill: sion for geographical locations is no doubt intended to University of North Carolina Press, 1974. underscore the vast experience of the traveling singer, though some feel that in Leich no. 5 this reaches the Graeme Dunphy level of parody. 619","THEODORA Procopius of Caesarea. History of the Wars and Secret History. Loeb Classical Library Series. London and Cambridge, Mass.: THEODORA (c. 500\u2013548) Heinemann\/Harvard University Press, 1914\u20131935. (With reprints; translations.) Theodora became empress of Byzantium in 527. She had been born in poverty and had spent her youth as a John W. Barker notoriously virtuosic courtesan in Constantinople. But she reformed, and her cleverness and strong personal- THEODULF OF ORL\u00c9ANS (ca. 760\u2013821) ity attracted the young Justinian, who made her his wife and, on his ascent to the throne as Justinian I, his A Goth born in Spain, Theodulf was forced to flee consort. his homeland, coming to the court of Charlemagne in 780. By 798 he was named bishop of Orl\u00e9ans by Char- Although Theodora differed with Justinian on the- lemagne. In 801 Pope Leo III honored him with the ology and, as a strong adherent of Monophysitism, title of archbishop. Theodulf enjoyed high visibility and sometimes worked against his policies, she was his favor in the courts of Charlemagne and his successor, invaluable ally and counselor. Her advice helped him Louis the Pious. His luck changed, however, in 817, rescue his throne during the Nika riots (532), and her when he was accused of conspiring against the emperor, death from cancer in 548 was a grievous blow to him whereupon he was removed from his bishopric and personally and politically. imprisoned. He died, thus disgraced, in 821. Theodora had risen from the dregs of society and Although Theodulf is best known today as one of never felt totally secure on her throne; she intrigued the preeminent poets of the Carolingian renaissance, he constantly to ward off any challenge she saw to her was probably more valued among his contemporaries husband or to her own standing with him. Thus, it is for his theological and pastoral works. Around 800 he said, Theodora became jealous of the Ostrogothic queen composed his first Capitula, a manual for parish priests, of Italy, Amalasuntha, who was famous for cleverness in an attempt to institute a reform within his diocese, and beauty, and\u2014anxious lest this woman come to and a second somewhere between 800 and 813. Forty- the capital and attract Justinian\u2014conspired to have one copies survive throughout Europe and England, her murdered as a part of the dynastic tangles of the written between the 9th and 12th centuries, attesting to Ostrogothic court. Theodora\u2019s support of the Mono- the popularity of the work. At Charlemagne\u2019s request he physites was played on by the Roman legate Vigilius, wrote the Libri Carolini under the pretense that it was who promised her his aid in return for her influence in actually the emperor\u2019s work. He also wrote De ordine having him made pope (537). However, Vigilius found baptismi and supervised a revision of the Bible at his it impossible to keep his promise, and Theodora became scriptorium. his implacable foe. At her urging, Justinian had Vigilius abducted and brought to Constantinople to be coerced Theodulf\u2019s Capitula was widely used during the into supporting religious policies that Theodora had Anglo-Saxon monastic reform and survives in four Eng- helped frame. Vigilius\u2019s degradation was Theodora\u2019s lish manuscripts. In Latin and English it became a stan- last triumph before her death. dard work for the clergy and a source for Anglo-Saxon prose. Vercelli Homily III and Assmann Homilies XI and Several portrait busts surviving from this period have XII draw from the Capitula; \u00c6lfric seems to have used it been identified as Theodora, notably one that is now in in his pastoral letters; and Wulfstan used it in composing the Castello Sforzesco in Milan. Even more striking his homilies. The De ordine baptismi was also known is her austere portrayal, together with her retinue, in to the Anglo-Saxons. The text, surviving in BL Royal a famous mosaic panel in the church of San Vitale in 8.C.iii, was used by Wulfstan in Homily VIII. Ravenna. Fired by the sensational account given of her by the historian Procopius, artists and writers of modern See also Charlemagne; Wulfstan of York times have continued to be fascinated by her image: she has been the fanciful subject of an opera by Donizetti, Further Reading a play by Sardou, numerous novels, and at least one (Italian) movie. Primary Sources See also Justinian I Napier, Arthur S., ed. The Old English Version of the Enlarged Rule of Chrodegang\u2026; An Old English Version of the Capitula Further Reading of Theodulf\u2026 EETS o.s. 150. London: Kegan Paul, Trench, Tr\u00fcbner, 1916. Bridge, Antony. Theodora: Portrait in a Byzantine Landscape. London: Casseil, 1978. Theodulf. Opera Omnia. PL 105. Browning, Robert. Justinian and Theodora, rev. ed. London: Secondary Sources Thames and Hudson, 1987. Gatch, Milton McC. Preaching and Theology in Anglo-Saxon Diehl, Charles. Theodora: Empress of Byzantium, trans. Samuel England: \u00c6lfric and Wulfstan. Toronto: University of Toronto R. Rosenbaum. NewYork: Ungar, 1972. (Originally published Press, 1977. 1904.) 620","Godman, Peter. Poets and Emperors: Frankish Politics and THIETMAR OF MERSEBURG Carolingian Poetry. Oxford: Clarendon, 1987. conventional in theme or form but most marked by an McKitterick, Rosamond, ed. Carolingian Culture: Emulation and unusual development of imagery, especially allegorical, Innovation. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1994. use of refrains, or self-confident lightness of tone. The other works, revealing a style similarly characteristic Helene Scheck of Thibaut, are jeux-partis (among the earliest known), debates, devotional songs (including one in the form of THIBAUT DE CHAMPAGNE (1201\u20131253) a lai), crusade songs, pastourelles, and a serventois. The most illustrious of the trouv\u00e8res and one of the most See also Blanche of Castile; Louis IX; prolific, Thibaut IV, count of Champagne and king of Philip II Augustus Navarre, grandson of the great patroness of poets Marie de Champagne, was also an important political figure. Further Reading After several years\u2019 education at the royal court of Philip II Augustus, young Thibaut began his life as a ruler un- Brahney, Kathleen J., ed. and trans. The Lyrics of Thibaut de der the regency of his mother, Blanche of Navarre. He Champagne. New York: Garland, 1988. later took part in the war of the newly crowned Louis VIII against the English, appearing at the siege of La van der Werf, Hendrik, ed. Trouv\u00e8res-Melodien II. Kassel: B\u00e4ren- Rochelle in 1224, and continued to serve the king, his reiter, 1979, pp. 3\u2013311. overlord, thereafter. In 1226, however, he withdrew his support during the royal siege of Avignon and returned Wallensk\u00f6ld, Axel,ed. Les chansons de Thibaut de Champagne, home in secret. Upon the king\u2019s death a few months roi de Navarre. Paris: Champion, 1925. later, Thibaut was accused of having poisoned him, but nothing came of this apparently groundless charge. The Bellenger,Yvonne, and Danielle Qu\u00e9ruel,eds. Thibaut de Cham- following year, he allied himself with other feudal pow- pagne, prince et po\u00e8te au XIIIe si\u00e8cle. Lyon: La Manufacture, ers in an attempt to dethrone Blanche of Castile, widow 1987. of Louis VIII and regent for their son Louis IX, but the queen succeeded in detaching him from the rebellious Samuel N. Rosenberg group and making him her defender. Attacked by his erstwhile allies, Thibaut was saved by the royal army. THIETMAR OF MERSEBURG (975\u20131008\/1018) Thibaut\u2019s relations with the crown, however, were unsteady, particularly after 1234, when he succeeded Born into the comital house of Walbeck in eastern his uncle Sancho the Strong as king of Navarre, and Saxony, Thietmar received his primary education at it was not until 1236 that a final peace was achieved, the royal convent of Quedlinburg. In 987, his father based on the vassal\u2019s submission. Three years later, he transferred him from Quedlinburg to the monastery of left for the Holy Land as head of the crusade of 1239; Berge, outside of Magdeburg. Thietmar remained at the undertaking was marked from the start by discord Berge for three years, continuing his education, appar- among the Christian leaders and by Muslim military ently with the expectation that he would eventually join superiority, the result of which was Thibaut\u2019s decision in the community. When a place could not be obtained for 1240 to withdraw from his charge and return to France. him there, he was moved to the cathedral at Magdeburg There, armed struggles engaged his attention through (November 1, 990). Thietmar studied at the cathedral\u2019s the following years, and in 1248 he made a penitent\u2019s school, then among the empire\u2019s preeminent centers pilgrimage to Rome. He died in Pamplona. He had been of learning, and was formally admitted to the chapter betrothed twice, married three times, divorced once, circa 1000, during the reign of Archbishop Giselher. widowed once, and had fathered several children. The Professional advancement came to him during the rumor has persisted since his day that the great love of reign of Giselher\u2019s successor, Archbishop Tagino. The his life was none other than Blanche of Castile, but apart archbishop elevated him to the priesthood in 1004 at a from offering a tempting key to his political shifts, it ceremony attended by Emperor Henry II, and thereafter seems to have no merit. he seems to have joined the archbishop\u2019s entourage. It was due to Tagino\u2019s favor, moreover, that Thietmar was As a trouv\u00e8re, Thibaut was immediately successful, chosen by Henry II to succeed the recently deceased seen as equaled only by his great predecessor Gace bishop of the see of Merseburg (1008). As Bishop of Brul\u00e9. Dante was to consider him one of the \u201cillustrious\u201d Merseburg, Thietmar inherited a host of problems deriv- poets in the vernacular, and the medieval songbooks ing from that diocese\u2019s troubled history. Emperor Otto I that group their contents by composer place his works had founded the bishopric in 968, in conjunction with his before all others. The over sixty pieces ascribed to him elevation of Magedeburg to the status of archbishopric. with reasonable certainty, almost all preserved with For a variety of reasons, it was suppressed in 981, its music, show a majority of courtly chansons, none anti- property being divided among neighboring dioceses and its cathedral transformed into a proprietary monastery of the archbishops of Magdeburg. Although the diocese was restored by Henry II in 1004, its boundaries and 621","THIETMAR OF MERSEBURG THOMAS \u00c0 KEMPIS (1379\/1380\u20131471) property rights remained a matter of dispute. Thietmar An author of spiritual writings, Thomas (Hemerken) \u00e0 seems to have occupied most of his career in attempts Kempis (also Hamerkein, Malleolus) was born some to regain diocesan lands ceded to neighboring dioceses time between September 29, 1379, and July 24, 1380, during the period of Merseburg\u2019s suppression (i.e., at Kempen near Cologne. At the age of thirteen he left 981\u20131004). Similar issues led to a long running property for Deventer to attend classes at the chapter\u2019s school of dispute with the Saxon ducal house of the Billunger. the Lebuinus Church. In 1399 he applied for admission to a monastery of the Canons Regular at Zwolle called Thietmar\u2019s chief gift to posterity is his history, the St. Agnietenberg. This monastery, a daughter-house of Chronicon, which he composed between 1012 and his Windesheim, was pervaded by the spirit of the Devotio death in 1018. The work is divided into eight books and moderna (Modern Devotion) movement. After taking survives in two manuscripts at Brussels and Dresden, the habit in 1406 and after his solemn profession in the latter now available only in the form of a facsimile. 1407, Thomas was ordained a priest in 1413 or 1414. The Dresden manuscript is particularly valuable as it He evolved into a prolific transcriber and author of was produced under Thietmar\u2019s direction and includes several spiritual writings. From 1425 till 1430 (and in corrections and additions made in his own hand. In com- a second term starting in 1433), he performed the task piling the Chronicon, Thietmar drew heavily at times on of subprior and combined it with the assignment of a the work of other historians, but much of his material is novice master. In this last quality he developed as a based on his own observations and experiences, espe- musician, preacher, and history teacher. For the job of cially in the later books. Indeed, for events in the reign procurator Thomas turned out to be less suited; he held of Emperor Henry II, he is often our unique informant. that office for only one year in 1443. He died on either It is generally assumed that Thietmar\u2019s original inten- May 1 or July 24, 1471. tion was to focus on the history of his diocese. If so, his theme must have rapidly expanded to include the history Thomas \u00e0 Kempis is credited with thirty-one trea- and deeds of the Ottonian kings, their lineage, and other tises, as well as three cycles of sermones (sermons), topics as well. Thietmar was nothing if not opinionated some cantica (catechetic songs), and epistolae (letters). and expressed views on subjects ranging from politics to Depending on the goal he had in mind or the audience the (in his opinion) shocking character of contemporary he wanted to reach, he used different genres. He proved women\u2019s fashions. He subjected monastic reform and its to be a pious historian in, e.g., his Chronicon Montis advocates to a withering critique and offered negative sanctae Agnetis. One can discover his qualities as a characterizations of Lotharingians, Bavarians, Italians, musician and writer of letters in his Cantica and Episto- and others lacking the good fortune to have been born lae. His output consists in large part of practical-ascetic Saxon. With his detailed commentary on the career of works, such as his Libellus de disciplina claustralium, Duke Boleslav Chrobry, Thietmar is one of the most Vita boni monachi, Manuale parvulorum, and Doctrina important witnesses for the emergence of the medieval iuvenum. Polish state, and his detailed descriptions of Slavic social customs and religion are some of the earliest on His famous De Imitatione Christi is included in this record. Thietmar\u2019s testimony is especially valuable for category as well. This work deserves a wider treatment the history of Ottonian policy in the east, German rela- here, as it is one of the most influential spiritual texts tions with the western Slavs, and the family histories of the late Middle Ages and can be considered the most of the east Saxon aristocracy. widely read book in Christianity, with the exception of the Bible. In the centuries-old fight about the author- See also Otto I ship of this fifteenth-century treatise, forty serious candidates have been taken into account. Among them Further Reading Augustin, Bernard, Jan van Ruusbroec, Geert Grote, Joannes Gersen, abbot of Vercelli, Jean Gerson, and, Chronicon (Die Chronik des Bischofs Thietmar von Merseburg finally, Thomas \u00e0 Kempis, were the most prominent. und ihre Korveier \u00dcberarbeitung). ed. Robert Holtzmann. On the basis of the excellent linguistic and codicologi- Monumenta Germaniae Historica, Scriptores rerum Germani- cal (manuscript) investigations of L.J.M. Delaiss\u00e9, it is carum, nova series 9. Berlin: Weidmann, 1935. now generally accepted among scholars that Thomas \u00e0 Kempis has to be regarded as the author of the four Leyser, Karl. The Ascent of Latin Europe. Oxford: Clarendon libelli (books) that form De Imitatione Christi. The Press, 1986. first four treatises of Thomas \u00e0 Kempis\u2019s autograph of 1441 (Brussels, Koninklijke Bibliotheek, manuscript Lippelt, Heinrich. Thietmar von Merseburg. Riechsbischof und no. 5855\u20135861) form, in this order, books I, II, IV, and Chronist. Mitteldeutsche Forschungen 72. Cologne: B\u00f6hlau, III of De Imitatione Christi. They have the following 1973. incipits (first lines): Warner, David A. \u201cThietmar of Merseburg on Rituals of King- ship.\u201d Viator 26 (1995): 53\u201376. \u2014\u2014. Ottonian Germany. Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1999. David A. Warner 622","1. Qui sequitur me, non ambulat in tenebris THOMAS D\u2019ANGLETERRE 2. Regnum Dei intra vos est dicit Dominus 3. De sacramento. Venite ad me omnes qui labo- literature devoted to his authorship of the Imitatio. The study of his theology is in an early stage; up until now, ratis no attempt has been made at a synthesis. Recent inves- 4. Audiam quid loquator in me Dominus Deus tigation has shown that Thomas\u2019s originality lies in his view that the ascetic structuring of life is explained by In other manuscripts and incunabula, treatises I, II, the mystical longing that Thomas wants to develop in and IV often appear as a unity. If one considers the each person. In his theological anthropology, mystical contents of these works and the titles given by Thomas aspirations are exclusively nourished and purified by a in his autograph of 1441, this unity is not purely a co- realization of the self in an ascetic way of life. Further- incidence. A codex belonging to a monastery of Canons more, his spirituality is strongly Christ-centered. Regular at Nijmegen, now in the Royal Library in Brus- sels (manuscript no. 22084), makes clear that the four Further Reading libelli of De Imitatione Christi already circulated in 1427, fifteen years before Thomas completed his final Ampe, Albert, and Bernhard Spaapen. \u201cImitatio Christi. I. Le redaction in the autograph mentioned above. livre et l\u2019auteur.\u2014II. Doctrine,\u201d in Dictionnaire de spiritu- alit\u00e9, ed. Marcel Viller. Paris: Beauchense, 1932ff, vol. 7, In treatise I, Admonitiones ad spiritualem vitam cols. 2338\u20132355. utiles, Thomas formulates, for beginners in spiritual life, some points of advice concerning a life in silence, Delaiss\u00e9, L. J. M. Le Manuscrit autographe de Thomas \u00e0 Kempis prayer, and study. In treatise II, Admonitiones ad interna et \u201cL\u2019Imitation.\u201d Examen arch\u00e9ologique et \u00e9dition diplo- trahentes, Thomas merely describes the mental state that matique du Bruxellensis 5855\u20135861. 2 vols. Paris: Erasme, the young religious has to develop to consider prayer 1956. as a privileged place where one is able to meet Christ personally instead of a mechanical duty. Treatise III, De Ingram, John K., ed. The Earliest English Translation of the First interna consolatione, is Thomas\u2019s personal testimony Three Books of De imitatione Christi ... London: K. Paul, of his intimate relationship with Christ in daily life of Trench, Trubner, 1893. the monastic community. Thomas points out that the life of a person who is looking for God is not without Pohl, Michael Joseph, ed. Thomae a Kempis canonici regularis obstacles. He wrote this book, furthermore, to provide ordinis S. Augustini Opera Omnia, 7 vols. Freibourg im Bre- consolation. Finally, treatise IV of the De Imitatio isgau: Herder, 1902\u20131922. Christi contains reflections on the Holy Eucharist that are characteristic of the time in which the Imitatio was Puyol, Pierre-\u00c9douard. L\u2019auteur du livre De Imitatione Christi. composed but not strictly coordinated with the contents Premi\u00e8re section: la contestation. Paris: Retaux, 1899. of the first three books. It is especially in these books that Thomas develops the concept of a \u201cjourney\u201d for van Dijk, Rudolf, Th.M. \u201cThomas Hemerken \u00e0 Kempis,\u201d in Dic- the faithful. Here he first describes the inner disposition tionnaire de spiritualit\u00e9, ed. Marcel Viller. Paris: Beauchense, from which one can be open to Christ and follow Him 1932ff., vol. 15, cols. 817\u2013826. in the most appropriate and fruitful way. From stud- ies made after those of Delaiss\u00e9 mentioned above, the van Geest, Paul. \u201cThomas Hemerken a Kempis,\u201d in Die deutsche conclusion can be drawn that Thomas made the stylistic Literatur des Mittelalters: Verfasserlexikon, ed. Kurt Ruh et improvements in the Imitatio not because of his love for al., vol. 9. Berlin: de Gruyter, 1978, cols. 862\u2013882. the beauty of the (Latin) language, the latinitas, but for catechetical reasons. \u2014\u2014. \u201cIntroduction,\u201d in Thomas a Kempis: La vall\u00e9e des Lis. B\u00e9grolles-en-Mauges: Abbaye de Bellefontaine, 1992, pp. Other treatises, like the Orationes et meditationes de 11\u201348. vita Christi, have a more theological character. In his Hortulus rosarum and Soliloquium animae, Thomas \u2014\u2014. \u201cDe sermones van Thomas a Kempis; een terreinverken- shows his gifts as a spiritual writer. All but one of his ning.\u201d Trajecta 2 (1993): 305\u2013326. works were composed in Latin; he wrote a small treatise in Middle Dutch: Van goeden woerden to horen ende die \u2014\u2014. Thomas a Kempis (1379\/80\u20131471): een studie van zijn to spreken. Finally, he compiled his sermones in three mens- en godsbeeld: analyse en tekstuitgave van de Hortulus coherent cycles. Rosarum en de Vallis Liliorum. Kampen: Kok, 1996. One can easily conclude that the quantity of schol- Weiler, Anton G. \u201cRecent Historiography on the Modern Devo- arly contributions on the sources, style, and theology tion: Some Debated Questions.\u201d Archief voor de geschiedenis in Thomas \u00e0 Kempis\u2019s opera omnia (complete works) van de katholieke kerk in Nederland 26 (1984): 161\u2013184. stands in no proportion to the enormous amount of \u201cThe works of Thomas \u00e0 Kempis,\u201d trans. Michael Joseph Pohl. 6 vols. Ph.d. diss., University of London, 1905\u20131908. Paul J. J. van Geest THOMAS D\u2019ANGLETERRE (fl. 2nd half of the 12th c.) Eight fragments totaling 3,146 octosyllabic lines, dis- tributed among five manuscripts, are all that remain of Thomas\u2019s Tristan, composed ca. 1175 for the nobility of Norman England. The author may have been a clerk at the court of Henry II Plantagen\u00eat in London. The fragments of Thomas\u2019s Tristan preserve essentially the last part of the story, from Tristan\u2019s exile in Brittany to 623","THOMAS D\u2019ANGLETERRE which they fit. Repetitions bordering on redundancy, anaphora, antitheses, and rhetorical questions occur the lovers\u2019 deaths. Line 3,134 of the epilogue, the ad- almost too frequently. Thomas, however, is capable of aptations by Brother Robert (Old Norse) and Gottfried realistic depiction, as in the description of London, the von Strassburg (Middle High German), and the Oxford doctors who treat Tristan, or the storm. The death scene Folie, however, all indicate that Thomas had composed is characterized by a rhythm wedded to the circularity a complete version, one that followed the biographical of desire that conveys, in the echoing of certain rhyme structure and general movement of the original legend, pairs (confort\/mort, amur\/dulur, anguissus\/desirus), the though Thomas made numerous modifications to it. very essence of love. Placing Arthur in the mythic past and situating the Thomas makes good the ambitious program articu- story in an England ruled over by King Marc, Thomas\u2019s lated in the epilogue: to complete a narrative (l\u2019escrit) reworking is dominated by rationality; the poet tones in which all lovers, whatever their manner of loving, down the fantastic elements and shows a certain logic can find pleasure, recall their own passion through the in the ordering of events and in the behavior and mo- exemplary destiny of Tristan and Iseut, and perhaps tivation of the characters. It is possible to suppose that escape\u2014for that seems to be the moralist\u2019s ultimate Thomas would have described the amur fine e veraie goal\u2014the torments and deceits of passion. experienced by the protagonists when Tristan first came to Ireland (see 1. 