Key Figures in Medieval Europe - An Encyclopedia

["Spanish Jewish scholarship as well as that of France and \u201cRASHI\u201d (SOLOMON B. ISAAC) Germany. While talmudic scholarship in Spain soon far outstripped that of the northern European countries, such where none was intended). There are no statements at outstanding scholars as nah.manides, Ibn Adret, Asher all about Christians or Christianity in his commentary b. Yeh. iel and others frequently cited his interpretations, on the Torah. On Gen. 1.1, he did not say, as some have even if sometimes disagreeing. misinterpreted, that Christians accuse Jews of having stolen the Land of Israel from the Canaanites; rather Bible Commentaries \u201cif the Gentiles should say.\u201d Similarly, he wrote that every Jew has land, since all jews have a \u201cportion\u201d of He clearly intended to write a commentary on all of the Land of Israel, and although the \u201cGentiles\u201d have the books of the Bible, but did not complete it (Ber- conquered it they have no possessive right in it (Se\u00affer liner stated that the printed commentary ends with Job ha-orah, pt. II, p. 229, No. 155; Buber correctly noted 40.27; he later published the completion of Job from there that this is because of the law that land can never manuscript, see Bibliography). The commentary on be stolen; there is a misprint there: aizeh should read Chronicles (Divrey ha-yomiyrn) is not by him but by a ainah). \u201cGentiles\u201d in both these statements may mean German (?) scholar who lived for a time in Narbonne in Muslims, Christians, or any other group. the twelfth century (Gross, Gallia judaica, p. 416, No. 16). It was particularly the commentary on the Torah Customs and Other Things which earned his fame among ordinary Jews throughout the ages. It became indispensable, especially for the vast \u201cRashi\u201d prohibited looking in mirrors of metal or cop- majority who did not have a sufficient knowledge of per on the Sabbath, unless they were attached to a wall, Hebrew to understand all of the text even of the Torah, but a glass mirror was permitted (Parde\u00afs, p. 42). The much less the more complex biblical books. Eventually reason probably is because one might be tempted to the study of the weekly parashah (portion read in the polish a metal mirror in order to see better, but not one synagogue service) included the requirement of the made of glass, which is generally clean. He was asked study also of \u201cRashi\u201d\u2019s commentary. Unfortunately, about a Jew who rents an apartment in a building from his other commentaries were, and are, neglected, just a Gentile and on the Sabbath he needs to go outside to as the study of the other biblical books was neglected. bring water from the well, and whether this is permitted There are critical editions of several of the commentaries since there is no \u2018e\u00afruv (legal \u201cenclosure\u201d to permit car- (see bibliography), but only that on the Torah has been rying). Rashi replied that it is allowed, based on a legal translated into English (reliable translation). fiction that assumes he \u201cacquires\u201d the use of the well and courtyard with his rent money, so that in effect it \u201cRashi\u201d repeatedly emphasized his intention to give is his private property (ibid., p. 46). Side locks (pe\u00af\u2019ot) the \u201cplain\u201d meaning (peshu.to) of the text, and yet he did were probably not worn in his time (later medieval not always adhere to that. Already Ibn \u2018Ezra criticized manuscript illuminations are ambiguous, some with and him for this, noting that there was much allegory or some without), for in his commentary to Lev. 19.27 he derash in his pesha.t (books have been written discuss- refers to \u201cone who makes his temples exactly like the ing these topics, although they have overlooked Ibn back of his ears and forehead\u201d (i.e., hairless). He was \u2018Ezra\u2019s criticism). firmly opposed to the custom of giving gifts on Purim to Gentile slaves, or to Gentiles in general; for instance, \u201cRashi\u201d\u2019s commentaries show evidence of good rela- many poor Jews because of embarrassment sent their tions with Christians and a generally favorable attitude children with Gentile nurses to the homes of wealthy toward them. So also in his own legal rulings, which Jews to