2,491), with the love potion only con- See also B\u00e9roul; Gottfried von Stra\u00dfburg; firming that love. In keeping with the milieu for which he Henry II wrote, Thomas eliminated or reworked overly \u201crealistic\u201d episodes (harp and lyre, Iseut and the lepers, life in the Further Reading forest of Morois), bringing the story into line with the new courtly ideals. A master hunter, Tristan (like his Thomas d\u2019Angleterre. Le roman de Tristan par Thomas, ed. \u201cpupil\u201d Iseut) is also a musician and poet as well as an Joseph B\u00e9dier. 2 vols. Paris: SATF, 1902\u201305. artist capable of creating the marvelous statues of the Hall of Images. \u2014\u2014. Les fragments du roman de Tristan, po\u00e8me du XIIe si\u00e8cle, ed. Bartina H. Wind. Geneva: Droz, 1960. The principal contribution of Thomas, as scholar and moralist, is in his minute analysis of love and the other \u2014\u2014. Thomas of Britain: Tristran, ed. and trans. Stewart Gregory. mysteries of human nature. Characters reveal themselves New York: Garland, 1991. through monologues, debates, and lyric laments; and their self-examination is analyzed through the narrator\u2019s Baumgartner, Emmanu\u00e8le. Tristan et Iseut: de la l\u00e9gende aux long interventions. The action is motivated less by ex- r\u00e9cits en vers. Paris: Presses Universitaires de France, 1987. terior agents than by inner adventure, the wanderings of the protagonists\u2019 consciences, which, alone seems Fourrier, Anthime. Le courant r\u00e9aliste dans le roman courtois en to interest Thomas. The paradox in Thomas\u2019s version France au moyen \u00e2ge. Paris: 1960, pp. 19\u2013109. is thus the narration, within the story of a love seen as absolute and perfect, of an analysis of love that shows Hunt, Tony. \u201cThe Significance of Thomas\u2019 Tristan.\u201d Reading Tristan\u2019s desire for change (novelerie) and his funda- Medieval Studies 7 (1981): 41\u201361. mental dissatisfaction. This analysis is coupled with reflections on jealousy and on Tristan\u2019s obsession with Emmanu\u00e8le Baumgartner taking the place of the Other (Iseut or Marc) and feeling himself the pleasure experienced (or not) by the Other. THOMAS OF CELANO (c. 1190\u20131260) Iseut\u2019s role is to express, in actions and lyric laments, her passion, tenderness, and pity for her lover\u2019s plight. Thomas of Celano was a Franciscan hagiographer, the Thomas uses the technique of \u201cgainsaying\u201d: the quarrel author of the first two lives of Francis of Assisi. Little between Iseut and Brangain allows the queen to reveal is known about Thomas\u2019s early life, except that he was the positive side of fin\u2019amor, which had been depicted apparently from a noble family and received a good by Brangain as folly and lechery. Characters like Cari- education. He joined the Franciscan order in the first ado, Iseut of the White Hands, Tristan the Dwarf, and, years of its existence, probably in 1215, and volunteered undoubtedly, the faithful Kaherdin in the lost episodes, for the first Franciscan mission to Germany in 1221. are there to fill out this \u201cmirror\u201d of the multiple faces He seems to have shown administrative talent, for the of love. next year he was made custos of a substantial part of the central European province, and in 1223 he was ap- The language available to Thomas was not yet as pointed vicar for the entire province while its minister subtle and supple as his analyses. Words like desir, was in Italy. In 1224, Thomas returned to Italy. He may voleir, poeir, even raisun, whose meanings seem still have been present when Francis died in 1226. too imprecise or overcharged, are significant less in themselves than through the systems of oppositions into Thomas\u2019s reputation as a preacher and stylist and his status as a relatively early follower of Francis seem to be the reasons Pope Gregory IX commissioned him in July 1228 to write an official life of the saint. While pre- paring the work, Thomas amassed a huge collection of anecdotes from friars and laymen that became a source 624","for several later lives of Francis. By February 1229, he THOMAS\u00ceN VON ZERCLAERE had finished what would come to be called Vita prima. Written in cursus, or rhythmical prose, the Vita prima Critical Studies is a skillful attempt to convey the interior life of Francis as early Franciscans knew it. But in many ways it is also Bontempi, Pietro. Tommaso da Celano, storico e innografo. a conventional stereotyped hagiography. It emphasizes Rome: Scuola Salesiana del Libro, 1952. Francis\u2019s spiritual journey and ideals but omits some of the quirkiest and most compelling episodes of the De Beer, Francis. La conversion de Saint Fran\u00e7ois selon Thomas saint\u2019s life. In 1230, Thomas edited the Vita prima into de Celano. Paris: \u00c9ditions Franciscaines, 1963. a liturgical epitome, the Legenda ad usum chori. Facchinetti, Vittorino. Tommaso da Celano: Il primo biografo Although the Vita prima was greeted with enormous di San Francesco. Quaracchi: Collegio di San Bonaventura, enthusiasm when it first appeared, by the early 1240s 1918. many friars were voicing dissatisfaction with it, appar- ently because so many favorite stories about Francis had Miccoli, Giovanni. \u201cLa \u2018conversione\u2019 di San Francesco secondo been left out. In 1244, the Franciscan general chapter Tommaso da Celano.\u201d Studi Medievali Series 3(5), 1964, pp. invited all friars who had known Francis ro submit their 775\u2013792. reminiscences so that a new, more complete vita could be composed. Thomas was once again called on to be Moorman, John R. H. Sources for the Life of Francis of Assisi. the author. From materials he had not used in his first Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1940. (Reprint, life and from recently submitted anecdotes, Thomas Farnborough: Gregg, 1966.) crafted the Memoriale in desiderio animae de gestis et verbis sanctissimi patris nostri Francisci, usually Spirito, Silvana. Il francescanesimo di fra Tommaso da Celano. called the Vita secunda. Like the first life, it tells the Assisi: Edizioni Porziuncola, 1963. story of Francis\u2019s conversion; but in its second part the anecdotes are arranged as a kind of prolonged character Thomas Turley study of the subject. The Vita secunda\u2014unlike the Vita prima\u2014confronts matters of controversy within the THOMAS\u00ceN VON ZERCLAERE order, especially a growing dispute over the relaxation (fl. early 12th c.) of the rule. Thomas clearly depicts Francis as favoring a strict adherence to the rule and lamenting the corruption Born into an ancient noble family in Cividale in Friulia, of his order by those who sought to relax it. northern Italy, around 1185, Thomas\u00een was a member of the monastic cathedral of Aquileia and so later came If \u201claxists\u201d found the general message of the Vita into close contact with Wolfger von Erla, the German secunda distasteful, many throughout the order com- patriarch of Aquileia known for his patronage of such plained that it gave insufficient attention to Francis\u2019s famous German poets as Walther von der Vogelweide. miracles, a subject that had been carefully elaborated We might assume that Wolfger commissioned Thomas\u00een in the Vita prima. To remedy this, Thomas composed a to compose his famous book of courtly etiquette, Der Tractatus de miraculis in 1255\u20131256 that detailed al- Welsche Gast (The Italian Visitor), consisting of about most 200 of Francis\u2019s miracles. Thomas may also be the 14,800 verses. Thomas\u00een dated his Middle High Ger- author of the Legenda sanctae Clarae, a life of Francis\u2019s man poem by telling us that he wrote it twenty-eight friend Saint Clare written in the mid-1250s. years after the loss of Jerusalem to the Arabs in 1187, that is, in 1215. The intention with his treatise was to Thomas died in 1260 at Tagliacozzo. His works improve the desolate state of the German nobility. It survived, despite a directive of the Franciscan chapter is the first German Hofzucht (courtly primer) ever general of 1266 ordering that they and all other lives written, and this by a nonnative speaker; it addresses of Francis be destroyed to facilitate acceptance of young noblemen and women, teaching them the norms Bonaventure\u2019s Legenda maior as the only official ver- of courtly behavior. Thomas\u00een also added a general sion of Francis\u2019s life. lesson about courtly love that he based on his Buch von der H\u00f6fischeit (Book of Courtliness), which he See also Bonaventure, Saint; Francis of Assisi, Saint had previously composed in the Proven\u00e7al language. In his book the poet emphasizes the value of constancy Further Reading (staete), moderation (m\u00e2ze), law (reht), and generosity (milte). Thomas\u00een drew from many different sources Edition but mentions only the Moralia by Pope Gregory the Great (d. 604), a highly popular Latin moral treatise. Thomas of Celano. Saint Francis of Assisi: First and Second Nevertheless, the text demonstrates Thomas\u00een\u2019s exten- Life of Saint Francis, with Selections from the Treatise on sive knowledge of theological and secular literature of the Miracles of the Blessed Francis, trans. Placid Hermann. his time. The poet was clearly opposed to Walther von Chicago, III.: Franciscan Herald, 1963. der Vogelweide\u2019s polemics against the pope, warned of the threatening spread of hereticism, and appealed to the German knighthood to embark on a new crusade. For him, knighthood must be subservient to the church and must pursue primarily religious and moral ideals. However, Thomas\u00een did not hesitate to recommend courtly literature as reading material for young noble 625","THOMAS\u00ceN VON ZERCLAERE Iberian Peninsula to the crown, also appointed Torque- mada as joint inquisitor general of the three realms of people because some of the best-known protagonists Arag\u00f3n, Catalonia, and Valencia. In this role, he was in Middle High German literature would provide them empowered to intervene in any part of the peninsula with models of ideal behavior. The Welsche Gast proved in a way that not even the crown was always able to. to be an enormously popular didactic treatise and has Torquemada subsequently played a key role in forcing come down to us in some two dozen manuscripts (thir- through the introduction of the new inquisition in the teen complete, eleven as fragments), of which almost realms of the Crown of Arag\u00f3n, which still retained all are illustrated. their old inquisitors from the medieval inquisition. In May 1484 Torquemada appointed new inquisitors for See also Gregory VII, Pope; the eastern kingdoms, but faced enormous opposition, Walther von der Vogelweide fundamentally because the new appointees were all Castilians and their tribunal was not subject to the laws Further Reading of the kingdoms; in Arag\u00f3n one of the appointees, Pedro Arbu\u00e9s, was murdered in 1485. To find a way out of the Huber, Christoph. \u201cH\u00f6fischer Roman als Integumentum? Das impasse, in February 1486 pope Innocent VII sacked all Votum Thomas\u00eens von Zerclaere.\u201d Zeitschrift f\u00fcr deutsches the existing papal inquisitors in the Crown of Arag\u00f3n, Altertum 115 (1986): 79\u2013100. and secured the simultaneous withdrawal of the Castil- ian nominees. This left the way open for Torquemada Neumann, Friedrich. \u201cEinf\u00fchrung,\u201d in Der Welsche Gast des to start again with new appointees. Thomas\u00een von Zerclaere. Cod. Pal. Germ. 389 der Univer- sit\u00e4tsbibliothek Heidelberg. Wiesbaden: Reichert, 1974, The important contribution made by Torquemada to Kommentarband, pp. 1\u201365. the new inquisition is confirmed by the fact that he wrote its first rule book, the Instrucciones, first drawn up in R\u00f6cke, Werner. Feudale Anarchie und Landesherrschaft: November 1484 and then later amplified in versions of Wirkungsm\u00f6glichkeiten didaktischer Literatur. Thomas\u00eens von 1485,1488, and 1498. Together with additions made in Zerclaere \u201cDer Welsche Gast.\u201d Bern: Lang, 1978. 1500, these early rules were known as the Instrucciones Antiguas, and laid down all the procedures of the tribunal Ruff, E. J. F. \u201cDer Welsche Gast\u201d des Thomas\u00een von Zerclaere: in its early period. Torquemada must not, however, be Untersuchung zu Gehalt und Bedeutung einer mhd. Mor- viewed as all-powerful. As inquisitor general he was allehre. Erlangen: Palm und Enke, 1982. no more than chairman of the Suprema and could be overruled by it; moreover, his commission, which came Thomas\u00een von Zerclaria. Der Welsche Gast, ed., Heinrich R\u00fcck- from the pope, could be revoked at any time. In 1491 and ert. Quedlinburg: Basse, 1852; rpt. ed. Friedrich Neumann. again in 1494, while Torquemada was still functioning, Berlin: de Gruyter, 1965. additional and temporary (until 1504) inquisitor generals were appointed to aid the work of the inquisition, proof Albrecht Classen that he did not hold unquestioned power. TORQUEMADA, TOM\u00c1S DE (1420\u20131498) No documentary proof whatsoever exists for at- tributing to Torquemada the evidently anti-Semitic Born in the town from which he drew his surname, in philosophy of the early inquisition, or responsibility the province of Palencia, in 1420. He was nephew to the for the bloody excesses of the tribunal; but neither is no less famous Cardinal Juan de Torquemada, author of there any reason to question the traditional view that the Tractatus contra Midianitas, written in defense of sees him as the driving spirit behind its early years. It the Jewish conversos (Christian converts) from whom is unquestionable that he was a major force behind the he, and correspondingly Tom\u00e1s, were said to have been expulsion of the Jews in 1492: King Fernando stated descended. As a young man, Tom\u00e1s entered the Order expressly, in a letter that he sent to several nobles, that of St. Dominic in the priory of San Pablo in Valladolid, \u201cthe Holy Office of the Inquisition has provided that and resided as a friar in the convent at Piedrahita. He the Jews be expelled from all our realms.\u201d A story of was later appointed prior of the convent of Santa Cruz uncertain origin states that when the Jews tried to buy in Segovia, a title he retained throughout his career; and their way out of the expulsion, Torquemada burst into the at about the same time was chosen to be a confessor of presence of the king and queen and threw thirty pieces Queen Isabel and King Fernando: it is in this role that of silver on the table, demanding to know for what price he appears in the only painting that is believed to depict Christ was to be sold again. him faithfully, Berruguete\u2019s Virgin of the Catholic Kings, in the Prado. A strong supporter of religious reform, Torquemada in 1482 founded the beautiful monastery of Santo Tom\u00e1s On 11 February 1482 he was appointed by papal in Avila, where he died on 16 September 1498. bull as one of seven new inquisitors to continue the work of the recently founded Inquisition (the first two inquisitors had been appointed in 1480). In 1483 a new central council, the Consejo de la Suprema y General Inquisici\u00f3n, was set up by the king and queen to govern the inquisition, and Torquemada was chosen to head it as inquisitor general. On 17 October 1483 another papal bull, which conceded control of the inquisitions of the 626","Further Reading TOSCANELLI, PAOLO DAL POZZO Kamen, H. Historia de la Inquisiti\u00f3n en Espa\u00f1a y Am\u00e9rica. prophets \u201cmediante la lunbre yntelectual\u201d (by means of Madrid, 1984. Lea, H. C. A History of the Inquisition of intellectual enlightenment). In a second short passage Spain. 4 vols. he refers clearly to Maimonides\u2019s notion that the Bible speaks one language to the wise and learned and another Henry Kamen to the vulgar, or in Leo Strauss\u2019s words, that Scripture \u201cis an esoteric text, and that its esoteric teaching is akin to TORRE, ALFONSO DE LA (fl. mid-15th c.) that of Aristotle.\u201d More important, perhaps, the Visi\u00f3n\u2019s chapters on ethics make few significant allusions to Theologian and writer in the vernacular active in the Christianity, or indeed, even to the idea of rewards and mid-fifteenth century, remembered nowadays as the punishments in the other world. author of the Visi\u00f3n deleytable, a philosophical dialogue and survey of the seven liberal arts, natural theology, Torre at one point says that the will of God can be and ethics. The work is in large part a cento of older understood in two senses, as what he wills directly and as texts, mostly unidentified and at times heavily amplified what he wills virtually as he foresees the consequences and supplemented by the author, and bound together by of his first decision. Significantly, this theme is not an allegorical dialogue. The Visi\u00f3n enjoyed a certain Maimonidean; it savors of Christian scholasticism, and currency in its own century and in the two following. is possibly of Scotist or nominalist tendency. In other By the end of the seventeenth century it had undergone words, Torre\u2019s rationalism is not an accident. When he eleven printings, had been translated into Catalan and presents unmodified Maimonidean teachings that are Italian and, unbelievably, back into Spanish. at variance with those of Christian theology, the choice of doctrine is not innocent; it is certainly not made in What is most notable, indeed astonishing, about ignorance. Torre was, as we have seen, a legitimate Torre\u2019s dialogue and the thought it expresses is the theologian, a bachiller en teolog\u00eda, and the knowledge fundamentally Averroist and rationalist direction of its of Christian divinity revealed in details of the course of argument, especially of its theology. The main index the Visi\u00f3n is fully professional. His choice of themes, to this tendency is, of course, the author\u2019s choice of therefore, must have been fully deliberate. What, then, sources, in some instances unremarkable, in others quite are we to think of this strange book and its author? Was otherwise. Thus the passages on the liberal arts depend Torre a crypto-Jew? Perhaps; the case is interesting. largely on Isidore of Seville and Al-Ghaza\u00afli. The pages One should note that the mixture in the Visi\u00f3n of Jew- on cosmology, on the influence of the spheres on the ish authorities and Christian is in no way alien to later sublunary world, are from a source Torre calls simply medieval Jewish Averroism; the conversion of Shlomo \u201cHermes,\u201d but which is in fact the Latin Asclepius, very Halevy\/Pablo de Santa Mar\u00eda was due in great part to well known and influential in Western Christendom. his early familiarity with Aquinas. Torre\u2019s final plea to But the matter on natural theology comes not from a the Infante don Carlos not to show his book to a third Christian source, but from Maimonides\u2019s Guide for person is itself revealing. Maimonides himself lays it the Perplexed. This notable text brings to the Vision down firmly that high doctrine should not be revealed unaltered the Maimonidean teaching about the nature to the vulgar. of God, eminently his existence, unity and incorporeity, but also his power, omniscience, and Providence. One See also Averro\u00ebs, Abu \u2018L-Wal\u00af\u0131d Muhammad should add that the passages in the Guide that express B. Ahmad B. Rushd; Isidore of Seville, Saint; views at odds with what we could call common Christian Maimonides theology\u2014on providence, for example, or on the nature of evil\u2014are preserved in the Visi\u00f3n without embarrass- Further Reading ment. There is also in Torre\u2019s text, as we should note in fairness, a series of chapters that speak plain Christian Strauss, L. How Fa\u00afra\u00af b\u00af\u0131 Read Plato\u2019s Laws. Damascus, 1957. language. But the author makes absolutely no effort to Torre, A. de la. Visi\u00f3n deleytable. 2 vols. Salamanca, 1991. reconcile the sense of these pages with the rest of his argument, and one might indeed reasonably guess that Charles Fraker this passage is a sop, a concession to the Christian reader, who elsewhere in the work is induced to accept views TOSCANELLI, PAOLO DAL POZZO that at best are on the outer limits of orthodoxy. (1397\u2013May 1482) The rationalist strain is sustained in the Visi\u00f3n in Noted Florentine physician, mathematician, astronomer, passages entirely separate from those directly and exten- and leading cosmographer of his day. Born into a family sively dependent on the Guide. In a pair of lines early in of rich Florentine merchants and bankers, Toscanelli the work Torre alludes hastily to Maimonides\u2019s theory studied medicine (he is sometimes referred to as Paul of prophecy, roughly the view that God speaks to his the Physician) at the University of Padua, the principal seat of scientific learning in Italy. Here he acquired a 627","TOSCANELLI, PAOLO DAL POZZO Africa); and pious (Christian Europe would be able to resurrect its mission to Asia, which had been abandoned sound theoretical education, which he combined with in the fourteenth century, and mount a crusade to recon- a Florentine appreciation of pragmatism and practical quer the Holy Land). experience. He was a scientist with a businessman\u2019s eye for calculations. Toscanelli numbered among his close Years after his death, Toscanelli\u2019s fame as a scientist friends and acquaintances important humanists like had not waned; in 1493, Ercole d\u2019Este, duke of Ferrara, Nicholas of Cusa, Filippo Brunelleschi, Angelo Poliz- sent to Toscanelli\u2019s heir in Florence seeking to obtain iano, Cristoforo Landino, and Leon Battista Alberti; he his manuscripts and maps. also knew Marsilio Ficino and Giovanni Pico, although he disagreed with them on the subject of astrology. See also Columbus, Christopher; Polo, Marco; Nicholas of Cusa If little has survived of Toscanelli\u2019s own writings, we know from the tributes of his contemporaries that he was Further Reading held in great regard. Toscanelli was interested in a wide variety of subjects, including optics and agriculture. La Carta perduta: Paolo dal P.T. e la cartografia delle grandi One surviving manuscript shows that his observations scoperte. Florence: Alinari, 1992. on comets were remarkably accurate for his day. Highly empirical, he founded his geographical theories more on Flint, Valerie I.J. The Imaginative Landscape of Christopher contemporary travel accounts and his own research than Columbus. Princeton, NJ: Princeton UP, 1992. on classical sources such as Ptolemy. He is reported to have interviewed travelers and visitors recently returned Garin, Eugenio. \u201cRitratto di Paolo dal Pozzo Toscanelli.