receive gifts, and those Jews gave gifts also to detail, for example, common ownership of ovens for the Gentiles. \u201cRashi\u201d complained that the rabbinical baking among Jews and Christians (Se\u00affer ha-orah II, requirement of giving on Purim was intended only for 41); Jews employed Christian laborers (ibid., p. 53); Jewish poor (Siddur, p. 168, No. 346, and cf. Parde\u00afs, had their horses shoed by Christian blacksmiths and No. 205). their clothes washed and repaired by Christians (p. 54). Jews borrowed food for their animals from Christian \u201cRashi\u201d described the highly unusual practice of neighbors (p. 56). However, at times there are also Christians in Germany in washing clothes: two rectan- polemical statements, although some of these, such gular pits were dug and rain water was collected. In the as references to \u201cheretics,\u201d do not necessarily refer to first pit, the water was mixed with excrement (probably Christians (on polemics in his biblical commentaries urine) of dogs and allowed to ferment to serve as a de- see Shereshevsky, p. 120 ff., and in more detail, in He- tergent in which community laundry was soaked, and brew, Judah Rosenthal in Se\u00affer Rashi, pp. 45\u201359, rpt. then rinsed in the second pit. Clothes were first perfumed in his Meh. qarim vemeqorot (1967) I, 101\u201316; however, to remove the odor and then pressed between boards Rosenthal was inclined to find anti-Christian polemics (commentary on B.B. 17a; cf. also Ketuvot 77a). Some scholars have claimed to have found references to the 557","\u201cRASHI\u201d (SOLOMON B. ISAAC) characters) in \u201cRashi\u201d\u2019s commentaries. There are at least ten thousand such words in his commentaries. \u201cinvestiture controversy\u201d (debate between kings and Elaborate theories of a \u201cJudeo-French\u201d dialect were even popes over the authority to appoint bishops) in his com- developed on the basis of these see also Shereshevsky, mentaries, but in fact there are no such references. p. 14, notes 20\u201322). Important French glosses appear in other works, most notably the Siddur, where the editor He was completely opposed to \u201csecular\u201d learning. has provided a detailed explanation and transcription In his commentary to Lev.18.4 he wrote: \u201cDo not de- into Romance. Some of these are of importance not part [from study of the Torah], and do not say \u2018I have only linguistically, but for customs of the time (note, for learned the wisdom of Israel, now I shall go and learn example, the use of salse, or sauce, a mixture of wine the wisdom of the nations.\u2019\u201d and salt in which cooked meat was dipped; Siddur, p. 58, No. 118). There are some interesting observations concerning the dispersion of the Jews; e.g., on Lev. 36.31, he refers A topic that needs further scholarly investigation is to the \u201ccaravans of Jews who used to sanctify themselves the so-called Rashi script. The cumbersome nature of and go\u201d to the site of the destroyed Temple (since the square Hebrew letters, with strokes of varying widths, Christians who at the time occupied Jerusalem did not makes writing extremely burdensome. At an early period allow the Jews to go there), or v. 33 (\u201cI will scatter you a method of nearly \u201ccursive\u201d script was employed, first among the nations\u201d): \u201cthis is a harsh measure, since among Jews in Muslim lands and then in Spain generally when people of a town are exiled to another place they (so-called Sefardic script), and in France and Germany see each other and are consoled, but the Israelites were the style which has come to be known as \u201cRashi script,\u201d scattered as with a winnowing fork, as a man who for no apparent reason other than it was modified and scatters barley with a sieve and not one [grain] adheres used in the first printed edition of his commentary on to another\u201d (cf. also on v. 38: \u201cwhen you are scattered the Torah. among the nations you will be lost from one another\u201d). On v. 35 he gives an interesting lengthy chronological See also Asher b. Yeh. iel; Ibn Adret, Solomon; analogy of the \u201cseventy years\u201d of the Babylonian exile Ibn Ezra, Moses; Maimonides corresponding to the \u201cseventy years\u201d of the sabbatical and jubilee years which were not observed in Israel (see Further