\u201d Belfagor from Asia and Africa: he knew Marco Polo\u2019s Divisament 3 [anno 12] (1957): 241\u2013257; rpt. in Ritratti di umanisti. Flor- du monde (c. 1298) and Niccol\u00f2 dei Conti\u2019s account of ence, 1967, pp. 41\u201366. Asia based on his travels (1435\u20131439), written by his contemporary, Poggio Bracciolini. Morison, Samuel Eliot. Journals and Other Documents on theLife and Voyages of Christopher Columbus. New York: Columbia Early biographers of Toscanelli credit him with hav- UP, 1963. ing theorized about the possibility of reaching the Indies via the Atlantic, and of making his idea known to King Phillips, J.R.S. The Medieval Expansion of Europe. Oxford and Alfonso V of Portugal (r. 1438\u20131481) and Christopher New York: Oxford UP, 1988. Columbus (1451\u20131506). In 1474, Toscanelli is said to have written a letter defending the notion that one could Revelli, Paolo. Cristoforo Colombo e la scuola cartografica geno- sail west from Europe and reach the spice regions of vese. Genoa: Consiglio Nazionale delle Ricerche, 1937. \u201cCathay\u201d to Portuguese canon Fern\u00e3o Martins de Reriz, a familiar at court and later cardinal. The information Gloria Allaire was meant for the king. Toscanelli and Martins had been friends of Nicholas of Cusa for many years; both had TRAINI, FRANCESCO (fl. 1321\u20131345) been present at his death in 1464. A world map supposed to have accompanied the letter and now also lost, greatly The painter and illuminator Francesco Traini (Francesco underestimated the true expanse of the Atlantic, show- di Traino) is generally considered the most important ing \u201cCipangu\u201d (Japan) lying 3,000 nautical miles (some Pisan artist of the second quarter of the Trecento, when 3,450 miles or 5,555 kilometers) west of the Canaries Pisa was under the rule of Francesco Novello della and at about the same latitude. Having learned of this Gherardesca. Traini\u2019s career is still a focus of debate letter and map, Columbus wrote to Toscanelli from Lis- among scholars, but all would agree that he was one of bon some years later (c. 1480) requesting a copy of the the most original painters in fourteenth-century Italy. map. A transcription of Toscanelli\u2019s response survives Traini\u2019s only surviving signed work is an altarpiece in a book (Historia Rerum Ubique Gestarum by Aeneas depicting Saint Dominic between eight scenes from his Silvius [Pope Pius II]) that Columbus once owned. life (1344\u20131345; Pisa, Museo Nazionale di San Matteo). The veracity of this correspondence has been disputed, Since the nineteenth century, this altarpiece has been and even if authentic, Toscanelli\u2019s miscalculation of a valuable point of reference in attempts to identify a the earth\u2019s circumference probably only confirmed larger body of Traini\u2019s work. Columbus\u2019s own ideas rather than implanted them as has been claimed. Documented Life and Career: 1321\u20131345 The text of the letter encourages Columbus to un- Nothing is known about Traini\u2019s formative years; but dertake such a westward voyage for several reasons: to judge from his securely identifiable work, he was commercial (the East was rich in precious commodities); indebted to Sienese artistic traditions, especially the art practical (a voyage across the Atlantic, as Toscanelli of Simone Martini and Lippo Memmi, who were both misconstrued it, would be quicker than the route around active in Pisa in the early fourteenth century. This debt is evident in Traini\u2019s expressive treatment of line, his use of richly wrought surface textures, and his interest in spirited narrative detail. In addition, the Giottesque traditions of Florentine painting in general and the San Torp\u00e8 Master in particular have been identified as pos- 628","Francesco Traini. The Triumph of St. Thomas Aquinas. TRAINI, FRANCESCO \u00a9 Scala\/Art Resource, New York. tion in his will of 1336; the status of this commission sible sources for the more forcefully expressive elements suggests that Traini\u2019s art was held in high regard by his in Traini\u2019s recognized oeuvre. Traini must already have contemporaries. Traini is not thought to have survived been established as an independent painter with a cer- the Black Death in 1348. tain reputation c. 1321, for in July and August 1322 it is recorded that he was paid for having decorated two Panel Paintings, Frescoes, and Illuminations: important rooms in the Palazzo degli Anziani in Pisa. 1320s\u20131340s His success during the following decade is indicated by the fact that in December 1337 he committed himself The Saint Dominic Altarpiece is considered one of the to taking on an apprentice (by the name of Giovanni) greatest achievements of Pisan Trecento panel painting. for a period of three years. Traini is next recorded It shows a monumental standing figure of the saint, in December 1340 and February 1341, when he was whose solid form is crisply delineated and defined by involved in a commission to paint a banner for the robust modeling. At each side of the saint are four epi- confraternity of the Laudi of the cathedral in Pisa. In sodes from his life, contained within quatrefoils; these 1344 and 1345, Traini received payment for the signed are characterized by a remarkably fresh sense of narra- Saint Dominic Altarpiece, which adorned an altar in the tive. For example, in one scene\u2014Saint Dominic Saving powerful Dominican church of Santa Caterina in Pisa. Pilgrims from a Shipwreck\u2014the painter was careful to Albizzo delle Statere, a wealthy Pisan citizen who was evoke a variety of responses ranging from a desperate active in public life, had allocated funds for its execu- struggle for life by those in the water to the gratitude of the drenched figures who have been saved. Profound insights into psychological nuances and individual char- acteristics are evident throughout the altarpiece and are a hallmark of Traini\u2019s style generally, as can be seen in the Saint Anne with Virgin and Child (1330s; Princeton University Art Museum) and the Archangel Michael (c. 1330s; Lucca, Museo Nazionale di Villa Guinigi). The Saint Anne with Virgin and Child has a highly in- novative design: an immobile and matronly Anne with a wizened face is juxtaposed with a suave, youthful Virgin who tenderly supports a lithe and nimble infant. The Archangel Michael depicts a heroic figure whose activated pose and spirited drapery convey a powerful sense of energy. There are still differences of opinion regarding the exact nature of Traini\u2019s activity as a fresco painter in the Camposanto of Pisa. Since 1974, when Bellosi at- tributed the Triumph of Death and stylistically similar frescoes to Bonamico Buffalmacco, some scholars have held that Traini\u2019s contribution was limited to the bold designs of the Crucifixion (1330s). Traini\u2019s career as an illuminator is less contentious, but it too is a subject of divergent critical opinions, which concern the role of collaborators or intervention by a shop. The quality of Traini\u2019s illuminations is perhaps best seen in Lucano Spinola of Genoa\u2019s copy of Dante\u2019s Inferno (c. 1330; Chantilly, Mus\u00e9e Cond\u00e9), which manifests a remarkable sensitivity to glance, gesture, and the fall of drapery. The legacy of the marked expressive power of Traini\u2019s art can be discerned in the work of a number of impor- tant younger painters active in northwestern Tuscany. These painters include Francesco Neri of Volterra and Angelo Puccinelli of Lucca, both of whom used Traini\u2019s robust chiaroscuro, powerful volumes, and eccentric characterization of figures. 629","TRAINI, FRANCESCO a Lord and a Clerk on Translation\u201d and the \u201cEpistle\u2026 Unto Lord Thomas of Barkley upon the Translation of See also Martini, Simone Polychronicon\u2026.\u201d Further Reading Trevisa\u2019s achievement as a translator has several im- portant aspects. Most obviously, he made accessible to Balberini, Chiara. \u201cProblemi di Miniatura del Trecento a Pisa: an English audience such widely popular Latin informa- Gli Antifonari di San Francesco.\u201d Critica d\u2019Arte, 63(7), 2000, tional works as the Polychronicon and De proprietatibus pp. 44\u201360. rerum. The influence of these translations was consider- able. Both appear to have circulated widely (given their Bellosi, Luciano. Buffalmacco e il Trionfo della Morte. Turin: massive sizes) in manuscript and were printed by Caxton Einaudi, 1974. and de Worde, respectively, in the late 15th century. The Polychronicon was reprinted in the 16th century, while \u2014\u2014. \u201cSur Francesco Traini.\u201d Revue de l\u2019Art, 92, 1991, pp. the De proprietatibus achieved an extended influence 9\u201319. through Thomas East\u2019s revised edition in 1582 of Bat- man vppon Bartholome, a commentary on the work by Carli, Enzo. Pittura pisana del Trecento, Vol. 1. Milan: A. Mar- Stephen Batman. In the latter form it was still being read tello, 1959. and used in the late 17th century. \u2014\u2014. La pittura a Pisa dalle origini alla \u201cBella Maniera \u201d Pisa: Trevisa also had a valuable role as neologizer. His Pacini Editore, 1994. translations expanded the lexical range of English, particularly in his use of new scientific and technical ter- Dalli Regoli, Gigetta. Miniatura pisana del Trecento. Venice: minology. His fluent and generally accurate renderings N. Pozza, 1963. of Latin prose demonstrated the possibilities of English prose as an instructional medium, thereby extending his Meiss, Millard. Francesco Traini, ed. Hayden B. J. Maginnis. influence into form as well as content. Washington, D.C.: Decatur House, 1983. Trevisa has also been credited with a role in the Polzer, Joseph. \u201cObservations on Known Paintings and a New translation of the Wycliffite Bible. He was certainly Altarpiece by Francesco Traini.\u201d Pantheon, 29, 1971, pp. at Oxford at the same time as Wyclif and Nicholas 379\u2013389. Hereford. However, his involvement in the Wycliffite translation remains uncertain, although there is at least Testi Cristiani, Maria. \u201cFrancesco Traini, i \u2018Chompagni\u2019 di some circumstantial evidence for it. His authorship has Simone Martini a Pisa e la Madonna \u2018Linsky\u2019 con Bambino, also been urged for a translation of Vegetius\u2019s De re Santi, e Storiette del Metropolitan Museum.\u201d Critica d\u2019Arte, militari into ME, but this seems unlikely. 64(9), 2001, pp. 21\u201345. See also Caxton, William; Ockham, William of; Flavio Boggi Wyclif, John TREVISA, JOHN (early 1340s?\u20131402) Further Reading Translator of informational works. Born probably in Primary Sources Cornwall, Trevisa entered Exeter College, Oxford, in 1362 and remained there until 1365. In 1369 he entered Babington, Churchill, and J.R. Lumby, eds. Polychronicon Queen\u2019s College and subsequently became a fellow. He Ranulphi Higden, 9 vols. Rolls Series. London: Longmans, was ordained priest in 1370. Trevisa was expelled from 1865\u201386. Queen\u2019s in 1378 for alleged misuse of college property but appears to have returned there for lengthy periods in Perry, Aaron J., ed. Dialogus inter Militem et Clericum; Richard 1383\u201386 and 1394\u201396. It was possibly after his expul- FitzRalph\u2019s Sermon: \u201cDefensio Curatorum\u201d; and Methodius: sion from Queen\u2019s that he became vicar of Berkeley in \u201c\u00dee Bygynnyng of \u00fee World and \u00fee Ende of Worldes\u201d. EETS Gloucestershire and chaplain to Thomas, Lord Berkeley. o.s. 167. London: Humphrey Milford, 1925. He was also a nonresident canon of Westbury-on-Trym, near Bristol. Seymour, M.C., gen. ed. On the Properties of Things: John Trevisa\u2019s Translation of Bartholomaeus Anglicus De propri- Trevisa\u2019s major undertakings were his translations etatibus rerum. 3 vols. Oxford: Clarendon, 1975\u201388. of several lengthy Latin works. The first that can be securely dated is his translation of Ranulf Higden\u2019s Waldron, Ronald A., ed. \u201cTrevisa\u2019s Original Prefaces on Trans- Polychronicon, a universal history, which he completed lation: A Critical Edition.\u201d In Medieval English Studies in 1387. His translation of the De proprietatibus rerum, Presented to George Kane, ed. Edward Donald Kennedy et the medieval encyclopedia of Bartholomaeus Anglicus, al. Woodbridge: Brewer, 1988, pp. 285\u201399. was finished in 1398. He produced this translation, as well as one of Giles of Rome\u2019s De regimine principum, Secondary Sources a treatise on kingship, under the patronage of Thomas, Lord Berkeley. Trevisa also translated several shorter New CBEL 1:467-68, 806. works: the apocryphal Gospel of Nicodemus, Richard Manual 8:2656\u201361, 2866\u201377. FitzRalph\u2019s antimendicant sermon Defensio curato- Edwards, A.S.G. \u201cJohn Trevisa.\u201d In Middle English Prose: A rum, and William Ockham\u2019s Dialogus inter militem et clericum. His only original works seem to be two brief essays on translation that preface some manuscripts of his Polychronicon translation: the \u201cDialogue between 630","Critical Guide to Major Authors and Genres, ed. A.S.G. TROTULA OF SALERNO Edwards. New Brunswick: Rutgers University Press, 1984, pp. 133\u201346. Practica, in Latin, was not copied after c. 1200; it was Fowler, David C. John Trevisa. Aldershot: Variorum, 1993. supplanted by other Latin works on gynecology and cosmetics taken from various male writers. The name A.S.G. Edwards Trotula (probably a diminutive of Trota) was attached to these later writings, which were in turn translated into TROTULA OF SALERNO a number of European vernaculars. Benton held that the genuine writings of Trota were more practical in Trotula is the name given to a number of medical treatis- character than those of her fellow Salernitan physicians, es on the diseases of women, most of which seem to have but this conclusion is difficult to support. come from the medical university of Salerno. Whethier a twelfth-century Trotula of Salerno actually existed, Further Reading whether Trotula was a woman, and what and for whom Trotula wrote have been a subject of scholarly debate Benton, John F. \u201cTrotula, Women\u2019s Problems, and the Profes- for many years. Benton (1985) suggested that a female sionalization of Medicine in the Middle Ages.\u201d Bulletin of physician named Trota wrote a Practica (Practice of the History of Medicine, 59, 1985, pp. 30\u201353. Medicine) containing obstetrical and gynecological material while teaching at Salerno. Unlike many other Green, Monica H. \u201cWomen\u2019s Medical Practice and Health Care in universities in the Latin west, Salerno was formed by a Medieval Europe.\u201d Signs, 14, 1989, pp. 434\u2013473. (Reprinted community of medical practitioners who were not nec- in Sisters and Workers in the Middle Ages, ed. Judith Ben- essarily clerics; this anomaly would probably account nett, et al. Chicago, Ill.: University of Chicago Press, 1989, for the remarkable presence of a woman teacher. The pp. 39\u201378.) The Trotula: A Medieval Compendium of Women\u2019s Medicine, ed. and trans. Monica H. Green. Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2001. Faye Marie Getz 631","","U UBERTINO DA CASALE (1259\u2013c. 1329) tino would have been exposed to Olivi\u2019s doctrine of usus pauperi, or \u201cpoor use,\u201d as essential to the Franciscan The Franciscan reformer Ubertino da Casale was the way of life\u2014that is, the austere use of necessities and author of the Arbor vite crucifixe Jesu\u2014sometimes the avoidance of economic security and all superfluity. translated as The Tree of the Crucified Life of Jesus. This He must also have heard Olivi prophesy the persecu- work had a strong effect on later Franciscan rigorists tion of the \u201cspiritual\u201d church by the \u201ccarnal\u201d church. and on some prelates and monarchs; figures who were Ubertino\u2019s first meetings with Olivi\u2014and with Margaret influenced by it include Dante, Giovanni dalle Celle, of Cortona, Cecilia of Florence, and John of Parma (who Saint Catherine of Siena, Saint Bernardino, John Brug- was in retirement at Greccio)\u2014must have taken place man, and King Martin I of Aragon. just before or during 1285\u20131289. His crucial encounter with Angela of Foligno may also have been at this time. Most of our information about Ubertino until the (There is conflicting evidence in the manuscripts on the time when he composed the Arbor vite in 1305 comes date of this meeting: some say \u201cin the twenty-fifth year from its first prologue, but its chronology is not always of my religion.\u201d) According to Ubertino, these were the clear. Ubertino was a native of Casale Monferrato in meetings that brought about his real conversion, after the diocese of Vercelli and in the Franciscan province \u201calmost fourteen years of external observance.\u201d It is of Genoa. He was received into the Franciscan order difficult to believe that he then relapsed into what he (Friars Minor) at age fourteen. Scholars disagree about calls laxity and ambition. the next period of his life. Some think that he remained in his province for a considerable time, until c. 1284 or Ubertino learned a great deal from Olivi at Santa 1285; but others\u2014on the basis of his own testimony that Croce; but unlike Olivi, he had no vocation to be a pro- he studied for nine years et Parisius fui\u2014believe that fessional theologian, or to continue as a lector. Instead, after his novitiate he went to Paris and remained there Ubertino abandoned teaching to become a wandering until c. 1284. In any event he spent the years 1285 to preacher, traveling through Tuscany, Umbria, and the 1289 (dates on which all the scholars agree) at Santa Marches, and denouncing both the heresy of the Breth- Croce in Florence. There, he was probably a subordinate ren of the Free Spirit and the corruption of the official lector in its studium, since he says that he was occupy- church. It is clear from the Arbor vite that he considered ing the office of lector when he heard, at Pentecost, of the resignation of Pope Celestine V and the subsequent John of Parma\u2019s death, which occurred in March 1289 election of Pope Boniface VIII illegitimate\u2014a point (Arbor vite, 5.3). on which he differed from Olivi. In the Arbor vite he identified Boniface, as well as Boniface\u2019s successor It seems likely that Ubertino\u2019s studies in Paris had Pope Benedict XI, with the mystical Antichrist. How preceded this period in Florence rather than that, as far Ubertino went in expressing these radical views in some scholars hold, he went to Paris only after 1289. his public sermons is uncertain, but some hint of his Ubertino associates Paris with a time when he was lax opinions must have reached Benedict XI, because the and ambitious. He tells us that his coming to Tuscany pope summoned and arrested him. Ubertino was freed was accompanied by a conversion to a more ascetic life. only because of the entreaties of a delegation of Perugian Half of his four-year stay in Florence coincided with citizens; he was then sent by his Franciscan superiors the lectorate there of the reformer who was to have the greatest influence on him, Petrus Johannis Olivi. Uber- 633","UBERTINO DA CASALE eventually issued a bull condemning the Franciscans\u2019 claim that only their order, which professed corporate to La Verna for an extended period of meditation. He as well as individual poverty, fully imitated the life of used that time to write the Arbor vite, although he can Christ and his apostles; in this bull, John came very close hardly have composed the whole artful and almost inter- to quoting some of Ubertino\u2019s earlier arguments against minable work, as he avows, in three months and seven the practices of the Franciscan community. days in 1305, without premeditation and with the aid of just a few books. Perhaps he was referring only to But Ubertino\u2019s longtime defense of Olivi finally made the nucleus of this vast work\u2014a conjecture that might it possible for the Franciscan community to bring him explain how Angelo Clareno could have described it as down. In 1325, in a bull directed to the Franciscans, John a \u201csmall\u201d book. In any case, the more extreme opinions described Ubertino as a fugitive\u2014Ubertino having fled in the work were evidently not known to Ubertino\u2019s en- from Avignon in fear of imminent condemnation\u2014and emies among the Friars Minor for a long time, for they ordered his arrest. Ubertino may have escaped to the attacked only his defense of Olivi and were unable to court of Lewis of Bavaria, and he may have helped in keep Ubertino from exerting considerable influence in the writing of some of Lewis\u2019s attacks on John XXII; high ecclesiastical circles. this hypothesis rests mainly on Albertino Mussato\u2019s testimony that Ubertino and Marsilius of Padua accom- Ubertino also became the confidant and servant of panied Ludwig to Rome in 1328. There is contemporary a prominent cardinal, Napoleone Orsini, who looked testimony that Ubertino preached on behalf of Ludwig\u2019s kindly on the Spiritual faction of the Franciscans. Uber- Franciscan antipope Peter Corbara. tino was appointed Orsini\u2019s chaplain in 1306 (though their connection seems to have begun earlier) and as The date and manner of Ubertino\u2019s death are un- late as 1324 was still doing important diplomatic work known, though a later tradition of the Fraticelli (a Spiri- for him, helping conduct negotiations between Pisa and tual Franciscan group) held that it was violent. Aragon. In 1307, Ubertino was in Tuscany trying to further efforts on behalf of the Florentine exiles and was Ubertino was an interesting combination of ascetic, also undertaking juridical activity against the heretics of polemicist, and diplomat. He was a gifted rhetorician and, the Free Spirit. At about this time, he was also becom- particularly in his polemical works, a brilliant satirist. ing increasingly involved in defending the interests of He poured into the Arbor vite his often moving medita- the Spiritual Franciscans; he served as procurator for tions on Christ\u2019s life and the similarities between Christ various Spiritual groups, carrying their cases as far as and Saint Francis. This work, obviously constructed in Avignon. large part from Ubertino\u2019s earlier sermons and treatises, also contains a multitude of long and short extracts Orsini\u2019s protection, and perhaps that of Cardinal from various authorities: the church fathers; Bernard, James Colonna as well, must have been vital to Ubertino Bonaventure, Olivi, and other Franciscan writers; and during the many years when he was able to frustrate the Thomas Aquinas. There are surely also many sources designs of the Franciscan leaders against him. He also that have not yet been identified. The fifth book of the seems to have elicited some sympathy from the popes Arbor vite, containing Ubertino\u2019s views on ecclesiastical to whom these leaders complained about him\u2014Clem- history, is mainly based, as Manselli (1965, 1977) has ent V and John XXII. At the time of the Council of shown, on Olivi\u2019s Postilla in Apocalypsim. Ubertino\u2019s Vienne (1310\u20131312), Ubertino wrote polemical treatises polemical treatises are vivid, supple, and remarkably defending Olivi, advocating the doctrine of \u201cpoor use\u201d readable, despite the technicality of their arguments. In for the Franciscan order, and pleading that at the very these works, the historical dimension disappears, and least the Spirituals should be allowed to follow the will \u201cpoor use\u201d is emphasized much more than corporate of Francis and be free from persecution by the order. expropriation. In 1322, the pope commanded Ubertino These writings were reflected to some extent in the bulls to enlarge his oral opinion on whether Christ and the of Clement V, although in the end Clement refused to apostles had possessed nothing, either individually or in grant the Spirituals exemption from their superiors. The common. Ubertino did so in the unpublished treatise De Spirituals fared worse under John XXII, but after their altissima paupertate (Treatise on the Highest Poverty), downfall Ubertino was not turned over to the authorities largely copied\u2014although with significant omissions, of the order. Instead, he secured from John a bull (20 additions, and modifications\u2014from Olivi\u2019s question October 1317) permitting him to enter the Benedictine 8, De altissima paupertate, in the series of questions house of Gembloux in the diocese of Li\u00e8ge, though there called De perfectione evangelica. Ubertino\u2019s summary is no record that he ever set foot there. Ubertino was of that treatise, Reducendo igitur ad brevitatem, was still in Avignon in 1322, when John asked him and a included in a famous collection of opinions on the ques- number of cardinals, bishops, Franciscans, Dominicans, tion, in manuscript Vatican Latinus 3740, and attracted and other clerics for their opinion on whether, as the a marginal note in the pope\u2019s own hand. This summary Franciscans asserted, Christ and his apostles had owned drew a number of its arguments from Olivi\u2019s question 9, nothing either individually or in common. The pope 634","dealing with whether usus pauper was included in the UBERTINO DA CASALE Franciscan vow of evangelical poverty. Cardinal Orsini\u2019s opinion contained in the same collection follows a line Rotulus iste, ed. F. Ehrle. Archiv f\u00fcr Literatur und Kirchenge- of argument similar to Ubertino\u2019s and may actually have schichte des Mittelalters, 3, 1887, pp. 89\u2013130. been written by Ubertino. Sanctitas vestra, ed. F. Ehrle. Archiv f\u00fcr Literatur und Kirchenge- Ubertino\u2019s doctrines regarding poverty are the most schichte des Mittelalters, 3, 1887, pp. 48\u201389. interesting aspect of his thought. They seem to have undergone considerable development over his lifetime. Sanctitati apostolice, ed. F. Ehrle. Archiv f\u00fcr Literatur und Kirch- In the Arbor vite, Ubertino accepted the official Fran- engeschichte des Mittelalters, 2, 1886, pp. 374\u2013416. ciscan view, shared by all factions, that as followers of evangelical perfection, if not as prelates transferring Super tribus scelribus Damasci, ed. A. Heysse. Archivum Fran- goods to the poor, they absolutely embraced corporate ciscanum Historicum, 10, 1917, pp. 103\u2013174. as well as individual poverty. To this he added Olivi\u2019s view that \u201cpoor use\u201d was necessary to the observance Tractatus Ubertini de altissima paupertate Christi et apostolorum of the highest poverty, and that the persecution of those eius et virorum apostolicorum. Codex Vienna Staatsbiblio- who followed \u201cpoor use\u201d was a sign of the appearance thek, 809, fols. 128r\u2013159v. of the Antichrist and the coming of the \u201clast age.\u201d Critical Studies In Ubertino\u2019s polemical treatises, this historical dimension of his thought disappears entirely, and he is Bihl, Michael. \u201cReview of Biographies of Ubertino, by Huck, much more concerned with poor use than with corporate Knoth, and Callaey.\u201d Archivum Franciscanum Historicum, expropriation. In his final treatise, written when he was 4, 1911, pp. 594\u2013599. nominally a Benedictine, Ubertino was unwilling to ac- cept the traditional view that the holding of collective Blondeel, E. \u201cL\u2019influence d\u2019Ubertin de Casale sur les \u00e9crits de S. property by monastic corporations according to human Bernardin de Sienne\u201d and \u201cEncore l\u2019infiuence d\u2019Ubertin de law was no breach of evangelical perfection. He did, Casale sur les \u00e9crits de S. Bernardin de Sienne.\u201d Collectanea however, clearly affirm, against the Franciscans, that Franciscana, 6, 1936, pp. 5\u201344, 57\u201376. possession according to natural (though not civil) law was inseparable from the use of consumable things. Callaey, Fr\u00e9d\u00e9gand. L\u2019id\u00e9alisme franciscain spirituel au XIV The Franciscans\u2019 theory, on the other hand, maintained si\u00e8cle: \u00c9tude sur Ubertin de Casale. Louvain, 1911. that Franciscans had only the use of such things, whose ownership always rested with the donors or was held by \u2014\u2014. \u201cL\u2019influence et la diffusion de l\u2019Arbor vitae de Ubertini the pope. Ubertino now evidently regarded this theory as de Casale.\u201d Revue d\u2019Historie Eccl\u00e9siatique, 17, 1921, pp. a pitiful pretense. He also thought that it was ultimately 533\u2013546. inimical to Olivi\u2019s doctrine of \u201cpoor use,\u201d a doctrine to which\u2014despite his careful editing and revision of \u2014\u2014. \u201cL\u2019infiltration des id\u2013es franciscaines spirituales chez Olivi\u2019s question concerning the highest poverty\u2014he les fr\u00e8res mineurs capucins au XVI si\u00e8cle.\u201d In Miscellanea always remained faithful. Francesco Ehrle, Vol. 1. Rome: Biblioteca Apostolica Vati- cana, 1924. See also Boniface VIII, Pope; Catherine of Siena, Saint; Celestine V, Pope; Dante Alighieri Colasanti, G. \u201cI Santi Cuori di Ges\u00f9e di Maria nell\u2019Arbor vitae (1305) di Ubertino da Casale, O. Min.\u201d Miscellanea Franc- Further Reading escana, 59, 1959, pp. 30\u201369. Editions Damiata, Marino. Piet\u00e0 e storia nell\u2019 \u201cArbor vitae\u201d di Ubertino da Casale. Florence: Edizioni Studi Francescani, 1988, pp. Arbor vitae crucifixae Jesu. Venice: Andrea de Bonettis de 195\u2013215. Papia, 1485. (Reprint, ed. Charles T. Davis. Turin: Bottega d\u2019Erasmo, 1961.) \u2014\u2014. \u201cUbertino da Casaie: Ultimo atto.\u201d Studi Francescani, 86, 1989, pp. 279\u2013303. Declaratio fratris Ubertini de Casali et sociorum eius contra falsitates datas per fratrem Raymundum procuratorem Daniel, Randolph. \u201cSpirituality and Poverty: Angelo da Clareno et Bonagratiam da Bergamo, ed. F. Ehrle. Archiv f\u00fcr Lit- and Ubertino da Casale.\u201d Medievalia et Humanistica, n.s., 4, eratur und Kirchengeschichte des Mittelalters, 3, 1887, pp. 1973, pp. 89\u201398. 160\u2013195. Davis, Charles T. \u201cUbertino da Casaie and His Conception of Decretalis etiam, ed. F. Ehrle. Archiv f\u00fcr Literatur und Kirch- Altissima Paupertas.\u201d Studi Medievali, Series 3(22.1), 1981, engeschichte des Mittelalters, 3, 1887, pp. 130\u2013135. pp. 1\u201341. Reducendo igitur ad brevitatem, ed. Charles T. Davis. In \u201cUber- Douie, Decima L. The Nature and the Effect of the Heresy of the tino da Casale and His Conception of Altissima Paupertas. \u201d Fraticelli. Manchester: University Press, 1932, pp. 120\u2013152. Studi Medievali, Series 3(22.1), 1981, pp. 41\u201356. (Reprint, 1978.) Ehrle, F. \u201cDie Spiritualen, ihr Verh\u00e4ltniss zum Franzis Kanerorden und zu den Fraticelen.\u201d Archiv f\u00fcr Literatur und Kirchenge- schichte des Mittelalters, 1, 1885, pp. 509\u2013569; 2, 1886, pp. 106\u2013164; 3, 1887, pp. 553\u2013623; 4, 1888, pp. 1\u2013190. \u2014\u2014. Zur Vorgeschichte des Konzils von Vienne.\u201d Archiv f\u00fcr Literatur und Kirchengeschichte des Mittelalters, 2, 1886, pp. 353\u2013416; 3, 1887, pp. 1\u2013195. Godefroy, P. \u201cUbertin de Casale.\u201d Dictionnaire de th\u00e9ologie catholique, 15, 1950, pp. 2021\u20132034. Guyot, B. G. \u201cL\u2019Arbor vitae crucifixae Iesu d\u2019Ubertin de Ca- sale et ses emprunts aux De articulis fidei de S. Thomas d\u2019Aquin.\u201d In Studies Honoring Ignatius Charles Brady, Friar Minor, ed. Romano Stephen Almagno and Conrad L. Harkins. Saint Bonaventure, N.Y.: Franciscan Institute, 1976, pp. 293\u2013307. Hofer, J. \u201cDas Gutachten Ubertins von Casale \u00fcber die Armut Christi.\u201d Franziskanische Studien, 11, 1924, pp. 210\u2013215. Huck, Johann Chrysostomus. Ubertin von Casale und dessen Ideenkreis: Ein Beitrag zum Zeitalter Dantes. Freiburg im Breisgau: Herder, 1903. 635","UBERTINO DA CASALE accentu and Rosarium are cited in Derivationes and explicitly referred to by name in the Agiographia, which Ini,A. M. \u201cNuovi documenti sugli Spirituali di Toscana.\u201d Archivum is itself referred to by name in the Summa decretorum. Franciscanum Historicum, 66, 1973, pp. 305\u2013377. These references constitute the writer\u2019s claim to author- ship and the basis for all further critical discussion of Knoth, E. Ubertin von Casale: Ein Beitrag zur Geschichte der his works. Franziskaner an der Wende des 13. und 14. Jahrhunderts. Marburg, 1903. De dubio accentu: This brief treatise provides the correct pronunciation of a number of compound words Manselli, Raoul. \u201cPietro di Giovanni Olivi ed Ubertino da Casale or words in which the penultimate syllable is followed (a proposito della Lectura super Apocalipsim e dell\u2019Arbor by a mute plus a liquid. In a set of appendixes, Uguc- vitae crucifixae Iesu).\u201d Studi Medievali, Series 3(6), 1965, cione deals with more specialized issues relating, again, pp. 95\u2013122 to pronunciation, and also to spelling. Giovanni Balbi\u2019s Catholicon often draws on this text, while occasionally \u2014\u2014. \u201cL\u2019anticristo mistico: Pietro di Giovanni Olivi, Ubertino deferring to Bene da Firenze\u2019s teachings. da Casale, e i papi del loro tempo.\u201d Collectanea Franciscana, 47,1977, pp. 5\u201325. Rosarium: This treatise on grammar, cited twice in the Derivationes, is preserved in a single manuscript Martini, A. \u201cUbertino da Casale alla Verna e la Verna nell\u2019Arbor dating from 1382, Erfurt Ampl. Q. 69 (252), ff, 1\u201363. Vitae.\u201d La Verna, 11, 1913, pp. 273\u2013344. It provides a summary of ars grammatica, based on the eight parts of speech. A list of conjugated verb forms, Oliger, Livarius. \u201cDe relatione inter Observantium querimonias arranged alphabetically (amo, amas, etc. to zelo, zelas), Constantienses (1415) et Ubertini Casalensis quoddam appears on leaves 24ra\u201354rb. scriptum.\u201d Archivum Franciscanum Historicum, 9, 1916, pp. 3\u201341. Derivationes: Preserved in more than 200 extant manuscripts, this lexicon comprises the entire patrimony Potest\u00e0, G. L. \u201cUn secolo di studi sull\u2019 Arbor vitae: Chiesa ed of the Latin language, classified by the principles of escatologia in Ubertino da Casale.\u201d Coll\u00e9ctanea Franciscana, word derivation. It constitutes a fundamental stage in 47,1977, pp. 217\u2013267. the development of medieval Latin lexicography be- cause it organizes a large amount of linguistic data into \u2014\u2014 . Storia ed escatologia in Ubertino da Casale. Milan: Vita derivational groupings and because it integrates into e Pensiero, 1980. this scheme erudition passed down from antiquity, to be preserved and passed on to future generations. The Zugaj, M. \u201cAssumptio B. M. Virginis in Arbor Vitae Crucifixae work remains unpublished. Jesu (a. 1305) Fr. Ubertino de Casali, O. Min.\u201d Miscellanea Francescana, 46, 1946, pp. 124\u2013156. Agiographia: This short text also uses the word derivation format, which, in its most noteworthy sec- Charles T. Davis tion, presents a list of saints\u2019 names, arranged according to the liturgical calendar; these are then glossed with UGUCCIONE DA PISA reference to traditional hagiographical aspects relating (c. 1125 or 1130\u201330 April 1210) to holy deeds leading to canonization. The work serves as a bridge between Uguccione\u2019s two major texts; it is Under the entry Pis in Derivationes, Uguccione states cited in the Summa decretorum, and it makes, in turn, that he was born in Pisa\u2014without, however, indicating an explicit reference to the Derivationes. the year, which has had to be estimated by his biogra- phers. The date of his election as bishop of Ferrara is Summa decretorum: Uguccione worked on this text likewise uncertain. He completed his studies at Bologna, from 1178 to at least 1188. However, some questions where in all probability he wrote his grammatical trea- arise as to whether the commentary regarding cases tises. Later, he began to lecture on Gratian\u2019s Decretum, 23\u201326 is authentic or the work of one of Uguccione\u2019s perhaps at the monastery of Saint Nabore and Saint continuators. Relatively recently, this text has been Felice, where Gratian had taught. One of Uguccione\u2019s subjected to renewed scrutiny by historians of canon students was Lothar, a count of the Segni, who later be- law, in an attempt to understand Uguccione\u2019s views came Pope Innocent III. Uguccione headed the diocese on the thorny issue of the relationship between the of Ferrara until his death. During his years as bishop he two supreme authorities on earth\u2014the papacy and the was given important assignments by popes Celestine III empire. According to some, Uguccione\u2019s thinking on and Innocent III, his former pupil, mostly for the purpose this subject may have inspired Dante\u2019s Monarchia; of resolving a crisis at Nonantola, which was governed indeed, Dante explicitly cites the Derivationes in his by an abate insufficient to the task. The archbishop of Convivio (4.6.5). The Summa decretorum also deals Ravenna, Guglielmo Curiano, also entrusted Uguc- with a number of questions pertaining to the theology cione with settling disputes between the inhabitants of of the sacraments. For the manuscript tradition of this Ravenna and those of nearby Rimini. The outline of these biographical events agrees with the traditional view according to which Uguccione da Pisa, bishop of Ferrara, was, as both lecturer on grammar and canonist, the author of all of the works mentioned below. Muller (1991, 1994) has challenged this view, arguing that the grammarian and the canonist should not be identified as the same person. It will be useful to point out links among Uguccione\u2019s works, based on internal cross-references. The De dubio 636","Summa, still unpublished, readers should consult Leon- \u00daLFR UGGASON ardi (1956\u20131957). Gr\u00edmsson, one of the most prominent early settlers in Expositio de symbolo apostolorum: This text is attrib- Iceland. His father\u2019s family is unknown. uted to Uguccione in Trombelli (1775) and codex 2633 in the University Library of Bologna but is not cited by \u00dalfr is represented in three sagas. Nj\u00e1ls saga portrays him in any of his other works. It offers a commentary him as a cautious man. In ch. 60, he makes a brief ap- on the twelve articles of the credo, thereby constitut- pearance as the loser in an inheritance claim he contests ing itself a catechism on the fundamental beliefs of the with \u00c1sgr\u00edmr Elli\u00f0a-Grimsson. In ch. 102, he refuses to Christian faith. This brief exposition may be the fruit of commit himself openly to physical violence in the cause Uguccione\u2019s pastoral activity, undertaken during the last of the antimissionary party in the events surrounding the twenty years of his life as bishop of Ferrara. conversion of Iceland to Christianity. Both here and in Kristni saga (ch. 9), a single verse of \u00dalfr\u2019s is preserved See also Gratian, Innocent III, Pope in which he responds to a poetic incitement to push the foreign evangelist \u00deangbrandr over a cliff. Likening Further Reading himself to a wily fish, he asserts that it is not his style to swallow the fly (esat m\u00ednligt . . . flugu at g\u00edna)! Editions However, \u00dalfr is best known for his composition De dubio accentu\u2014Agiographia\u2014Expositio de symbolo apos- of a skaldic picture poem, H\u00fasdr\u00e1pa (\u201cHouse-lay\u201d), tolorum, ed. Giuseppe Cremascoli. Spoleto: Centro Italiano which commemorates a splendid new hall that \u00d3l\u00e1fr di Studi sull\u2019Alto Medioevo, 1978. p\u00e1i (\u201cpeacock\u201d) had built at Hjar\u00f0arholt. The dr\u00e1pa celebrates both the builder of the hall and the mytho- Derivationes. Florence: Accademia della Crusca, 2000. logical stories depicted on its carved panels, Laxdo\u00e6la Il\u201dDe dubio accentu\u201d di Uguccione da Pisa, ed. Giuseppe saga (ch. 29) describes the hall and the occasion upon which \u00dalfr delivered his poem, the marriage feast of Cremascoli. Bologna, 1969. \u00d3l\u00e1fr\u2019s daughter \u00deuri\u00f0r. Excellent stories (\u00e1g\u00e6tligar Expositio Domini Huguccionis Ferrariensis Episcopi de Symbolo sgur) were carved on the wainscoting and on the hall ceiling, and these splendid carvings surpassed the wall Apostolorum, ed. Joannes Chrysostomus Trombelli. In Bedae hangings. Laxd\u0153la saga does not preserve the poem, but et Claudii Taurinensis itemque aliorum veterum Patrum comments only that H\u00fasdr\u00e1pa was well crafted (vel ort) opuscula, Bologna, 1755, pp. 207\u2013223. and that \u00dalfr received a good reward for it from \u00d3l\u00e1fr. L \u201cExpositio de symbolo apostolorum \u201c di Uguccione da Pisa, These events are usually dated, according to the saga\u2019s ed. Giuseppe Cremascoli. Studi Medievali, 14, 1973, pp. chronology, to about 985. 364\u2013442. H\u00e4ring, Nicholas M. \u201cZwei Kommentare von Huguccio, Bischof Fortunately for posterity, Snorri Sturluson pre- von Ferrara.\u201d Studia Gratiana, 19, 1976, pp. 355\u2013416. served fifty-six lines of H\u00fasdr\u00e1pa in his Edda, mostly as half-stanzas illustrating points of skaldic diction in Critical Studies Sk\u00e1ldskaparm\u00e1l. Out of these verses, editors have con- ventionally reconstructed a dr\u00e1pa of twelve stanzas or Austin, H. D. \u201cGlimpses of Uguiccione\u2019s Personality.\u201d Philologi- half-stanzas, which probably had the refrain hlaut innan cal Quarterly, 26, 1947, pp. 367\u2013377. sv\u00e1 minnum (\u201cwithin have appeared these motifs\u201d). \u2014\u2014. \u201cUguiccione Miscellany.\u201d Italica, 27, 1950, pp. 12\u201317. There are three known mythological subjects \u00dalfr Cremascoli, Giuseppe. \u201cSaggio bibliografico.\u201d Aevum, 42, 1968, treated in H\u00fasdr\u00e1pa, and there may have been more. Snorri states that \u00dalfr composed a long passage in the pp. 123\u2013168. poem on the story of Baldr, of which we now have five Leonardi, Corrado. \u201cLa vira e l\u2019opera di Uguccione da Pisa de- half-stanzas (7\u201311 in Finnur J\u00f3nsson 1912\u201315). They deal with the procession of supernatural beings and cretista.\u201d Studia Gratiana, 4, 1956\u20131957, pp. 37\u2013120. their mounts riding to Baldr\u2019s funeral. In Gylfaginning, Marigo, Aristide. I codici manoscritti delle \u201cDerivationes\u201d di chs. 33\u201335 (Finnur J\u00f3nsson 1931: 63\u20138, Faulkes 1987: 48\u201351), Snorri gives a prose account of the funeral and Uguccione Pisano. Rome: Istituto di Smdi Romani, 1936. other events that led up to and followed Baldr\u2019s death, M\u00fcller, Wolfgang P. \u201cHuguccio of Pisa: Canonist, Bishop, and for which H\u00fasdr\u00e1pa was probably one of his main sources. Grammarian?\u201d Viator, 22, 1991, pp. 121\u2013152. \u2014\u2014. Huguccio: The Life, Works, and Thought of a Twelfth Two other known subjects of H\u00fasdr\u00e1pa were \u00de\u00f3rr\u2019s fight with the World Serpent, Mi\u00f0gar\u00f0sormr, a popular Century Jurist. Washington, D.C.: Catholic University of choice with Viking Age skalds and sculptors (sts. 3\u20136), America Press, 1994. and the otherwise unrepresented myth of how the gods Riessner, Claus. Die \u201cMagnae Derivationes\u201d des Uguccione da Heimdallr and Loki, said by Snorri to have taken the Pisa und ihre Bedeutungf\u00fcr die romanische Philologie. Rome: form of seals, wrestled for a \u201cbeautiful sea-kidney\u201d Edizioni di Storia e Letteratura, 1965. Giuseppe Cremascoli Translated by Richard Lansing \u00daLFR UGGASON (fl. ca. 1000) \u00dalfr Uggason was an Icelandic skald who flourished around the year 1000. He married J\u00e1rnger\u00f0r, daughter of \u00de\u00f3rarinn Grimkelsson and J\u00f3runn Einarsd\u00f3ttir from Stafaholt (Landn\u00e1rnab\u00f3k S76, H64). His wife\u2019s family were descendants of Hrappr, son of Bjrn buna Ve\u00f0rar- 637","\u00daLFR UGGASON Bibliographies (probably the necklace Br\u00eds\u00edngamen) at a place called Hollander, Lee M. A Bibliography of Skaldic Studies. Copenha- Singasteinn. Only one stanza (2) of this section survives, gen: Munksgaard, 1958. although from Snorri\u2019s summary it seems likely to have been longer in the complete dr\u00e1pa. Bekker-Nielsen, Hans. Old Norse-Icelandic Studies: A Select Bibliography. Toronto Medieval Bibliographies, 1. Toronto: It may be surmised that \u00dalfr\u2019s pictorial praise University of Toronto Press, 1967. poem in honor of \u00d3l\u00e1fr p\u00e1i was, in a late 10th-century Icelandic context, something of a hearkening back to Literature the courtly, aristocratic style of skalds like Bragi Bod- dason and \u00dej\u00f3\u00f0\u00f3lfr of Hvin, who lived about a century Lie, Hallvard. \u201cBilledbeskrivende dikt.\u201d KLNM 1 (1956), earlier than \u00dalfr. Judging by Laxd\u0153la saga\u2019s account 542\u20135. of \u00d3l\u00e1fr, his splendid style of living, and Irish royal connections, he would have been flattered by an im- Lie, Hallvard. \u201cNatur\u201d og \u201cunatur\u201d iskaldekunsten. Avhandlinger plicit comparison with Norwegian princelings and their utg. av Det norske Videnskaps-Akademi i Oslo. II. Hist.-filos. skaldic encomiasts. kl. No. 1. Oslo: Aschehoug, 1957; rpt. in his Om sagakunst og skaldskap. Utvalgte avhandlinger. \u00d8vre Ervik: Alvheim See also Bragi Boddason; Snorri Sturluson & Eide, 1982, pp. 201\u2013315. Further Reading Lie, Hallvard. \u201cH\u00fasdr\u00e1pa,\u201d KLNM 7 (1962), 122\u20134. Turville-Petre, E.O.G. Myth and Religion of the North: The Re- Editions ligion of Ancient Scandinavia. New York: Holt, Rinehart and Kahl, B. Kristni saga. \u00de\u00e1ttr \u00deorvalds ens v\u00ed\u00f0fo\u02dbrla. \u00de\u00e1ttr \u00cdsleifs Winston, 1964; rpt. Westport: Greenwood, 1975. biskups Gizurarsonar. Hungrvaka. Altnordische Saga-Biblio- Str\u00f6mb\u00e4ck, Dag. The Conversion of Iceland: A Survey. Trans. thek, 11. Halle: Niemeyer, 1905 [see pp. 1\u201357]. and annotated by Peter Foote. Text Series, 6. London: Viking Society for Northern Research, 1975. Finnur J\u00f3nsson, ed. Den norske-islandske skjaldedigtning. Vols. Schier, K. \u201cBalder.\u201d In Reallexikon der germanischen Altertum- 1A-2A (tekst efter h\u00e5ndskrifterne) and 1B-2B (rettet tekst). skvnde 2. Gen. ed. Johannes Hoops. Berlin and New York; de Copenhagen and Christiania [Oslo]: Gyldendal, 1912\u201315; rpt. Gruyter, 1976, pp. 2\u20137. Copenhagen: Rosenkilde & Bagger, 1967 (A) and 1973 (B), Schier, Kurt. \u201cDie H\u00fasdr\u00e1pa von \u00dalfr Uggason und die bildliche vol. 1A. pp. 136\u20139; vol. 1B, pp. 128\u201330. \u00daberlieferung altnordischer Mythen.\u201d In Minjar og menntir: Afm\u00e6lisrit helga\u00f0 Kristj\u00e1ni Eldj\u00e1rn, 6 desember 1976. Ed. Finnur J\u00f3nsson, ed. Edda Snorra Sturlusonar. Copenhagen: Gyl- Gu\u00f0ni Kolbeinsson et al. Reykjavik: Menningarsj\u00f3\u00f0ur, 1976, dendal, 1931 [lines from H\u00fasdr\u00e1pa pp. 89, 90, 94, 96\u2013100, pp. 425\u201343. 147, 152, 165, 168]. Schier, Kurt. \u201cH\u00fasdr\u00e1pa, 2. Heimdall, Loki und die Meerniere.\u201d In Festgabe f\u00fcr Otto HMfler zum 75. Gebunstag. Ed. Helmut Einar \u00d3l. Sveinsson, ed. Laxd\u00e6la saga, 0slenzk fomrit, 5. Reyk- Birkhan. Philologica Germanica, 3. Vienna: Braum\u00fcller, javik: Hi\u00f0 \u00edslenzka fornritaf\u00e9lag, 1934. 1976, pp. 577\u201388. Clover, Carol J. \u201cSkaldic Sensibility.\u201d Arkiv f\u00f6r nordisk filologi Einar \u00d3l. Sveinsson, ed. Brennu-Nj\u00e1ls saga. \u00cdslenzk fornrit, 12. 93 (1978), 63\u201381. Reykjavik: Hi\u00f0 \u00edslenzka fomritaf\u00e9lag, 1954. Clunies Ross, Margaret. \u201cStyle and Authorial Presence in Skaldic Mythological Poetry.\u201d Saga-Book of the Viking Society 20 Jakob Benediktsson, ed. \u00cdslendingab\u00f3k. Landn\u00e1mab\u00f3k. \u00cdslenzk (1981), 276\u2013304. fornrit, 1. Reykjavik: Hi\u00f0 \u00edslenzka fornritaf\u00e9lag, 1968. Kuhn, Hans. Das Dr\u00f3ttkv\u00e6tt. Heidelberg: Winter, 1983 [esp. pp. 295\u20136]. Turville-Petre, E. O. G. Scaldic Poetry. Oxford: Clarendon, 1976, Meulengracht S\u00f8rensen, Preben. \u201cThor\u2019s Fishing Expedition.\u201d In pp. 67\u201370 [Baldr\u2019s funeral strophes from H\u00fasdr\u00e1pa]. Words and Objects: Towards a Dialogue Between Archaeology and History of Religion. Ed. Gro Steinsland. Institute for Com- Frank, Roberta. Old Norse Court Poetry: The Dr\u00f3ttkv\u00e6tt Stanza. parative Research in Human Culture, Oslo. Ser. B: Skrifter, 71. Islandica, 42. Ithaca and London: Cornell University Press, Oslo: Norwegian University Press, 1986, pp. 257\u201378. 1978 [texts and discussion of H\u00fasdr\u00e1pa pp. 104\u20135, 110\u20132, 170]. Margaret Clunies Ross Translations ULRICH VON ETZENBACH Gudbrand Vigfusson and F.York Powell, eds. and trans. \u201cChristne (fl. 2d half of the 13th c.) saga.