Reading the important notes in the English translation). Works by \u201cRashi\u201d \u201cRashi\u201d also was the source for many proverbial statements which became commonplace in later gen- Pentateuch with Targum Onkelos, Haphtaroth and Rashi\u2019s Com- erations. One of the most important of these was \u201can mentary, tr. M. Rosenbaum and A. M. Silberman (New York, Israelite even though he transgresses remains an Israel- s.a.), 2 vols.; rpt. New York [1965?], 5 vols. ite,\u201d which was used by rabbinical authorities to allow repentant Jews who had been forcibly converted during Solomon b. Isaac. Parde\u00afs ha-gadol (Jerusalem, s.a.; photo rpt. the attacks of 1096 to return to the Jewish fold. Others of 1870 ed.). are: \u201cwith Laban I dwelt and [but] the 613 command- ments I kept\u201d (where there is a play on words: gartiy, \u2014\u2014. Parshan-data, ed. Isaac Maarsen (Amsterdam, Jerusalem, \u201cI dwelt,\u201d and tiryag, 613), applied to one who remains 1930\u201335; photo rpt. Jerusalem, 1972), critical ed. of commen- faithful among bad companions; \u201cprepared for prayer or taries: vol. 1: \u201cminor\u201d prophets, vol. 2: Isaiah, vol. 3: Psalms; for war,\u201d ready for any circumstance; \u201cmercy of truth\u201d with English introductions. (h.esed shel emet), attending to the preparation of a dead person for burial. He also related various stories in his \u2014\u2014. Peirushey Rashi \u2018al ha-Torah, ed. Charles Chavel (Jeru- talmudic commentaries, derived or adapted from talmu- salem, 1982), based on Berliner\u2019s editions, with same manu- dic and geonic sources (see on this the important article scripts, and \u201ccorrections.\u201d of Lewis Landau, \u201cThe stories of \u201cRashi\u201d printed in the Babylonian Talmud\u201d (Heb.) in Eshel Be\u2019er Sheva\u20183 \u2014\u2014. Rashi \u2018al ha-Torah, critical ed. Abraham Berliner (Berlin, [1986]: 101\u201317). 1866); second, revised edition (Frankfurt, 1905), based on many more manuscripts. \u201cRashi\u201d and his grandson \u201cRabbe\u00afnu Tam\u201d disagreed over the arrangement of the sections of biblical passages \u2014\u2014. Rashi\u2019s Commentary on Ezekiel 40\u201348, edited on the basis in tefillin. To this day some very strict Jews put on two of eleven manuscripts by Abraham J. Levy (Philadelphia, pairs of tefillin. 1931). Language \u2014\u2014. Se\u00affer ha-orah (Lemberg, 1905; photo rpt., 1966), ed. S. Buber. Since the nineteenth century, scholars have been in- terested in the French glosses (explanations of words \u2014\u2014. Siddur Rashi (Berlin, 1911), ed. S. Buber. or concepts in French, written of course in Hebrew \u2014\u2014. Teshuvot Rashi ed. I. Elfenbein (New York, 1943; photo rpt. Benei Berak, 1980). \u2014\u2014. [Teshuvot Rashi. German] Rechtsentscheide Raschis aus Troyes: 1040\u20131105) Quellen \u00fcber die sozialen und wirtschaftli- chen Beziehungen zwischen Juden und Christen, tr. Hans- Georg von Mutius (Frankfurt; New York, 1986\u201387), 2 vols. (responsa of Rashi also in Teshuvot h.okhmey S. arfat ve-Lotir, ed. Joel Mueller [Vienna, 1881], Nos. 11\u201313, 15,16,18 (?), 21\u201332, 33(?), 34(?), 40\u201342, 73\u201384). 558","\u2014\u2014. completion of commentary on Job; ed. A. Berliner in Melis. REINMAR DER ALTE 14: 397 ff., 389 ff., rpt. in Harkavy, Abraham. Me\u2019assef nidah. iym (Jerusalem, 1970), pp. 53\u201356, 69\u201375; cf. also I. Maarsen thing, Reinmar utilizes the woman\u2019s voice more often in M.G.W.J. 83 (1939): 442\u201356. and in more different ways than any minnesinger save Neidhart, whose peasant women and girls reflect the \u2014\u2014. Secundum Salomonem: a thirteenth century Latin com- pastourelle (bucolic) rather than the Wechsel (exchange) mentary on the Song of Solomon [according to \u201cRashi\u201d], ed. that was Reinmar\u2019s inspiration. One thing becomes Sarah Kamin, Avrom Saltman (Benei Berak, 1989). clear in the multifaceted roles the woman\u2019s voices depict: Reinmar\u2019s women cannot be equated with his Secondary Literature persona\u2019s lady. The lady as the suitor describes her is recalcitrant, haughty, distant; the noble woman\u2019s voices Berliner, Abraham. Ketaviym nivh. ariym (Jerusalem, 1945\u201349), show someone who, if she spurns her suitor, does so Vol. 2. unwillingly, constrained by fear of social