\u201d In Origines Islandicae: A Collection of the More Impor- tant Sagas and Other Native Writings Relating to the Settle- A German author who contributed to the emerging ment and Early History of Iceland. 2 vols. Oxford: Clarendon, German culture at the Bohemian court in Prague of the 1905 rpt. Millwood: Kraus, 1976, vol. 1, pp. 370\u2013406. House of the Pr\u02c7emysl. He began writing his Alexander romance around 1270 under the patronage of King Hollander, Lee M. The Skalds: A Selection of Their Poems, with Ottokar, and completed it in 1286 under King Wenzel Introductions and Notes. New York: American-Scandinavian II, Ottokar\u2019s son. The legendary romance Wilhelm von Foundation, 1945; 2nd ed. Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Wenden was written around 1290, whereas the date of Press, 1968, pp. 49\u201354. Ulrich\u2019s Herzog Ernst version D (attribution uncertain) cannot be confirmed. Magn\u00fas Magn\u00fasson and Hermann P\u00e1lsson, trans. Njal\u2019s saga. Harmondsworth: Penguin, 1960 [esp. pp. 144 and 220\u20131]. We do not know much about Ulrich apart from what Magn\u00fas Magn\u00fasson and Hermann P\u00e1lsson, trans. Laxd\u00e6la saga. Harmondsworth: Penguin, 1960 [esp. pp. 111\u20133]. Faulkes, Anthony, trans. Snorri Sturluson. Edda. Everyman Classics. London and Melbourne: Dent, 1987 [lines from H\u00fasdr\u00e1pa, pp. 67\u20138, 71, 74\u20137, 116, 121, 132\u20133, 135]. 638","he mentions about himself in his works. He was born ULRICH VON LIECHTENSTEIN in Northern Bohemia (Alexander, vv. 27627f.) and acquired a solid education, though he probably did not ian duke has to leave Germany because of political and become a cleric. His knowledge of Latin was very good, military conflicts with his father-in-law, the irrational and so his familiarity with \u201cclassical\u201d Middle High Ger- and impetuous emperor, and explores the world of the man literature, to which he refers often. Orient. Both this text and the Alexander were later translated into Czech. The Alexander, which has been preserved in six manuscripts and several fragments, deals with the See also Walter of Ch\u00e2tillon famous history of the Macedonian ruler Alexander the Great and follows his conquest of the Persian Empire Further Reading and all the lands extending to the river Indus. The text is based primarily on the Latin epic poem Alexandreis Behr, Hans-Joachim. Literatur als Machtlegitimation. Munich: (thirteenth century), composed in hexametric verse by Fink, 1989. Walther of Ch\u00e2tillon, but then also on the Nativitas et victoriae Alexandri Magni regis (Birth and Victories of Classen, Albrecht: \u201cUlrichs von Etzenbach Wilhelm von Wen- Alexander the Great King, ca. 950\u2013970) by the Arch- den\u2014ein Frauenroman?\u201d Literaturwissenschaftliches Jahr- priest Leo (which again was based on the tenth-century buch 30 (1989): 27\u201343. Historia preliis). Kohlmayer, Rainer: Ulrichs von Etzenbach \u201cWilhelm von Wen- For both Walther and Ulrich, Alexander\u2019s victories den.\u201d Meisenheim: Hain, 1974. laid the foundation for the third of four secular empires that would, according to biblical traditions, come and Rosenfeld, Hans-Friedrich, ed. Ulrich von Etzenbach. \u201cWilhelm go before Christ\u2019s return and the Day of Judgment. For von Wenden.\u201d Berlin: Akademie-Verlag, 1957. religious reasons Alexander\u2019s activities are cleansed from any negative elements as in the older tradition; \u2014\u2014, ed. Herzog Ernst D. T\u00fcbingen: Niemeyer, 1991. even murderous slaughter and killing of enemy troops Toischer, Wendelin, ed. Ulrich von Etzenbach: \u201cAlexander. \u201c are exculpated. Moreover, the important aspects of Alexander\u2019s curiosity leading to his exploration of the Prague: Verein f\u00fcr Geschichte der Deutschen in B\u00f6hmen, world (dive into the sea in a glass bubble; flight in the 1888. air with the help of griffins) are eliminated as well, because he is seen as God\u2019s instrument and made to an Albrecht Classen ideal ruler in the tradition of the F\u00fcrstenspiegel (didactic texts for princes). In many respects, Alexander is mod- ULRICH VON LIECHTENSTEIN eled after Ottokar II, whom Ulrich wanted to idealize (ca. 1200\u20131275) through his work. Ulrich von Liechtenstein\u2019s action-filled life as a political In Wilhelm von Wenden, preserved only in one manu- ministeriale in Austria in the middle two fourths of the script, now in Dessau, King Wenzel II and his wife, Guta twelfth century is well documented in contemporary of Habsburg, are immortalized in the figure of Prince records. As a literary parallel to his life, Ulrich created Wilhelm of Parrit and his wife, Bene (the Good One). with his Frauendienst (Service of Ladies), compiled Wilhelm secretly departs from his dukedom to make a around 1255, though doubtless utilizing songs com- pilgrimage to Jerusalem and to convert to a Christian. posed earlier, a fictional verse romance in which his Bene accompanies him but is left behind in a foreign persona, the minnesinger Ulrich, woos a recalcitrant country after she delivers twins, whom Wilhelm sells to lady with songs, adventures, including a cross-country Christian merchants to be free of this burden on his pil- tournament for which he dresses himself as Venus, and grimage. Because of Bene\u2019s virtuous lifestyle she is later misadventures. In one of these he disables a finger while elected (!) the ruler of that country, and when by chance fighting to gain his lady\u2019s approval. When he learns that the family eventually reunites again after many years, she doubts he was really injured, he chops the finger off they all convert to Christianity and thus missionize the and sends it to her in a jeweled casket, accompanied by entire country. Both the role of the strong woman and a verse booklet proclaiming his love. His misadventures, the tolerant attitude toward non-Christian religions are which often echo literary motifs, are recounted with remarkable. Ulrich used as his model either Guillaume rollicking humor. His attempted tryst with the lady in d\u2019Angleterre by Chr\u00e9tien de Troyes, or the Eustachius her chambers, in the course of which he is hoisted up legend in the Legenda aurea (Golden Legendary). to and let down (literally: let fall) from her window in a basket and is so distraught at being rejected that he tries Herzog Ernst D finally, extant in one manuscript to drown himself, forms a high point of his hapless ser- (Gotha, called \u201cd\u201d), follows the tradition of goliardic vice. Angered by her consistent rejection of him, he turns narratives (Spielmannsepen) in which the young Bavar- to the service of a new lady, undertaking yet another marathon tournament, this time as King Arthur. In the midst of all his feverish service of a lady, he explicitly takes some time off to enjoy the company of his wife. Whereas songs more or less punctuate the narrative in the first half of the work (though their motifs often seem to have inspired its plot), they dominate the second half. 639","ULRICH VON LIECHTENSTEIN latter composed his continuatio (continuation) roughly between 1230 and 1235, adding a total of 3,730 verses. Here, the framework often becomes little more than a Uirich\u2019s conclusion of the Tristan was commissioned by poetological commentary on the songs, though as in the imperial cup-bearer (Reichsschenk), the Augsburg many razos, or reasons (i.e., prose commentaries), of the nobleman Konrad von Winterstetten (d. 1243). Some- troubadours\u2014a possible inspiration for this part of the time after that Ulrich wrote the continuation of Wolfram work\u2014the commentary consists largely of paraphrase, von Eschenbach\u2019s Willehalm, the so-called Rennewart, and praise of the songs\u2019 excellence. Ulrich\u2019s fifty-seven comprising more than 36,000 verses, completed before songs and one Leich (poem), though accomplished, 1250. Among his earliest literary enterprises, however, pale somewhat against the originality of their frame. we find Ulrich\u2019s short narrative Cl\u00eeges, which is extant His models were Walther von der Vogelweide (whom only in a fragment from circa 1230 and based on Chr\u00e9- he quotes without attribution), Wolfram von Eschen- tien de Troyes\u2019s Clig\u00e8s. bach (whose dawn songs he parodies), and Gottfried von Stra\u00dfburg. He also doubtless learned from singers An Ulrich von T\u00fcrheim appears in the documents such as Gottfried von Neifen (whose use of the motif of the bishop and the cathedral chapter of Augsburg of the lady\u2019s rose-red mouth he exaggerates to comic between 1236 and 1244. We assume that he was identi- effect) and probably influenced others in turn, such as cal with our poet. Steinmar. A set of strophes he shares with Heinrich von Veldeke and Niune (Kraus, no. 58 XII) probably bears For his Tristan continuation, Ulrich relied heavily the former\u2019s name through scribal misascription and was on the Tristan version by Eilhart von Oberg, Tristrant. adapted into two shorter songs by the latter. Here, Tristan marries Isolde Whitehand, without sleep- ing with his newlywed. Her brother Kaedin learns about In addition to the Frauendienst, he wrote the Frauen- this scandalous situation and challenges Tristan, who buch, a didactic treatise in debate form in which a lady then tells him of Isolde the Fair. Together they travel to and a knight discuss who is responsible for the sad England and meet Isolde secretly. Tristan spends one state of the world. In the end the lady is declared free night with her alone, whereas Kaedin is duped by a of blame. Though it lacks the innovative sparkle (and chambermaid. Later Tristan is falsely accused of having the occasional narrative tedium) of the former work, its failed in his service for the queen, and the latter orders earnestness and apparent sincerity remind us that despite him to be beaten and chased away when he shows up the ubiquity of humor and playfulness in Ulrich\u2019s larger at court in the guise of a leper. The lovers overcome the work, he seems to have taken the exhortations to be conflict and misunderstanding, however, and Tristan constant, loyal, pure, and kind (good)that permeate both can spend some time at court hidden behind his mask, works to heart. Despite all the weaknesses and absurdi- until he is discovered and then returns to Arundel with ties that he clearly recognizes in contemporary life and Kaedin. Now Tristan fully accepts his wife and sleeps (especially) letters, he valorizes courtly ideals and seeks with her. When he later helps Kaedin in a secret love to promote h\u00f4her muot (courtly good cheer). affair, Kaedin is killed and Tristan badly wounded. He requests help from Isolde the Fair, and asks that in case See also Heinrich von Veldeke; of her arrival the ship should set a white sail. When Walther von der Vogelweide Isolde the Fair approaches the coast, jealous Isolde Whitehand deceives her husband and tells him that the Further Reading sail is black. Despairing, Tristan dies, and when his true love has finally arrived at the bed, she drops dead Bechstein, Reinhold, ed. Ulrich\u2019s von Lichtenstein Frauendienst. next to him. King Marke has both buried together; a 2 vols. Leipzig: Brockhaus, 1888. rosebush and a grapevine planted on their grave later intertwine, symbolizing the everlasting love of Tristan Kraus, Carl von, ed. Deutsche Liederdichter des 13. Jahrhun- and Isolde the Fair. derts. 2 vols.; 2d ed. Gisela Kornrumpf. T\u00fcbingen: Niemeyer, 1978. Ulrich\u2019s Rennewart focuses on the history of the eponymous hero, who is, after the victory over the Lachmann, Karl, ed. Ulrich von Lichtenstein. Berlin: Sander, Saracens (described by Wolfram von Eschenbach in 1841; rpt. Hildesheim: Olms, 1974. his Willehalm), baptized and married to King Loys\u2019 daughter Alise. Rennewart assumes the kingdom of Thomas, J. W., trans. Ulrich von Liechtenstein\u2019s Service of Ladies. Portebaliart and continues with his battles against the Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1969. heathens. Alise dies at the birth of her child Malefer, who is soon after kidnapped by merchants and brought Hubert Heinen to Terramer, who wants to raise him as an opponent to Christianity, though to no avail. Rennewart, deeply ULRICH VON T\u00dcRHEIM grieved, joins a monastery where he lives for twenty (fl. ca. 1230\u20131245) After Gottfried von Stra\u00dfburg had left his Tristan as a torso around 1210, two authors picked up the fragment and provided their own conclusions\u2014Heinrich von Freiberg (ca. 1280\u20131290) and Ulrich von T\u00fcrheim. The 640","more years. Two times he enters the battlefield again, URBAN II, POPE however, and there he meets his son and entrusts him with the rulership of Portebaliart. Malefer later conquers by 1160, he abandoned his career among the secular the Oriental empire of his grandfather Terramer and mar- clergy and entered the monastery of Cluny. There, too, ries the queen of the Amazons, Penteselie, who delivers he advanced rapidly. By c. 1070 he was prior of Cluny; a child with the name Johann who will continue with the then Pope Gregory VII recruited him into the papal religious struggle against the heathens. When Terramer\u2019s service in 1079\u20131080 and soon named him cardinal- son Matribuleiz attacks France anew, Willehalm returns bishop of Ostia. from his hermitage, a move that immediately convinces the Saracens, reminded of their previous defeat, to return Odo served Gregory diligently, at times at consider- home. Willehalm erects a monastery near Muntbasiliere able peril to himself, notably when he was a papal leg- where he will eventually meet his death. ate in Germany during some of the darkest days of the pope\u2019s struggle against King Henry IV. When Gregory This continuatio was, along with Wolfram\u2019s epic, died at Salerno on 25 May 1085, Odo seemed a likely highly popular and is extant in thirteen manuscripts successor, but the choice fell instead on Abbot Desid- and twenty-nine fragments. Ulrich relied in part on erius of Monte Cassino, who reigned briefly as Pope the French tradition of the chansons de gestes (heroic Victor III. Shortly before his death (in 1087), Victor songs), which are focused on Guillaume d\u2019Orange. The recommended that Odo be elected to succeed him. On Augsburg citizen Otto der Bogner supplied Ulrich, as 12 March 1088, the cardinals who had assembled at he indicates in his Rennewart, with the manuscripts of Terracina complied with Victor\u2019s suggestion, and Odo the French texts (vv. 10270\u201310282). Ulrich probably was crowned as Pope Urban II the same day. composed his works for the royal court of the Hohen- staufen family. The papacy was at this point in dire straits. Since Rome and the patrimony of Saint Peter were in the hands See also Eilhart von Oberg; Gottfried von Stra\u00dfburg; of Henry IV\u2019s supporters, papal revenues were greatly Wolfram von Eschenbach reduced, an antipope (Clement III) had the backing of the emperor, and the church reform movement seemed Further Reading to be faltering. The great achievement of Urban\u2019s pon- tificate was to redress and, in large measure, to reverse Grubm\u00fcller, Klaus. \u201cProbleme einer Fortsetzung.\u201d Zeitschrift f\u00fcr this situation. deutsches Altertum 114 (1985): 338\u2013348. Urban was in many ways far more successful in McDonald, William C. The Tristan Story in German Literature implementing the papal reform program than Gregory of the Late Middle Ages and Early Renaissance. Lewiston, VII had ever been. He achieved this in part by an un- Maine: Edwin Mellen Press, 1990. remitting round of meetings with bishops, the clergy, and powerful laymen, in which he preached, argued, Spiewok, Wolfgang, ed. Das Tristan-Epos Gottfrieds von Stra\u00df- bargained, and cajoled to induce his hearers to accept burg. Mit der Fortsetzung des Ulrich von T\u00fcrheim. Berlin: the main planks of the reformers\u2019 platform\u2014to refrain Akademie-Verlag, 1989. from simoniacal appointments to church offices, to re- store church property to clerical control, and to commit Ulrich von T\u00fcrheim. Rennewart, ed. A. H\u00fcbner. Berlin: Weid- the clergy at every level to celibacy. At the same time, mann, 1938; 2d ed., 1964. Urban sought, with considerable success, to reduce the political tension resulting from the confrontations that \u2014\u2014. Tristan, ed. Th. Kerth. T\u00fcbingen: Niemeyer, 1979. had marked the pontificate of Gregory VII. In place of Westphal-Schmidt, Christa. Studien zum Rennewart Ulrichs von confrontation, Urban offered negotiation; instead of demands, he advanced proposals; and he preferred to T\u00fcrheim. Frankfurt am Main: Haage und Herchen, 1979. outmaneuver his opponents rather than challenge them directly. Albrecht Classen Urban saw clearly that his reform program could URBAN II, POPE succeed in the long run only if it was securely anchored (c. 1035\u20131099, r. 1088\u20131099) in the church\u2019s legal structure. Accordingly, he devoted a great deal of time and effort to persuading church Pope Urban II (Odo of Lagery, Eudes de Ch\u00e2tillon) councils to adopt the principal tenets of his program as was a church reformer and founder of the crusading church law. He also lavished time and attention on his movement. Urban was a native of France and was de- role as supreme judge in the ecclesiastical court system, scended from a noble family of Ch\u00e2tillon\u2013sur\u2013Marne, and his decisions became an integral part of the canoni- near Soissons; Odo was his baptismal name. During his cal jurisprudence of later generations. early school days at Reims, he came under the influence of Saint Bruno, the founder of the Carthusian order, Urban is best-known, however, as the pope who pro- who remained a potent influence in shaping his goals claimed the First Crusade. At the council of Clermont on and values even after he had become pope. Odo\u2019s early 27 November 1095, Urban called on the knights, nobles, career followed a pattern common among young clerics of noble lineage. After becoming archdeacon of Reims 641","URBAN II, POPE Council of Clermont. Arrival of Pope Urban II in France. Miniature from the Roman de Godefroi de Bouillon. 1337. Ms. fr. 22495, fol. 15. \u00a9 Bridgeman-Giraudon\/Art Resource, New York. and bishops of Christendom to join in an expedition to victory had not yet reached Rome when Urban died on push back Turkish armies that had occupied Asia Minor 19 July 1099. and to help the Byzantine emperor restore Christian control over the Levant. He further promised that partici- See also Gregory VII, Pope; Henry IV, Emperor pants in this expedition would receive spiritual rewards, as well as a share in the conquests that they achieved. Further Reading The council adopted his proposals, which quickly aroused a broad and enthusiastic response\u2014probably Editions broader and more enthusiastic, indeed, than Urban had anticipated. The pope devoted a great deal of time and The Councils of Urban II, Part 1, Decreta Claromontensia, ed. effort over the following months to spelling out the Robert Somervilie. Amsterdam: Hakkert, 1972. implications of his proposal and refining arrangements for its organization and implementation. Jaff\u00e9, Philipp. Regesta pontificum Romanorum, 2nd ed., 2 vols. Leipzig, 1885\u20131888, Vol. 1, pp. 657\u2013701. (Reprint, Graz: Aka- By the fall of 1096, crusaders from France, Germany, and England were on the way to their rendezvous at Con- demische Druck- U. Verlagsanstalt, 1956. Includes some of stantinople. In Italy, Urban\u2019s proposal aroused interest Urban\u2019s letters.) at first mainly among the restless Norman conquerors Patrologia Latina, 151, cols. 283\u2013558. (Texts of most of Urban\u2019s of the south, who saw it as an opportunity to secure a surviving letters.) foothold in Byzantine territories; and the merchants of a few maritime cities in the north, especially Genoa Critical Studies and Pisa, who perceived that the venture, if successful, might open up profitable commercial opportunities in Becker, Alfons. Papst Urban II (1088\u20131099), 2 vols. Schriften the Middle East. der Monumenta Germanise Historica, 19. Stuttgart: A. Hierse- mann, 1964\u20131988. Furhmann, Horst. Papst Urban II. und der After the initial bands of crusaders had departed, Standder Regularkanoniker. Munich: Beck, 1984. Urban once more directed his attention to the implemen- tation of church reform and endeavored to resolve the Gossman, Francis J. Pope Urban II and Canon Law. Washington, issues that had put the papacy at odds with the principal D.C.: Catholic University of America Press, 1960. monarchs north of the Alps. Although he achieved some successes, his program was still incomplete when he fell Kuttner, Stephan, \u201cBrief Notes: Urban II and Gratian.\u201d Traditio, ill in the summer of 1099. At the beginning of July, the 24, 1968, pp. 504\u2013505. crusading armies that he had dispatched to the east had taken the city of Jerusalem. News of this momentous \u2014\u2014. \u201cUrban II and the Doctrine of Interpretation: A Turning Point?\u201d Studia Gratiana, 15, 1972, pp. 53\u201386. Somerville, Robert. \u201cThe Council of Clermont and the First Crusade.\u201d Studia Gratiana, 20, 1976, pp. 323\u2013337. \u2014\u2014. \u201cMercy and Justice in the Early Months of Urban II\u2019s Pontificate.\u201d In Chiesa diritto e ordinamento della \u201cSocietas Christiana\u201d net secoli XI e XII: Atti della nona Settimana internazionale di studio, Mendola, 28 agosto\u20132 settembre 1983. Milan: Vita e Pensiero, 1986, pp. 138\u2013158. James A. Brundage 642","V VALERA, DIEGO DE of Plasencia, Pedro de Est\u00fa\u00f1iga, for several years. By his own detailed account in his final chapter of the (1412\u2013c. 1488) Cr\u00f3nica abreviada, Valera played an important role in the downfall of \u00c1lvaro de Luna, who was beheaded in According to Valera himself, he was born in 1412 and Valladolid in 1453. lived to a ripe old age, probably dying late in 1488. His father, Alonso Chirino de Guadalajara, was the chief Apart from short periods of judicial office in Palen- royal physician to Juan II of Castile and author of at cia and Segovia as well as some service in the noble least two medical treatises, one of which was printed in house of Medinaceli, Valera spent most of his later life Seville in 1506. In 1427 Valera joined the royal court at in Puerto de Santa Mar\u00eda, from where he continued to the age of fifteen and served as one of the donceles of write letters of political and military advice, in particular Juan II, and then Prince Enrique (the future Enrique IV). to Fernando the Catholic. He was present at the Christian victory of La Higueruela just outside the Nas.rid capital of Granada in 1431, and Valera was a prolific author whose main interests was made a knight at the conquest of Huelma. were devoted to chronicles and short treatises of a chiv- alrous, political, or moral nature. Carriazo established a In 1437 Valera began a series of travels and adven- chronological list of his works as follows: Arbol de las tures throughout western Europe, being included by Batallas, a translation of the famous French treatise on Fernando del Pulgar in his Claros varones de Castilla the laws of arms by Honor\u00e9 Bonet, done for \u00c1lvaro de among a select list of famous knights errant \u201cque con Luna (prior to 1441); Espejo de Verdadero Nobleza, a \u00e1nimo de cavalleros fueron por los reinos estra\u00f1os a treatise on the origins and nature of nobility, dedicated to fazer armas con qualquier cavallero que quisiese fazerlas Juan II (ca. 1441); Defensa de virtuosos mugeres, dedi- con ellos, e por ellas ganaron honrra para s\u00ed e fama de cated to Queen Mar\u00eda of Castile (prior to 1443); Exhor- valientes e esfor\u00e7ados cavalleros para los fijosdalgos tati\u00f3n a la paz, addressed to Juan II (ca. 1448): Tratado de Castilla.