sanctions. Often, she demonstrates a desire for her lover far more Blumenfeld, Samuel. Master of Troyes. A study of Rashi the edu- impassioned (and physical) than that expressed by \u201cRe- cator (New York, 1946); actually only p. 75 ff. is on \u201cRashi,\u201d inmar\u201d in his stereotypical role. Indeed, she exposes his including excerpts from commentaries. maunderings as misguided at best, ludicrous at worst. Of course, the woman\u2019s voice is Reinmar\u2019s projection just Hailperin, H. Rashi and the Christian Scholars (Pittsburgh, as much as the man\u2019s voice, but he surely intends the 1963). incongruity between the stances portrayed to be noted and relished. Just as Don Quixote is Cervantes\u2019s knight Rashi Anniversary Volume (New York, 1941); collected stud- of the woeful countenance, Reinmar\u2019s suitor is doleful. ies. Both are (tragi-) comic fictions. In many of the songs in the man\u2019s voice, the lady is marginalized, referred Rashi, torato ve-iyshato (New York, 1948); collected studies. to sparingly and obliquely, and the primary subjects of Sed-Rajna, G., ed. Rashi 1040\u20131990: Hommage a Ephraim E. the song are an examination of the suitor\u2019s feelings, the singer\u2019s singing, and the audience\u2019s reaction to songs Urbach (Paris, 1993); I have not been able to see this in time or singer. The syntax is typically complex; abstractions for this article. and legalisms (casuistries) abound. Imagery is rare; it Se\u00affer Rashi (Jerusalem, 1956\/57); collected studies. may be that where Reinmar tried to introduce imagery Shereshevsky, Esra. Rashi the Man and His World (New York, (in part, perhaps, by appropriating strophes from other 1982); see critical review by Roth in Hebrew Studies 24 singers), his audience rejected it. Several songs con- (1983): 221\u201323 with additional bibliography. taining a strophe with some striking image omit this strophe in most versions and others are transmitted only Norman Roth once. For many minnesingers songs are transmitted in multiple versions; for no singer is this transmission ten- REINMAR DER ALTE dency more common than for Reinmar. Not only was he (fl. late 12th c.\u2013early 13th c.) prolific, he was apparently also intent on extending and varying his repertoire by changing the order and number Reinmar der Alte (the old) or, as he is often called by of strophes and even, on occasion, the basic tenor of scholars, Reinmar von Hagenau, is the most prolific min- songs. Changes in wording, form, and most strikingly nesinger of the twelfth century. He flourished (in the last voice enable him to make new songs of old ones. Some fifteen or so years of the twelfth and the first years of the of the variants we have are due to later singers (such as thirteenth) at the Babenberg court in Vienna, and prob- Niune) appropriating songs or scribes adding strophes ably also traveled widely, as did most courtiers and court from other versions or deleting ones they consider inap- retainers. He left no documentary record; we know him propriate or corrupt. And some of the textual variants only as he presents himself and as other poets refer to are due to faulty copying, flawed memory, or scribal him. He lacks the range of Walther von der Vogelweide; \u201cimprovements.\u201d Nevertheless, though most scholars the only didactic lyrics he wrote were a few reflections dispute or disregard it, the texts make it abundantly clear on love, there is no Leich transmitted for him, and the that an authorial intention is behind most of the variance only political songs ascribed to him are a widow\u2019s la- we find in Reinmar\u2019s (and other minnesingers\u2019) songs. ment and two crusading songs. Yet the view of him as a singer of only one style of minnesong (courtly love Many minnesingers thematize singing about singing; song)\u2014the lament of the hapless suitor\u2014though influ- but Reinmar, with his unusually introspective and reflec- enced by his own stylization of his persona, is largely tive persona, does so more than most. While focusing an artifact of scholarship during the past two centuries. on the theme and engaging that segment of the listeners Especially toward the end of the nineteenth and the first most concerned with singing, other singers, directly, he half of the twentieth century, scholars created an ever