\u201d He was present at sieges, which Charles de las armas, for Afonso V of Portugal (ca. 1458\u20131467); VII of France directed against the English, traveled to Providencia contra Fortuna, dedicated to the marquis Prague, helped Albert V in his campaigns against the of Villena (ca. 1465); Ceremonial de Pr\u00edncipes, also Hussites, and was rewarded by being made a member dedicated to the marquis of Villena (ca. 1462\u20131467); of several chivalrous orders. Returning to Castile, it was Breviloquio de virtudes, for Rodrigo Pimentel, count of not long before Valera was on his travels again with the Benavente; Origen de Roma y Troya, for Juan Hurtado king\u2019s backing and accompanied by a royal herald, this de Mendoza; Origen de la casa de Guzm\u00e1n; Doctrinal time visiting Denmark, England, and Burgundy, taking de pr\u00edncipes, dedicated to Fernando the Catholic (ca. part in a famous tournament near Dijon, and returning 1475\u20131476), perhaps one of Valera\u2019s more original subsequently on yet another mission to the court of works; Preheminencias y cargos de los oficiales de ar- Charles VII of France. mas, for Fernando the Catholic; Geneolog\u00eda de los Reyes de Francia, dedicated to Juan Terrin; Cr\u00f3nica abreviada Valera took part on the royal side at the battle of Ol- de Espana (1479\u20131481); Memorial de diversas hazanas; medo in 1445, but he was soon to fall out of favor due and Cr\u00f3nica de los Reyes Cat\u00f3licos. to his habit of preferring unsolicited advice in letters addressed to Juan II and then, subsequently, to Enrique In addition Carriazo listed another two works, a lost IV. As a result he passed into the service of the count 643","VALERA, DIEGO DE See also Campin, Robert; Van Eyck, Jan work on the Est\u00fa\u00f1iga family, and another of dubious Further Reading attribution, also lost, on Ilustres varones de Espa\u00f1a. In between all these works, the extraordinarily productive Davies, Martin. Rogier van der Weyden. London: Phaidon, Valera also managed to write a considerable number of 1972. short poems of a moralistic or courtly love nature. Panofsky, Erwin. Early Netherlandish Painting. New York: Further Reading Harper and Row, 1971. Pulgar, F. del. Claros varones de Castilla. Ed. R. B. Tate. Ox- Snyder, James. Northern Renaissance Art. New York: Abrams, ford, 1971. 1985. Valera, M. D. de. Cr\u00f3nica de los Reyes Cat\u00f3licos. Ed. J. de Mata Michelle I. Lapine Carriazo. Madrid, 1927. VAN EYCK, JAN (ca. 1380\u20131441) \u2014\u2014. Memorial de diversas haza\u00f1as. Ed. J. de Mata Carriazo. Madrid, 1941. This edition includes the Cr\u00f3nica abbreviada As one of the most famous painters of his day, van as well. Eyck had the special privilege of being a valet to Philip the Good, duke of Burgundy. His role as court painter Angus MacKay extended into the realm of diplomacy, as van Eyck was one of Philip\u2019s emissaries to Spain between 1424 VAN DER WEYDEN, ROGIER and 1430. Van Eyck began his career in the Burgun- (1399\/1400\u20131464) dian court after the death of his former patron, John of Bavaria. Although he served Philip directly, his Flemish painter, a student of Robert Campin, known production of panel painting for him went unrecorded. in his day as second only to Jan van Eyck, Rogier van However, accounts of patronage do exist for members of der Weyden was born in Tournai in French-speaking Philip\u2019s circle. Van Eyck\u2019s reputation as a great master Hainaut, but the economic life of the area depended emerged from his superrealistic and sensual treatment heavily on Flanders rather than France. In the 1430s, of the panel, his rich and precise handling of clothing rather than seek employment at the Burgundian court, and jewels. Van Eyck fully exploited oil paint as his he moved to Brussels as the head of a large workshop. medium, evidenced by his exquisite details and nearly As a guild member, he catered heavily to Germanic invisible brushwork. As was practiced by the majority circles of patronage, which did not, however, prevent of northern painters, van Eyck infused the objects in his his appreciation of the achievements of the court painter world with secondary, allegorical, and christological van Eyck. The influence of his predecessor can be de- meanings. The most obvious expression of his disguised tected in early works such as the Annunciation of ca. symbolism can be found in his treatment of the Virgin 1435, now in the Louvre, from his attention to detail in and Child, a subject van Eyck repeatedly explored. His the patterning of the floor and fabrics to the symbolic Madonna in the Church (ca. 1437\u201338), now hanging objects filling the panel with meaning. Simultaneously, in the Gemaldegalerie-Staatliche Museen in Berlin, van der Weyden began to move beyond van Eyck\u2019s represents a beautifully executed example of his style stylistic accomplishments to create a style of his own, and iconographic approach: the large size of the Virgin as exemplified by his Lamentation (ca. 1435\u201338) in the in comparison with her surroundings emphasizes her Prado. In a shallow, undefined space, van der Weyden status. The Ghent Altarpiece (1432), which has sparked focuses the viewer\u2019s attention upon the monumental many a debate concerning attribution and assemblage, figures actively demonstrating their grief. He rejects was done in collaboration with his brother Hubert and the disguised symbolism so favored by van Eyck in represents the only painting known by van Eyck prior order to explore more fully the emotive capabilities of to 1433. composition. Van der Weyden, although not employed directly by the Burgundian court, did produce some Van Eyck produced his most renowned work for the works for its most prominent members. An example is members of the Burgundian court or people closely his Altarpiece of the Seven Sacraments (ca. 1453\u201355) linked to it, particularly the two-thirds of his paintings in the Mus\u00e9e Royal des Beaux-Arts of Antwerp, ex- that contain portraits. The Arnolfini Wedding Portrait, ecuted for Jean Chevrot, bishop of Tournai, in which which rivals the altarpiece in reputation, was painted for he expanded the Gothic cathedral interior as depicted Giovanni Arnolfini in 1434. Arnolfini settled in Flanders in van Eyck\u2019s earlier Madonna in the Church. He and with his half-French wife after Philip the Good ap- van Eyck shared a client in the person of Nicolas Rolin, pointed him to a position at court. Baudouin de Lannoy, chancellor of Flanders. Van der Weyden also painted a lord of Molembaix, commissioned a work in honor of his nativity altarpiece (1452\u201355), now in Berlin, for Pieter membership in the order of the Golden Fleece, founded Bladelin, who was the chief tax collector in Flanders by Philip in 1430. The inclusion of the order\u2019s collar in for Philip the Good. 644","his portrait of 1435 advertises his newly acquired status. VENEZIANO, PAOLO Van Eyck served Philip and the court of Burgundy for a sixteen-year stint that ended with his death in 1441. and at least one other artist. This body of work may be It was during his tenure as artist of the court that van divided into two groups. One group falls within Paolo\u2019s Eyck developed the detailed, naturalistic style that had documented career and is widely accepted, although such a great impact on all who followed him. with differences of opinion concerning chronology and autograph share; the other group is placed before See also Van der Weyden, Rogier that and is controversial. Important works among the former group are as follows: the votive tomb lunette of Further Reading Doge Francesco Dandolo in Santa Maria dei Frari in Venice, painted around the time of the doge\u2019s death in Dhanens, Elisabeth. Hubert and Jan van Eyck. New York: Al- October 1339; the Enthroned Madonna and Child with pine, 1970. angels and donors in the Accademia in Venice, probably c. 1340; the polyptych from Santa Chiara in the same Henbison, Craig. Jan van Eyck: The Play of Realism. London: museum, depicting the Coronation of the Virgin and Reaktion, 1991. scenes from the lives of Christ, Saint Francis, and Saint Clare, probably from the early 1340s; a dismembered Panofsky, Erwin. Early Netherlandish Painting. New York: polyptych in San Giacomo Maggiore, Bologna, possi- Harper and Row, 1971. bly c. May 1344, when the church was consecrated; a crucifix in the church of Saint Dominic at Dubrovnik, Snyder, James. Northern Renaissance Art. New York: Abrams, probably the one mentioned in a document of March 1985. 1348; dated polyptychs of 1349 at Chioggia, 1354 in the Louvre, and April 1355 formerly at Piran in Istria; and Michelle I. Lapine another late polyptych, dismembered, at San Severino in the Marches. VENEZIANO, PAOLO (died c. 1362) The other group of works, which is a subject of The earliest undisputed date for Paolo Veneziano is debate, should be attributed to Paolo\u2019s early period. 1333, when he signed and dated a triptych, the Dormi- It includes the panel masking the sarcophagus of the tion of the Virgin, formerly at San Lorenzo in Vicenza Blessed Leo Bembo, dated 1321, once in San Sebas- and now in the civic museum there. An art collector tiano, Venice, and now at Vodnjan in Istria; the dated in Venice mentions him in a memorandum of 1335. Coronation of the Virgin of 1324 in the National Gal- His Madonna and Child Enthroned in the Crespi col- lery in Washington; five panels from the early life of lection in Milan is signed and dated August 1340. A the Virgin and her parents at Pesaro; an altarpiece with signed deposition by Paolo of March 1341 is in the half-length Madonna and child and four scenes from Venetian archives, where there was once a document their lives in San Pantalon, Venice; sixteen panels from of September 1342 commissioning a throne for use in the legend of Saint Ursula in the Volterra collection in a state festival from a painter named Paolo. This Paolo, Florence; and a polyptych with an image and narrative who appears to be the same artist, enjoyed official sta- of Saint Lucy, originally in her church at Jurandor and tus at the time. In April 1345, Paolo and his sons Luca today in the bishop\u2019s chancellery at Krk in Dalmatia. and Giovanni signed and dated a panel used to protect The undated works were apparently done during the the enamel and gold Pala d\u2019Oro on the high altar of 1320s, in the order listed. The painted donor figures in the basilica of San Marco. The cover, which is still in a wood relief of 1310 at Murano have also been ascribed place, depicts episodes from the legend of Saint Mark, to Paolo, but they seem too early to have been painted with half-figure saints and the Man of Sorrows above. by him and may show the hand of his master. It also A Venetian archival document of January 1346 records has been suggested that Paolo and his workshop illu- payment to Paolo fot an altarpiece for the chapel of Saint minated manuscripts and designed or executed mosaics Nicholas in the ducal palace; two scenes from the life and embroideries. of Nicholas in the Soprintendenza at Florence may have once belonged to it. An Enthroned Madonna and Child Although a long Venetian mosaic tradition survived at Carpineta in the Romagna bears Paolo\u2019s signature and into the fourteenth century, relatively little work on the date 1347. A document of April 1352 in the archives panel or in the other pictorial media was produced in the at Dubrovnik relates to an altarpiece by him which is period immediately before Paolo. The traditional view now lost. In 1358, Paolo and his son Giovanni signed is that Paolo was the founder and first great master of and dated the Coronation of the Virgin now in the Frick Venetian Trecento painting, and this view would have to Collection. Paolo died sometime between then and be upheld unless the works assigned to him before his September 1362, when a Venetian archival document documented activity are rejected. Some of these works, mentions him as deceased. particularly the panels at Pesaro, show the direct influ- ence of Giotto\u2019s frescoes in nearby Padua; others, such A large body of undocumented work is attributed to Paolo and his workshop, which is known to have included his sons Luca, Giovanni, and probably Marco, 645","VENEZIANO, PAOLO and then Alfonso III. It was in this same period that his translation of Galen\u2019s De rigore from Arabic into Latin as the Coronation of the Virgin in Washington, show was finished (Barcelona, 1282); Arnau had presumably the intrusion of Gothic style and iconography into the learned Arabic growing up in Arag\u00f3n or Valencia. His local Byzantine tradition. These same ingredients\u2014the other medical translations\u2014of Avicenna\u2019s De viribus Byzantine, the Gothic, and the Giottesque\u2014are the fun- cordis and of Abulcasis\u2019s De medicinis simplici- damental elements in Paolo\u2019s later works, in which the bus\u2014though undated, may also have been completed Gothic becomes more pronounced. The Byzantine and in these years. Gothic are so harmoniously blended as to suggest their ultimate common source in the distant classical past; During the 1290s Arnau was apparently back at the same might be said of the Giottesque. The influence Montpellier, this time as a regent master, though oc- of the Saint Cecilia Master and the school of Rimini casionally he can also be found advising the new king, may also be detected. The published literature assumes Jaime II, on his family\u2019s health. This was a period of that, despite the obvious similarities, Paolo attained his great intellectual fruitfulness. Arnau composed a number style independendy of direct Sienese influence. Such of scientific works in these years, in which he developed examples as his Accademia Madonna, which is close aspects of medical theory. Simultaneously, his personal to Duccio\u2019s in the Pinacoteca at Siena; and his figures theological views were maturing along Joachimite lines; of Saint Catherine in the Sanseverino polyptych and in like the spiritual Franciscans with whom he was also a panel at Chicago, which resemble Simone Martini\u2019s beginning to establish close ties, he viewed the contem- fresco of that saint at Assisi, suggest otherwise. The bold porary church, its institutions and orders, as corrupt, and patterns and glowing colors give Paolo\u2019s paintings an he took that corruption to manifest the coming end of a opulence unequaled even by the Sienese. historical age. When Jaime II sent him to Paris and to King Philip le Bel in 1300 to negotiate the status of the Paolo Veneziano had a profound influence on Vene- disputed Vail d\u2019Aran, Arnau took the opportunity to de- tian pictorial art, particularly panel painting, until the fend these views as set out in his De adventu antichristi end of the fourteenth century. The style that he instituted before the theologians of the Sorbonne: as a result, he was continued by Lorenzo Veneziano (whose dated was imprisoned as a heretic and released only at the works range from 1357 to 1372) and others into the fif- intervention of the French monarch. teenth century and the international Gothic style. Paolo had relatively little influence on the mainland, which, Seeking vindication, Arnau went now to Pope Boni- with the exception of Istria and Dalmatia, responded to face VIII, treating the pope successfully for the ailment more progressive artistic stimuli. of a stone and winning his agreement that Arnau\u2019s views, while rash, were not heterodox. With this assurance, Further Reading Arnau renewed his attack on his adversaries, the scho- lastic theologians\u2014Dominicans, in particular\u2014whom Lucco, Mauro, ed. La pittura nel Veneto: II Trecento. Milan: he accused more harshly than ever of faithlessness, of Electa, 1992. having abandoned the study of the Bible for secular sci- ences. The installation of a friend as Pope Clement V in Muraro, Michelangelo. Paolo da Venezia. University Park and 1305 gave Arnau still more support and allowed him the London: Pennsylvania State University Press, 1970. calm to return to intellectual reflection and composition, in both his fields of activity. His most careful work on Pallucchini, Rodolfo. La pittura veneziana del Trecento. Venice clinical medicinae, the Regimen sanitatis prepared for and Rome: Istituto per la Collaborazione Culturale, 1964. Jaime II, was written at this time, as was his Speculum medicinae, an ambitious attempt to draw current medical Il Trecento adriatico: Paolo Veneziano e la pittura tra oriente e theory together synthetically.Yet simultaneously (1306) occidente, ed. Francesca Flores d\u2019Arcais and Giovanni Gentili. he was composing his Expositio super antichristi, doc- Milan: Silvana, 2002. trinally the most complex of his theological writings. He looked now to Clement as the authority destined to lead Bradley J. Delaney the reform of the church and society that would enable them to confront the Antichrist, and he believed that he VILANOVA, ARNAU DE had won over Jaime II and his brother Frederigo III of Sicily (Trinacria) to his program. But in 1309 Arnau Arnau de Vilanova is a figure of unusual interest for his went too far in his claims about Jaime, who thereupon role in medieval intellectual history. Though he called broke completely with his former advisor and friend. himself \u201cCatalanus\u201d and grew up in Valencia, it seems Frederic, however, continued faithful, implementing likely that he came there with his parents from a village Arnauldian spiritual principles in his kingdom even outside Daroca (in Arag\u00f3n) during the Christian resettle- after Arnau\u2019s death in 1311. ment of the city after its reconquest in 1237\/8. We can infer his medical training at the studium of Montpellier in the 1260s, but it is only with the 1280s that we can begin to reconstruct his biography in detail. During that decade he was in Barcelona in medical attendance on the kings of Arag\u00f3n-Catalonia, first Pedro III el Gran 646","On balance, Arnau enjoyed more success as a phy- VILLANI, GIOVANNI sician than as a theologian and reformer. A council at Tarragona condemned a dozen of his theological works municipal patriotism and a cosmopolitan outlook with in 1316, and most of the several Beguine communi- a passion for statistics and detail. Despite its length, ties inspired by his ideal of a lay spirituality dwindled it was (like Dante\u2019s Comedy) a great popular success, away where they were not suppresssed outright. The circulated in many fourteenth- and fifteenth-century taint of heterodoxy may have contributed to the later manuscripts. However, although there were a number ascription to Arnau of many alchemical works, none of subsequent printings, it was given a critical edition with any verisimilitude. His genuine medical writings only quite recently (Porta 1990\u20131991). are numerous, however, and enjoyed great popularity down to the sixteenth century\u2014particularly his Regimen Giovanni Villani was born into a mercantile family of sanitatis for Jaime II and the Medicationis parabole some standing in Florence. Giovanni\u2019s father served a dedicated to Philip le Bel in 1300. Arnau\u2019s more abstract term as a prior\u2014a member of the main governing board scientific writings are often original attempts to develop of the city\u2014in 1300; and Giovanni and his three brothers some particular aspect of medical theory and to imbed were able to secure positions with two of the leading it within a broader naturophilosophical framework, Florentine banking and commercial houses. Giovanni and\u2014like his Aphorismi de gradi-bus\u2014they show himself became a successful and rich businessman, considerable breadth of knowledge and imagination. though he must have lost most of his fortune in the great Often harshly critical of his academic colleagues, he financial crash of the 1340s. He was also successful so- was particularly severe on their overdependence upon cially and politically. He married, as his second wife, a Avicenna\u2019s Canon, which had been the dominant author- woman from the aristocratic Pazzi family; and he held a ity behind the thirteenth-century schools. (To be sure, his place in the ruling Florentine oligarchy, serving in vari- own works are heavily marked by Avicennan problems ous communal offices, including three terms as prior. His and conclusions.) In 1309 he was one of three advisors business career not only gave him intimate knowledge who helped Clement V draw up a new curriculum for of the power struggles in his own city but also put him the medical faculty at Montpellier, one that made the in touch with the wider world. He was able to travel works of Galen rather than Avicenna the core of medical extensively and receive reports from all over western instruction at that school. Attempts have been made to Europe at a time when Florence was one of its richest see his theological and medical positions as unified, but and most populous cities. In this golden age, Florence in many respects he seems to have been able to keep his enjoyed\u2014as Giovanni observed in a meticulous statisti- two lives\/passions compartmentalized. cal description of its trade and resources c. 1338\u2014an income greater than that of many kingdoms. At this See also Avicenna; Clement V, Pope; Jaime II time, its banking and mercantile companies controlled and manipulated a disproportionately large concentra- Further Reading tion of capital and trade. Of these companies, the most powerful were the Bardi and the Peruzzi. As early as Arnaldi de Villanova Opera Medica Omnia. vols. 2, 3, 4, 6.1, 15, 1300, Giovanni was a shareholder with the Peruzzi firm, 16, 18, 19 published to date. Barcelona, 1975\u2013. and c. 1302 he went to Bruges in its service; he was con- nected with it for a number of years, as were several of Crisciani, C. \u201cExemplum Christi e Sapere. Sull\u2019epistemologia di his relatives. Then, probably by 1312, but certainly by Arnaldo da Villanova,\u201d Archives Internationales d\u2019Histoire 1322, he transferred his activities to a new but rapidly des Sciences 28 (1978), 245\u201392. growing firm, the Buonaccorsi, in which he and his brother Matteo became prominent\u2014in fact, Giovanni Garc\u00eda Ballester, L. \u201cArnau de Vilanova (c. 1240\u20131311) y la was its codirector by 1324. Certainly by the late 1320s reforma de los estudios medicos en Montpellier (1309),\u201d its operations were varied and widespread, including not Dynamis 2 (1982), 97\u2013158. only banking but also trading in many commodities, and extending over a vast area: southern and northern Italy, Perarnau, J. L\u2019\u201cAlia Informatio Beguinorum\u201d d\u2019Arnau de southern and northern France, Brabant, Flanders, Eng- Vilanova. Barcelona, 1978. land, and various parts of the Mediterranean. Although Giovanni mentions other places from time to time, it Sant\u00ed, F. Arnau de Vilanova: L\u2019obra espiritual. Valencia, 1987. is these regions of which he seems to have had real knowledge. At least for those chapters of his chronicle Michael McVaugh that cover the period 1300\u20131348, we may suppose that conversations, oral reports, and merchants\u2019 letters are VILLANI, GIOVANNI (c. 1280\u20131348) at least as important a source as chronicles and official documents. The Florentine chronicler Giovanni Villani was a merchant and politician as well as a writer. He was the Giovanni\u2019s access to both official and private docu- author of the Nuova cronica (New Chronicle), a history ments must have made possible his unusually rich and of Florence set in a much wider context, beginning with the tower of Babel and extending to 1348, the year when he died of the plague. In this work, he combined 647","VILLANI, GIOVANNI Giovanni was not only a moderate patriot and repub- lican but also a moderate, though very loyal, Guelf. The accurate statistics about such things as armies, tax rival Ghibelline party had been driven out of Florence revenues, cloth production, wine consumption, coin- in the late 1260s, before Giovanni was born, at the same age parities, and the number of castles in private and time that the rule of the Ghibellines\u2019 Hohenstaufen in communal hands. No doubt his collection of such patrons in southern Italy had given way to the rule of quantitative information was greatly facilitated by the Charles of Anjou, called in by the pope to govern the various offices and appointments entrusted to him by kingdom of the Two Sicilies. The Ghibellines remained his city and his guild. Apart from his three priorates, strong in the north and in some parts of Tuscany, but these were mostly financial. As a municipal official, for Guelf Florence, Angevin Naples, and the papacy, despite example, he supervised the commune\u2019s money and the occasionally violent quarrels, were linked by strong building of a stretch of the third circle of walls. As an economic and political bonds. For Giovanni, these bonds official of the Calimala guild, he served on the mercan- seem to have been ideological as well, reinforced by zia council of eight and oversaw the making of Andrea sincere religious feeling. He regarded Charles of Anjou Pisano\u2019s bronze doors for the Baptistery. He also went as a new Charlemagne, summoned to Italy to rescue on some diplomatic missions: he was sent to Cardinal the Roman church from the Hohenstaufen Lombards. Bertrand de Pouget in Bologna in 1329 and a little later Giovanni devoted perhaps his most sustained literary to negotiate (unsuccessfully) for the surrender of Lucca. effort to a long and eloquent account of Charles\u2019s Italian Most of his officeholding was in 1320\u20131330. After that, campaigns. He also portrayed Florence as usually an ally he may have been under a cloud, having been tried of the church, from the struggle between Pope Gregory for barratry in 1331 for his part in building the walls, VII and the Emperor Henry IV in the late eleventh even though he was cleared of the charge. The fact that century down to his own time. The intervals during the Charles of Calabria, then lord of the city, entrusted to later period when the pope and Florence were at odds the Buonaccorsi company the collection of the taxes worried Giovanni, as did the taxation of the Florentine from three of the six districts of Florence to pay for clergy without their consent by his own commune. At the building of those very walls may not have helped the same time, he did not hesitate to criticize individual Villani\u2019s reputation. But real disaster came later, in 1346, popes and Angevin rulers for avarice and immorality, after the collapse of the great Florentine commercial and his fellow Guelfs for factionalism. He thought that companies. Then Giovanni was imprisoned for alleged the expulsion of the White Guelfs in 1302 was dis- misconduct as the representative of the Buonaccorsi in graceful, but he was glad that their assault on the city negotiations with the communal government about their in 1304 did not succeed. He was also glad that Henry bankruptcy liabilities. Giovanni does not mention this VII failed to capture Florence in 1312, but he said that personal disgrace, but he does express remorse for his the emperor\u2019s original intention had been to deal justly share of responsibility in the losses of the small investors with Guelfs as well as Ghibellines. Such urbane judi- in the great companies. We do not know how long his ciousness was appropriate to a rich businessman who imprisonment lasted. He died in 1348, some two years numbered kings and princes among his acquaintances after it began, and was buried in Florence in the church and had wide experience of the world. of the Santissima Annunziata. His brother Matteo and his nephew Filippo continued his chronicle. In the prologue to the Nuova cronica, Giovanni says that his pride in the noble origins of his city and his desire For the most part, the opinions Giovanni Villani to delight and instruct his fellow citizens had impelled expresses in his chronicle are remarkably balanced and him to write its history. In Book 9, Chapter 36, he relates moderate. His patriotism as a Florentine, for example, that he began to write in 1300, after returning to Florence was real but not exaggerated. He knew that Florence was from Rome, where he had participated in the great papal sometimes unjust to its neighbors, and though he praised jubilee. Seeing the ancient Roman ruins, reading the its resilience and resourcefulness in times of crisis, he ancient histories, and reflecting on the decline of Rome often deplored its lack of talent for war. He disliked had inspired him to tell the story of the rise of Florence, signori and signorial government, but he could not an offspring of Rome. Whether or not Giovanni began always conceal his admiration for a despot as brilliant his chronicle immediately after his return to Florence, as Castruccio Castracani, despite the defeats Castruc- it is evident that he wrote primarily for Florentines and cio inflicted on Florence. Giovanni favored republican that one of his main purposes was to celebrate their government and connected it with political liberty. But successes without omitting their blunders and failures. he bitterly condemned factional strife and considered The history of no other European city except Rome had the rule of a benevolent signore like King Robert of hitherto been told at such length. Giovanni also conveys Naples sometimes necessary to restrain it. Villani was a sharp awareness of developments in the physical shape also critical of republican regimes representing one and monuments of Florence\u2014for example, its central class, whether that class was aristocratic, mercantile, or (especially) artisan. 648","octagonal church, the Baptistery, which he says travel- VILLANI, GIOVANNI ers assured him was the most beautiful in the world; its other churches and public buildings, whose siting and He does so by a literal application of Dante\u2019s metaphor arrangement he compared, following an old Florentine about the opposition between the two peoples who, ac- historical tradition, with those of similarly named Ro- cording to Florentine legend, shared in populating the man monuments; the dimensions of its walls, towers, city, the allegedly \u201cnoble and virtuous\u201d Romans and the and bridges; and even the emblems on the banners of allegedly \u201crough and fierce\u201d Fiesolans. For Dante, \u201cRo- its militia and the decoration on its war cart, or car- mans\u201d were all those willing to submit to the emperor\u2019s roccio. He is also aware that Florence is not just a city laws; \u201cFiesolans\u201d were those \u201cbarbarians\u201d who resisted but a European power, and his ability to see Florence it. For Giovanni Villani, the two names designate two as part of a greater world is one of his main merits as peoples who actually participated in populating Flor- a historian. Giovanni also likes to include a good story ence and whose imperfect mixing produced chronic or a vivid detail, from wherever it comes. He touches strife. He finds the story of this mixing in the Chronica on such topics as astral portents, monstrous births, cos- de origine civitatis (written before 1231) and its Ital- tumes, public feasts, civil and religious rituals, relics, ian translations. (It is very unlikely that he was able to epidemics, earthquakes, inscriptions, apparitions, the find the origin, as some scholars have maintained, in lions behind the communal palace in Florence, coins, the so-called Malispinian chronicle, which was almost Gog and Magog, Muhammad, what might have hap- certainly written after his own and was largely copied pened, famous men (like Aquinas, Dante, and Giotto, from a compendium of his work.) In the Chronica de of whom he writes pocket biographies), sea battles, origine civitatis, the Roman origins of Florence were sermons, governments, and expedients for increasing exalted and Julius Caesar himself was included among public revenue. Given such variety, it is no wonder that the founders of the city; but though the Fiesolans were many critics have accused Giovanni Villani of being represented as fierce enemies of the Romans, they were episodic and lacking a unifying theme or point of view. not depicted as barbarians. This Giovanni could have Porta believes that Giovanni did revise the chronicle found in no surviving work before Dante\u2019s Inferno, extensively but that his main purpose was probably to circulated c. 1314. Probably Giovanni was also para- introduce new information at many points\u2014a process phrasing Dante\u2019s words in Paradiso (15.109\u2013111), as made easier because the chronicle is for the most part Aquilecchia (1965) has suggested, when he referred organized not thematically but year by year. in Book 9, Chapter 36, to the rise of Florence and the decline of Rome. Giovanni certainly wants to instruct as well as en- tertain and inform his readers. He says that he wants to Up to this point in his chronicle, Giovanni is mainly show future Florentines which actions of their predeces- concerned with describing the steady ascent, despite sors they should imitate and which they should avoid. occasional disasters, of Florence, the child of Rome. The guidance he offers is more moral than intellectual. Afterward, misfortunes multiply and the direction of It is true that much shrewd commentary on business, Florence\u2019s development is not so clear. But Giovanni politics, and war is scattered through his book, but he retains much of his optimism until the 1340s, the imposi- has no single large lesson to teach. His analysis of the tion and overthrow of Walter de Brienne\u2019s regime, and secondary causes of a particular Florentine victory or the subsequent financial crash. Neither communal nor defeat can be thorough and penetrating, as, for example, personal calamities slowed the chronicler\u2019s busy pen. in his explanations of the failure of Florence to acquire It continued right up to his death to provide an invalu- Lucca after the death of Castruccio Castracani. Very of- able picture of the attitudes of the fourteenth-century ten, however, he is content\u2014as a devout and right-think- oligarchy of Florence toward its past and present, and, ing Florentine Guelf\u2014to attribute such disasters to the especially for the period from c. 1320 to 1348, a narra- wrath of the deity at the wickedness of the Florentines: tive source for medieval Florentine history of inexhaust- their pride, avarice, and envy. Giovanni knows the Old ible richness and variety. Testament well, and his God, like Yahweh, is swift to punish. Sometimes, particularly in the later books of his See also Dante Alighieri; Malispini, Ricordano chronicle, he seeks scientific, or at any rate astrological, explanations; but he consistently denies that the influ- Further Reading ence of the stars negates free will or men\u2019s responsibility for their actions, and he expresses again and again his Editions conviction that the stars are immediately and totally subject to God\u2019s commands. He does try to account Villani, Giovanni. Cronica, 8 vols., ed. Ignazio Moutier. Florence: rationally for one great problem in thirteenth-century Magheri 1823. (Reprinted in Florence: Coen, 1844; Milan: and early fourteenth-century Florence: factionalism. Borroni e Scotti, 1848.) \u2014\u2014. Selections from the First Nine Books of the \u201cCroniche Flo- rentine\u201d of Giovanni Villani, trans. Rose E. Selfe, ed. Philip H.Wicksteed. Westminster: A. Constable, 1896. \u2014\u2014. Cronisti del Trecento, ed. Roberto Palmarocchi. Milan: Rizzoli, 1935, pp. 153\u2013466. 649","VILLANI, GIOVANNI Hartwig, Otto. Quellen und Forschungen zur \u00e4ltesten Geschichte der Stadt Florenz, 2 vols. Marburg: N. G. Elwert\u2019sche Ver- \u2014\u2014. Nuova cronica, 3 vols., ed. Giuseppe Porta. Parma: Fon- lagsbuchh., 1875\u20131880. dazione Pietro Bembo; U. Guanda, 1990\u20131991. Hyde, J. K. \u201cMedieval Descriptions of Cities.\u201d Bulletin of the Critical Studies John Rylands Library, 48(2), 1966, pp. 308\u2013340. Aquilecchia, Giovanni. \u201cDante and the Florentine Chroniclers.\u201d Imbriani, V. \u201cSulla rubrica dantesca nel Villani.\u201d In Studi dante- Bulletin of the John Rylands Library, 48(1), 1965, pp. 30\u201355. schi. Florence, 1891, pp. 1\u2013175. Arias, G. \u201cNuovi documenti su Giovanni Villani.\u201d Giornale Lami, V. \u201cDi un compendio inedito della cronica di Giovanni Vil- Storico della Letteratura Italiana, 34, 1899, pp. 383\u2013387. lani nelle sue relazioni con la storia fiorentina malispiniana.\u201d Archivio Storico Italiano, Series 5, 1890, pp. 369\u2013416. Bec, Christian. \u201cSur l\u2019historiographie marchande \u00e0 Florence au XlVe si\u00e8cle.\u201d In La chronique et l\u2019histoire au moyen-\u00e2ge: Link-Heer, Ursula. \u201cItalienische Historiographie zwischen Sp\u00e4t- Colloque des 24 et 25 mai 1982, ed. D. Poiron. Paris, 1984, mittelalter und fruher Neuzeit.\u201d In Grundriss der romanischen pp. 45\u201372. Literaturen des Mittelalters, Vol. 11(1). Heidelberg: C. Winter Universit\u00e4tsverlag, 1987, pp. 1068\u20131129. (See especially pp. Becker, Marvin B. Florence in Transition, Vol. l, The Decline 1078\u20131088.) of the Commune. Baltimore, Md.: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1967. Luiso, F. P. \u201cLe edizioni della Cronica di Giovanni Villani.\u201d Bullettino dell\u2019Istituto Storico Italiano per il Medio Evo e Bruni, Francesco. \u201cIdentit\u00e0 culturale e mito delle origini: Firenze Archivio Muratoriano, 49, 1933, pp. 279\u2013315. nella Cronica di Giovanni Villani.\u201d In Storia delle civilta letteraria Italiana, Vol.1, Dalle origini al Trecento, ed. G. \u2014\u2014. \u201cIndagini biografiche su Giovanni Villani.\u201d Bullettino Barberi Squarotti. Turin: 1990, part 2, pp. 716\u2013728. dell\u2019Istituto Storico Italiano per il Medio Evo e Archivio Muratoriano, 51, 1936, pp. 1\u201364. Castellani, A. \u201cSulla tradizione delk Nuova cronica di Giovanni Villani.\u201d Medioevo e Rinascimento, 2, 1988, pp. 53\u2013118. Luzzati, Michele. \u201cRicerche sulle attivita mercantili e sul fal- limento di Giovanni Villani.\u201d Bullettino dell\u2019Istituto Storico \u2014\u2014. \u201cPera Baducci lla tradizione della Nuova Cronica di Italiano per il Medio Evo e Archivio Muratoriano, 81, 1969, Giovanni Villani.\u201d Studi di Filologia Italiana, 48, 1990, pp. pp. 173\u2013235. 5\u201313. \u2014\u2014. Giovanni Villani e la compagnia dei Buonaccorsi. Rome: Cipolla, C. M. The Monetary Policy of Fourteenth-Century Flor- Istituto della Enciclopedia Italiana, 1971. ence. Berkeley: University of California Press, 1982. Mattucci, Andrea. \u201cDa Giovanni Villani al primo Guicciardini: I Davis, Charles T. \u201cDante, Villani, and Ricordano Malispini.\u201d In mondi separati della narrazione e del discorso.\u201d In Machia- Dante and the Idea of Rome. Oxford: Clarendon, 1957, pp. velli nella storiografia fiorentina: Per la storia di un genere 244\u2013262. letterario. Florence: Olschki, 1991, pp. 3\u201330. \u2014\u2014. \u201cThe Malispini Question.\u201d Studi Medievali, Series 3(10.3), Mehl, Ernst. Die Weltanschauung des Giovanni Villani: Ein 1970, pp. 215\u2013254. (Reprinted in Dante\u2019s Italy and Other Es- Beitrag zur Geistesgeschiehte Italiens im Zeitalter Dantes. says. Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1984, Leipzig: Tuebner, 1927. pp. 94\u2013136.) \u2014\u2014. \u201cG. Villani und die Divina Commedia.\u201d Deutsches Dante- \u2014\u2014. \u201cIl buon tempo antico.\u201d In Florentine Studies: Politics and Jahrbuch, 10, 1928, pp. 173\u2013184. Society in Renaissance Florence, ed. N. Rubinstein. London, 1968, pp. 45\u201369. (Reprinted in Dante\u2019s Italy and Other Es- Meissen T. \u201cAtiia, Totila, e Carlo Magno fra Dante, Villani, Boc- says. Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1984, caccio, e Malispini: Per la genesi di due leggende erudite.\u201d pp. 71\u201393.) Archivio Storico Italiano, 152, 1994, pp. 561\u2013639. \u2014\u2014. \u201cTopographical and Historical Propaganda in Early Flo- Milanesi, G. \u201cDocumenti riguardanti Giovanni Villani e il pala- rentine Chronicles and in Villani.\u201d Medioevo e Rinascimento, zzo degli Alessi in Siena.\u201d Archivio Storico Italiano, n.s., 4, 2, 1988, pp. 35\u201351. 1856, pp. 3\u201312. Della Torre, A. \u201cL\u2019amicizia di Dante e Giovanni Villani.\u201d Giornale Morghen, Raffaello. \u201cDante, il Villani, e Ricordano Malispini.\u201d Dantesco, 12, 1904, pp. 33\u201344. Bullettino dell\u2019Istituto Storico Italiano per il Medio Evo e Archivio Muratoriano, 41, 1921, pp. 171\u2013194. Del Monte, A. \u201cLa storiografia fiorentina dei secoli XII e XIII.\u201d Bullettino dell\u2019Istituto Storico Italiano per il Medio Evo e \u2014\u2014. \u201cLa storiografia fiorentina del Trecento: Ricordano Mal- Archivio Muratoriano, 62, 1950, pp. 175\u2013282. ispini, Dino Compagni, e Giovanni Villani.\u201d In Libera cattedra di storia della civilt\u00e0 fiorentina\u2014Secoli vari: \u2019300, \u2019400, \u2019500. De Matteis, M. C. \u201cAncora su Malispini, Villani, e Dante: Per Florence: Sansoni, 1958, pp. 69\u201393. un riesame dei rapporti tra cultura storica e profezia etica nell\u2019Alighieri.\u201d Bullettino dell\u2019Istituto Storico Italiano per il Najemy, J. M. Corporatism and Consensus in Florentine Elec- Medio Evo e Archivio Muratoriano, 82, 1970, pp. 329\u2013390. toral Politics, 1280\u20131400. Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1982. \u2014\u2014. \u201cMalispini da Villani o Villani da Malispini? Una ipotesi sui rapporti tra Ricordano Malisini, il \u2018Compendiatore,\u2019 e \u2014\u2014. \u201cL\u2019ultima pane tiella Nuova Cronica di Giovanni Villani.\u201d Giovanni Villani.\u201d Bullettino dell\u2019Istituto Storico Italiano Studi di Filologia Italiana, 41, 1983, pp. 17\u201336. per il Medio Evo e Archivio Muratoriano, 84, 1973, pp. 145\u2013221. Neri, F. \u201cDante il primo Villani.\u201d Giornale Dantesco, 20, 1912, pp. 1\u201331. Ottokar, Nicola. Il commune di Firenze alla fine del Fiumi, Enrico. \u201cLa demografia fiorentina nelle pagine di Giovanni Dugento. Florence: Vallecchi, 1926. (See also 2nd ed. Turin: Villani.\u201d Archivio Storico Italiano, 108, 1950, pp. 78\u2013158. Einaudi, 1962.) \u2014\u2014. \u201cEconomia e vita privata dei fiorentini nelle rilevazioni Pezzarossa, Fulvio. \u201cLa tradizione fiorentina della memorial- statistiche di Giovanni Villani.\u201d Archivio Storico Italiano, istica.\u201d In La \u201cmemoria\u201d dei \u201cmercatores\u201d: Tendenze ideo- 111, 1953, pp. 207\u2013241. logiche, ricordanze, artigianato in versi nella Firenze del Quattrocento, ed. Gian-Mario Anselmi, Fulvio Pezzarossa, Frugoni, Arsenio. \u201cG. Villani Cronica, XI, 94.\u201d Bullettino and Luisa Avellini. Bologna: P\u00e0tron, 1980, pp. 39\u2013149. dell\u2019Istituto Storico Italiano per il Medio Evo e Archivio Muratoriano, 77, 1965, pp. 229\u2013255. \u2014\u2014. \u201cLe geste e\u2019 fatti de\u2019 Fiorentini: Riflessioni a margine di un\u2019edizione della cronica di Giovanni Villani.\u201d Lettere Ital- Green, Louis. Chronicle into History: An Essay on the Interpreta- iane, 45, 1993, pp. 93\u2013115. Porta, Giuseppe. \u201cCensimento dei tion of History in Florentine Fourteenth-Century Chronicles. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1972. 650","manoscritti delle cronache di Giovanni, Matteo, e Filippo Vil- VILLARD DE HONNECOURT lani, 1.\u201d Studi di Filologia Italiana, 34, 1976a, pp. 61\u2013129. \u2014\u2014. \u201cTestimonianze di volgare campano e francese in G. Vil- Villard de Honnecourt (c. 1225\u2013c. 1250). Drawing of \ufb02ying lani.\u201d Lingua Nostra, 37, 1976b, pp. 8\u20139. buttresses of Reims Cathedral, 1230\u201335. \u2014\u2014. \u201cCensimento dei manoscritti delle cronache di Giovanni, \u00a9 Bridgeman-Giraudon\/Art Resource, New York. Matteo, e Filippo Villani, 2.\u201d Studi di Filologia Italiana, 37, 1979, pp. 93\u2013117. thedrals of Cambrai, Chartres, Laon, Meaux, Reims, and \u2014\u2014. \u201cAggiunta al censimento dei manoscritti delle cronache the abbey of Vaucelles in France; the cathedral of Laus- di Giovanni, Matteo, e Filippo Villani,\u201d Studi di Filologia anne in Switzerland; and the abbey of Pilis in Hungary. Italiana, 44, 1986a, pp. 65\u201367. \u2014\u2014. \u201cSul testo e la lingua di Giovanni Villani.\u201d Lingua Nostra, There is no documentary evidence that Villard de- 47, 1986b, pp. 37\u201340. signed or built any church anywhere or that he was in \u2014\u2014. \u201cLa storiografia fiorentina fra il Duecento e il Trecento.\u201d fact an architect. It has been proposed that he may have Medioevo e Rinascimento, 2, 1988, pp. 119\u2013130. been \u201ca lodge clerk with a flair for drawing\u201d or that his \u2014\u2014. \u201cGiovanni Villani storico e scrittore.\u201d In I racconti di Clio: training may have been in metalworking rather than Tecniche narrative della storiografia\u2014Atti del Convegno di masonry. It may be that Villard was not a professional Arezzo, 6\u20138 novembre 1986, ed. Roberto Bigazzi, et al. Pisa: craftsman but rather an inquisitive layman who had an Nistri-Lischi, 1989, pp. 147\u2013156. opportunity to travel widely. \u2014\u2014. \u201cLes rapports entre l\u2019Italie et la France dans la persepective Further Reading des chroniqueurs florentins du XIVe si\u00e8cle.\u201d In Die kulturel- len Beziehungen zwischen Italien und den anderen Laendern Barnes, Carl F., Jr. \u201cLe \u2018probl\u00e8me\u2019 Villard de Honnecourt.\u201d In Europas im Mittelalter, ed. Danielle Buschinger and Wolfgang Les batisseurs des cath\u00e9drales gothiques, ed. Roland Recht. Spiewok. 1993a, pp. 147\u2013156. Strasbourg: \u00c9ditions les Mus\u00e9es de la Ville de Strasbourg, \u2014\u2014. \u201cLe varianti redazionali come strumento di verifica 1989, pp. 209\u201323. dell\u2019autenticit\u00e0 di testi: Villani e Malispini.\u201d In La filologia romanza e i codici: Atti del Convegno di Messina, 19\u201322 \u2014\u2014. Villard de Honnecourt: The Artist and His Drawings, A dicembre 1991, Vol. 2. Messina, 1993b, pp. 481\u2013529. Critical Bibliography. Boston: Hall, 1982. Ragone, Franca. \u201cLe scritture parlate: Qualche ipotesi sulla re- dazione delle cronache volgari nel Trecento dopo l\u2019edizione \u2014\u2014, and Lon R. Shelby. \u201cThe Codicology of the Portfolio of critica della Nuova Cronica di Giovanni Villani.\u201d Archivio Villard de Honnecourt (Paris, Biblioth\u00e8que nationale, MS fr. Storico Italiano, 149, 1991, pp. 783\u2013810. 19093).\u201d Scriptorium 40 (1988): 20\u201348. Rubinstein, Nicolai. \u201cThe Beginnings of Political Thought in Florence.\u201d Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld Institutes, 5, 1942, pp. 198\u2013227. Santini, Pietro. Quesiti e ricerche di storiografia fiorentina. Flor- ence: Seeber, 1903. Charles T. Davis VILLARD DE HONNECOURT (WILARS DEHONECORT; VILARS DEHONCORT; fl. 1220\u201330) Picard artist now known only through a portfolio of thirty-three parchment leaves of drawings in Paris (B.N. fr. 19093). Some leaves have been lost from the portfolio; the maximum number that can be proven to be lost is thirteen, with the possible loss of two addi- tional leaves. Villard addressed his drawings to an unspecified audience, saying that his \u201cbook\u201d contained \u201csound ad- vice on the techniques of masonry and on the devices of carpentry . . . and the techniques of representation, its features as the discipline of geometry commands and instructs it.\u201d The subjects of Villard\u2019s drawings are animals, architecture, carpentry, church furnishings, ge- ometry, humans, masonry, mechanical devices, recipes or formulae, and surveying. Villard traveled extensively, and most of the identifi- able monuments that he drew date to the first quarter of the 13th century. He drew, and perhaps visited, the ca- 651","VILLARD DE HONNECOURT before they disappeared. In addition, two manuscripts of an abbreviation exist. Villehardouin\u2019s work was also Hahnloser, Hans R. Villard de Honnecourt: Kritische Gesamtaus- incorporated in the Chronique de Baudouin d\u2019Avesnes, gabe des Bauhuttenbuches ms. fr. 19093 der Pariser National- a 13th-century compilation that circulated widely. bibliothek. Vienna: Schroll, 1935; rev. ed. Graz: Akademische Druck- und Verlagsanstalt, 1972. [Best facsimile edition.] Further Reading Carl F. Barnes, Jr. Villehardouin, Geoffroi de. La conqu\u00eate de Constantinople, ed. Edmond Faral. 2 vols. 2nd ed. Paris: Les Belles Lettres, VILLEHARDOUIN, GEOFFROI DE 1937. (ca. 1150\u2013before 1218) Joinville and Villehardouin. Chronicles of the Crusades, trans. Author of the Conqu\u00eate de Constantinople, one of the Margaret Shaw. Harmondsworth: Penguin, 1963. earliest historical works written in French prose, and one of two eyewitness accounts of the Fourth Crusade. Beer, Jeanette M.A. Villehardouin, Epic Historian. Geneva: Villehardouin was born into a noble Champenois fam- Droz, 1968. ily. He served the count of Champagne, Thibaut III, as marshal after 1185. In this capacity, Villehardouin Dufournet, Jean. Les \u00e9crivains de la IVe croisade: Villehardouin developed the mediating abilities that would serve him et Clan. 2 vols. Paris: SEDES, 1973. so well. We know of three disputes he mediated, one involving the count himself. Leah Shopkow Count Thibaut III of Champagne (d. 1202) was one VILLON, FRAN\u00c7OIS (1431\u20131463) of the organizers of the Fourth Crusade, so Villehardouin was at the heart of the planning. He was one of the six Of all the lyricists of late-medieval France, Villon is ambassadors sent to Venice in 1201 to negotiate passage the most celebrated among both scholars and general in Venetian ships. In 1203, he was sent to Isaac II, whom readers. Students of premodern literature inside and the crusaders had restored to the throne of Constanti- outside the francophone world have encountered him nople, to see that the Latins would be paid as agreed. He in his original Middle French; and thousands of people carried out negotiations between the emperor Baudouin who have little or no French have read versions of his and Boniface of Montferrat, the new leader of the cru- poems in the major European languages. sade, when the two fell out. Because of his outstanding services, Villehardouin was made marshal of Romania It was not always thus. The circle of contemporaries in 1205. The rest of his life is obscure. He last appears who knew of Villon\u2019s literary abilities was a modest in the records in 1212 and was certainly dead by 1218, one. He tells us in his Testament that an earlier work, when his son arranged a memorial for him. the Lais, is already in circulation and being referred to by a title not of his choosing. On the other hand, the The Conqu\u00eate, which begins with the preaching of number of early sources preserving his poems is small; the crusade by Foulques de Neuilly and ends suddenly in and his readers were in general not found among the rich 1207, was composed after the events it relates, although and powerful. Although some such personages come in Villehardouin probably made notes and certainly used for mention in his verses, it is usually in the context of documentary sources. The prose is straightforward and appeals for money, or of distant, uneasy, or downright unrhetorical. The story is told in excellent chronologi- irreverent allusion; Villon was not a success with well- cal order. off patrons of literature. The fame he sought eluded him. He seemingly hoped for a career as a court poet and Villehardouin seems to have intended his work as a exerted himself to catch the eye of such highly placed defense of the crusade against critics who pointed out connoisseurs as Charles d\u2019Orl\u00e9ans; but for unknown that the crusaders attacked only the Christian cities of reasons, he did not achieve more than a small gift of Zara and Constantinople and never got to Jerusalem at money here and there. Greater success in his lifetime, all. Villehardouin lays chief blame for these unfortunate however, might well have spelled later obscurity; his facts on those who failed to join the crusade at Venice po\u00e9sies de circonstance, composed, we must assume, and help pay for passage, forcing the crusaders to repay to curry favor, competent though they are, are by and Venice by attacking Zara, and those who deserted later, large forgettable. Rather than spend much of his career leaving too small a fighting force for a real holy war. He in turning out pleasing official verse, he was driven by does not, however, hold blameless those who partici- circumstance, and perhaps also by a jarring personality, pated or remained; their sins, particularly their greed, to live by expedients, know misery, reflect on it, and caused further disasters and offended God. write amateur poetry of a unique stamp. Villehardouin\u2019s narrative was more widely read The body of Villon\u2019s works is of moderate dimen- than Robert de Clari\u2019s, the other eyewitness account of sions: some 3,300 lines. It comprises independent the Fourth Crusade. Six manuscripts of the Conqu\u00eate pieces in fixed form (ballades and rondeaux) and two are extant, and two more were used in early editions unified compositions, the Lais and the Testament. The 652","Lais, dated 1456, is a series of burlesque legacies oc- VILLON, FRAN\u00c7OIS casioned by being, as Villon asserts, crossed in love, and consequently deciding to quit Paris, perhaps never to but these were overpopulated in the mid-15th century. return. The Testament (1461) takes up again the legacy To enter the secular or regular clergy was apparently pattern but refines it into the articles of a last will and not for him a viable choice; nor, in the absence of an testament, complete with legal clauses and phraseol- independent income or a patron, was it possible for him ogy, the fiction now being that the author is near death to become a professional writer. He turned to living by and bethinking himself of soul and body as well as his wits, in the company of other unemployed clercs of worldly goods. This, Villon\u2019s major work, written, and even more lowly individuals; and this led him into in octaves (eight-line strophes of octosyllabic verse), repeated brushes with the law, mainly for theft but once contains fixed-form pieces as well, some of which may for manslaughter. As an \u00e9colier, he was entitled to the antedate or even postdate 1461. The whole amounts to a church\u2019s protection from the full rigor of secular justice; personal literary anthology as well as the poet\u2019s artistic but it looks as if he lost the benefit of clergy, as well testament and monument. The rest of his \u0153uvre is made as many months of freedom, when he was condemned up of a fulsome Louange of Princess Marie d\u2019Orl\u00e9ans, to prison at Meung-sur-Loire in 1461 by the bishop of with attached double ballade and much Latin adornment; Orl\u00e9ans. a Ballade franco-latine, even more latinate; a number of difficult poems in the jargon of the medieval French It was his long police record, rather than one final underworld; and some ballades made up of the rhetorical and spectacular crime, that drove the exasperated secu- devices dear to the schoolroom and fashionable court. lar authorities in late 1462 to pass a capital sentence; Jumbled in with them are some pieces so intensely felt, the Parlement, on appeal, commuted this to a ten-year so personal, so perfectly marrying form and content, banishment from Paris and its environs. Sadly, it is that they belong by right to the greatest world literature. owing to his activities as part-time criminal that much Among these are the \u00c9p\u00eetre \u00e0 ses amis, Villon\u2019s De pro- of the information about Villon has come to us, for the fundis; the yes-and-no meditation on fate and individual abundant records have been preserved in the Paris ar- responsibility best called D\u00e9bat de Villon et de son c\u0153ur, chives. They supplement the hints, half-truths, special and the Ballade des pendus, with its unbearable yet pleading, and downright lies that bestrew the poet\u2019s inescapable vision of legally executed bodies (includ- own writings. ing the poet\u2019s?) and its reiterated solicitation of prayer for their souls. Villon\u2019s last poems appear to fit into the Such a biographical excursus is particularly indicated interval between his last imprisonment and appeal, the in Villon\u2019s case, for much of his work is highly per- commutation of his death sentence to a ten-year exile, sonal without always being informative or even candid. and his departure in 1463 to an unknown end. His feelings take precedence over the exact cause for them, his hatred for his enemies overshadows the ways Villon was born into a poor family (Testament, whereby the latter have earned his resentment, and the ll. 273\u201375) in 1431, the year marked by the death of possibility that the poet himself might somehow have Jeanne d\u2019Arc, celebrated in the Testament (ll. 351\u201352) provoked or deserved rough handling is pushed far into as ... Jehanne la bonne Lorraine\/Qu\u2019Engloys brulerent the background. Yet the interweaving of concrete if un- a Rouen (\u201cJoan, the brave girl from Lorraine\/Burned by reliable allusions to persons and events on the one hand, the English at Rouen\u201d). The Hundred Years\u2019 War was of passionate response on the other, makes of Villon an dragging on; disease, food-shortages, and protracted autobiographical lyricist to an unusual degree. spells of cold, wet weather afflicted everyone, the poor especially. It was out of harsh necessity, no doubt, that His themes, though, are universal ones, colored by the future poet\u2019s mother entrusted her child to a pre- his cultural milieu and his own subjectivity. Adversity, sumed relative, Guillaume de Villon, the kindly chaplain suffering, insecurity, the hunger for love, the transitori- of the Parisian church of Saint-Beno\u00eet-le-B\u00e9tourn\u00e9 not ness of youth and of all good things, the approach of far from the Sorbonne, who would be the boy\u2019s plus que death, the faith that sees beyond it\u2014these are the timbers p\u00e8re (Testament, 1. 849). of which his work is built. Through the 2,000 lines of the Testament, he turns these notions over and over, in Young Fran\u00e7ois, originally called de Montcorbier or a composition structured by association of ideas and des Loges, took the surname of his adoptive father, and shifting moods rather than logical or formal progres- much else besides: security, relative comfort, clerical sion. This begins as early as the first stanzas, which status, and the opportunity for the best formal education move with great rapidity from the testator\u2019s age and then available. In 1449, he obtained the baccalaureate mental condition to his state of health and thence to his degree and three years later the License and the degree recent hardships and the person responsible for them; of Ma\u00eetre \u00e8s Arts. This and his connections ought to have and with the name of Bishop Thibaut d\u2019Aussigny, the smoothed Villon\u2019s path into the learned professions; memory of the preceding summer\u2019s incarceration, and probable degradation from clerical status, comes flood- ing back, making him sacrifice syntax to sarcasm: yes, he will pray for his enemy\u2014with a cursing psalm. For 653","VILLON, FRAN\u00c7OIS Villon\u2019s themes are by no means original, nor is his use of archetypes in working them out. As an educated good measure, he adds a prayer for Louis, le bon roy man, he was steeped in the Latin classics and in the de France. On he goes, intermingling complaint, piety, Bible, those storehouses of human experience and its and half-admissions of unsatisfactory behavior. Yet a literary expression; to allude to traditional topoi, stories, sinner in his situation is pardonable: Neccessit\u00e9 fait gens and personages was second nature for him, as it was mesprendre\/Et fain saillir le loup du boys (\u201cIt\u2019s need for other writers of the day. His preoccupation with drives folks to go astray\/And hunger, the wolf to leave death and decay, his frequent melancholy, his startling the woods\u201d; ll. 167\u201368). He has abundant grounds for coarseness, his mingling of jest and seriousness, are also lamentation. His youth has flown; he is prematurely old, features common in late-medieval writing, and in the poor, rejected by his kin, disappointed in love, regret- visual arts as well. What sets him apart is the immediacy ting his old friends (where are they now?), knowing that of his communication with the reader. His verse revivi- death will come for him as it has for the lovely ladies fies the notion of lyric: not poems to be sung, but poems and great potentates of the past. These are themes to expressive of feeling. Unlike the conventional and which he returns, obsessively but not uninterruptedly; impersonal je of much contemporary writing, Villon\u2019s for a great number of bequests remain to be formulated je most frequently is his unique and unruly self, tempo- and the whole apparatus of the fictitious testament to rarily brought to order by the discipline of his octaves be worked in. and his fixed-form pieces. Much 15th-century poetry treats of love, again in courtly and stereotyped ways, There is a good deal of humor in all this, of a rough, for the stylized worship of the lady was still very much pun-filled, scabrous character; and the poet takes advan- alive. Villon writes of love, too, but mostly from his own tage of the safety afforded by the last-will-and-testament limited experience: it is a snare and a delusion, at best a schema to take verbal revenge on the individuals and fleeting joy. By and large, women are sensual and venal classes who have earned his disapproval; after all, the (but not to be condemned, for it is nature femeninne document, according to the poetic fiction, will not be [Testament, 1. 611] that moves them), and in any case read until after his decease. We are led once again to their attractiveness soon withers. Indeed, woman\u2019s the theme that underlies the Testament as a whole. It charms, such a staple among mainstream masculine sometimes is expressed with gentle gravity, as in the writers of the period, do not feature much here except Ballade des dames du temps jadis; in grimmer mo- in the context of bitter reminiscence and of regret for ments, the poet\u2019s thought turns to scenes commonly the transitoriness of all things desirable. It would in fact beheld in Paris: the piled-up and anonymous bones in not be easy to find another major poet so indifferent the Cemetery of the Innocents, the cadavers of executed to beauty; but then visual description of any sort does criminals dangling from the Montfaucon gibbet, the last not stand out in Villon\u2019s verses. He inclines to naming agony awaiting each man and woman. In the Europe of persons and places, to evoking action and speech and the 15th century, the body\u2019s death was but a stage in the gesture, rather than to painting word pictures. Even his soul\u2019s journey; prayers and allusions to Heaven and Hell self-description is limited to a few qualifiers: sec et noir; throng the octaves and fixed-form pieces. In the intervals plus maigre que chimere (\u201cskinny and dark\u201d; \u201cthinner of anxiety about death and what is in store for himself than a wraith\u201d). What he does give us is his reactions and all humankind, Villon repeatedly turns to common to his experience, and a sketch of late-medieval France experience, particularly its darker side. Happiness is as he knew it. This is a world of people living by their rare and fleeting; sorrow, fear, physical discomfort, and wits and not hampered by scruples: entertainers, prosti- decrepitude\u2014these are the lot of the human race. Why tutes, counterfeiters, tavern keepers and tavern haunters, had Villon, why had so many men and women known jailers and moat cleaners, peddlers, beggars, dissolute suffering? Why does a just God permit malevolent monks\u2014Villon\u2019s poetry opens the door upon a teeming Fortune to afflict the innocent? The poet\u2019s own stance, world, lacking in grace or nobility but intensely alive. at least as early as the independent \u00c9p\u00eetre \u00e0 ses amis Most vital of all are the poet\u2019s own self and experience, (presumably composed during the 1461 incarceration given expression that transcends his own time and milieu at Meung-sur-Loire) is that of a blameless victim, and so as to be at once personal and universal. he cries out with the words of the archetypical righteous sufferer, job (11. 1\u20132): Ayez picti\u00e9, ayez picti\u00e9 de moy\/A Villon\u2019s works have been preserved in a number of tout le moins, s\u2019i vous plaist, mes amis! (\u201cHave pity, manuscripts and fragments, and in a printed edition of do have pity upon me,\/You at least, if you please, who 1489, These early sources vary in completeness, from are my friends\u201d). This explicit kinship with Job is af- the Lais, the Testament, and numerous independent firmed repeatedly through the Testament; it has become pieces, down to two or three ballades; they differ also the poet\u2019s characteristic way of making sense of what in degree of reliability. The manuscript copies, the in- has befallen him, of understanding, as well, the human condition. 654","cunabulum, and also the many 16th-century printings of VINCENT DE BEAUVAIS his works attest to a moderate readership over the course of about a century. Villon then, like most medieval writ- of the same decade. Vincent served as lecturer to the ers, underwent an eclipse, with one edition at the end monks of the nearby Cistercian abbey of Royaumont, of the 1600s and three in the 1700s. The years from founded by King Louis IX in 1228 and through this as- 1832 onward have seen an increasing flow of editions, sociation, mediated by Abbot Ralph, won the favor of translations, historical notes, and interpretive essays; and the king and ultimately the support of the royal purse the stream shows no sign of drying up. Villon continues for his scholarly projects. to be subject to much critical scrutiny, some of it closer to creative writing than to explication of the texts, but The first half of the 13th century was a time of intel- much of it responsible and serious. We can now read lectual \u201cconsolidation,\u201d when several scholars, Vincent Villon\u2019s often difficult and allusive verses with a fair among them, felt the need to integrate the results of the approximation to his own meaning. intellectual explosion of the 12th century with the tradi- tional learning of western civilization. Vincent entitled See also Charles d\u2019Orl\u00e9ans his work Speculum maius, a mirror to the world and its truths, which he compares implicitly with, earlier Further Reading attempts, perhaps the Imago mundi of the 12th century, sometimes attributed to Honorius of Autun. The Specu- Villon, Fran\u00e7ois. Complete Poems, ed. and trans. Barbara N. lum originally comprised two parts: the Naturale and Sargent-Baur. Toronto: Toronto University Press, 1994. the Historiale. The Naturale beings with a treatise on theology (the triune God, archetype and creator of the \u2014\u2014. Le lais Villon et les po\u00e8mes vari\u00e9s, ed. Jean Rychner and universe; angels; demons; account of Creation and the Albert Henry. 2 vols. Geneva: Droz, 1977. exitus of all reality from God), proceeds to a consider- ation of the Fall, Redemption, and the sacraments of the \u2014\u2014. Le Testament Villon, ed. Jean Rychner and Albert Henry. church, and concludes with a summation of natural phi- 2 vols. Geneva: Droz, 1974\u201385. losophy, including a description of the physical universe and the nature of human being. The Historiale gives an \u2014\u2014. Fran\u00e7ois Villon: \u0152uvres, trans. Andr\u00e9 Lanly. 2 vols. Paris: account of history from the Creation story of Genesis to Champion, 1969. 1244 in his earliest edition, and extended to 1254 in his later version. Its popularity is attested by several transla- \u2014\u2014. Fran\u00e7ois Villon: ballades en jargon, trans. Andr\u00e9 Lanly. tions into the vernacular, including French, Catalan, and Paris: Champion, 1979. Dutch verse. After revising and reorganizing his work, Vincent produced a third volume, the Doctrinale, that \u2014\u2014. The Poems of Fran\u00e7ois Villon, trans. Galway Kinnell. New contained a treatise on knowledge and the arts, including York: New American Library, 1965. all the fields of science, from grammar and mechanics to politics, law, and medicine: in short, all that is useful Burger, Andr\u00e9. Lexique complet de la langue de Villon. 2nd ed. to know to live a fruitful and productive life, both public Geneva: Droz, 1974. and private. Although Vincent had intended to publish a fourth part, the Morale, he never accomplished his Champion, Pierre. Fran\u00e7ois Villon: sa vie et son temps. 2nd ed. goal. The tract entitled Morale that began to circulate 2 vols. Paris: Champion, 1934. in the 14th century with the first three parts is in fact an anonymous compilation drawn from the Summa Fox, John Howard. The Poetry of Villon. London: Nelson, 1962. theologica of Thomas Aquinas. LeGentil, Pierre. Villon. Paris: Hatier, 1967. In the last years of his life, Vincent composed treaties Peckham, Robert D. Fran\u00e7ois Villon: A Bibliography. NewYork: for the royal court. On the death of the dauphin Louis in Garland, 1990. January 1260, he wrote his Epistola consolatoria super morte filii. Within the next year or so, he published at the Sargent-Baur, Barbara N. Brothers of Dragons: Job dolens and request of Queen Marguerite a tract on the education of Fran\u00e7ois Villon. New York: Garland, 1990. princes, De eruditione filiorum nobilium, for the tutors of Prince Philip. Finishing this work, Vincent returned Siciliano, Italo. Fran\u00e7ois Villon et les th\u00e8mes po\u00e9tiques du moyen to his treatise concerning royal government requested by \u00e2ge. Paris: Nizet, 1934. Louis IX. Sometime before Pentecost 1263, he presented the first part, De morali principis institutione, to his Sturm, Rudolf. Fran\u00e7ois Villon, bibliographie et mat\u00e9riaux lit- patron. But as with his Speculum, Vincent never finished t\u00e9raires (1489\u20131988). Munich: Saur, 1990. this work: the second part was only supplied at a later date by a fellow Dominican, William Peraldus. Vitz, Evelyn Birge. The Crossroad of Intentions: A Study of Symbolic Expressions in the Poetry of Fran\u00e7ois Villon. The See also Aquinas, Thomas; Louis IX Hague: Mouton, 1974. Ziw\u00e8s, Armand, and Anne de Bercy. Le jargon de ma\u00eetre Fran\u00e7ois Villon interpr\u00e9t\u00e9. 2nd ed. 2 vols. Paris: Puget, 1960. Barbara N. Sargent-Baur VINCENT DE BEAUVAIS (ca. 1190\u2013ca. 1264) The author of a most spectacular encyclopedia of me- dieval culture and thought, Vincent de Beauvais joined the Dominican house at Paris ca. 1220, shortly after its founding, and probably moved to the new Dominican house in his native region of Beauvais toward the end 655","VINCENT DE BEAUVAIS McCarthy, Joseph M. Humanistic Emphases in the Educational Thought of Vincent of Beauvais. Leiden: Brill, 1976. Further Reading Paulmier-Foucart, M., and Serge Lusignan. \u201cVincent de Beauvais Vincent de Beauvais. De eruditione filiorum nobilium, ed. Arpad et 1\u2019histoire du Speculum majus.\u201d Journal des Savants 1990, Steiner. Cambridge: Mediaeval Academy of America, 1938. pp. 97\u2013124. Gabriel, Astrik. The Educational Ideas of Vincent of Beauvais. 2nd Mark Zier ed. Notre Dame: University of Notre Dame Press, 1962. Lusignan, Serge, A. Nadeau, and M. Paulmier-Foucart, eds. Vincent de Beauvais: Actes du Colloque de Montr\u00e9al, 1988. Montreal, 1990. 656"]