reacts to and may even borrow and adapt strophes from narrower image of Reinmar by claiming that songs and strophes ascribed to him were spurious, until the number of \u201cpseudo-Reinmar\u201d strophes exceeded those accepted as genuine. If we accept that he sang (and, in large part, created) most of the songs and strophes ascribed to him, it becomes clear that his oeuvre was rich and varied in addition to being extensive. Even the narrow Reinmar canon is more nuanced than scholars were initially willing to perceive. For one 559","REINMAR DER ALTE Ziegler, Vickie L. The Leitword in Minnesang: Stylistic Analysis and Textual Criticism. University Park: Penn State University them. Such an interchange of allusions and even strophes Press, 1975. gave rise to the notion that he feuded with Walther von der Vogelweide, with the latter objecting to Reinmar\u2019s Hubert Heinen ideology of love. Actually, their views on love are quite similar (and similarly diverse, depending on which genre REINMAR VON ZWETTER they echo); nevertheless, both singers vie over which of (ca. 1200\u2013ca. 1250) the two is the superior artist. The Wartburgkrieg, a fic- tional account of a contest between singers at the Wart- We know this prolific singer of Sangspruchdichtung burg in Thuringia, probably reflects their competition (at (political and religious thought) only from his songs. considerable remove; Reinmar der Alte may have been They suggest he was born in the Rhineland, grew up in conflated with Reinmar von Zweter). The coupling of the Austria, and was employed as a courtly singer by King two singers in the W\u00fcrzburg Song Codex may be another Wenzel I of Bohemia in the 1230s. Other internal evi- reflex of their strife. Gottfried von Stra\u00dfburg pairs both dence indicates he sang at the court of the archbishop of \u201cnightingales\u201d as masters of minnesong. Walther, in his Mainz in the 1240s. Reinmar\u2019s last datable piece stems eulogies to Reinmar, praises his art but declares an an- from the years 1246 to 1248. He left some 230 single tipathy toward his person; perhaps the latter is intended twelve-line, one-stanza songs, all sung to the same to lend veracity to the former, but it is also possible the tune (called Frauenehrenton in manuscript \u201cD\u201d) and a two simply did not like each other very much. Reinmar Leich (lay) without melody. There is also a handful of arguably caused one of the most egregious instances of songs, probably spurious, in other stanzaic forms with multiple ascription by copying a collection of Heinrich which his name is associated. Only a few of his one- von Rugge\u2019s songs, or acquiring such a collection, to stanza songs can be thematically linked together. Most serve as models. A series of songs by Rugge, to which of Reinmar\u2019s work is contained in two sources, 219 he may have added songs and strophes of his own, sub- stanzas in manuscript \u201cC,\u201d the famous Manesse Song sequently was copied into codex C twice, once under Manuscript (Heidelberg, no. Cod. Pal. Germ. 848), and Rugge\u2019s name and once under Reinmar\u2019s. The affinities 193 stanzas in manuscript \u201cD\u201d (Heidelberg, no. Cod. between the two singers are not restricted, however, to Pal. Germ. 350). Other stanzas are scattered over some one block of songs, so the parallel transmission cannot twenty additional manuscripts. The illustration in \u201cC\u201d be explained away as a mere scribal blunder, as scholars depicts him as a blind singer dictating his songs, though have tended to assume. Allusions to or strophes shared there is no evidence in the body of his work that he was with Hartmann von Aue and Heinrich von Morungen sight-impaired. probably also reflect Reinmar\u2019s willingness to appropri- ate; he in turn serves as a major model for such singers The Frauenehrenton, Reinmar\u2019s only known melody, as Walther von Metze and Rubin. is a utilitarian d-based construction, a solid structure for the delivery of all his content-laden stanzas. It is pos- See also Hartmann von Aue; sible that it is not an original composition, since one of Heinrich von Merungen; Neidhart Reinmar\u2019s confreres in courtly singing accuses him of being a tune thief (doenediep). Further Reading Reinmar\u2019s singing encompasses many of the popular Heinen, Hubert, ed. Mutabilit\u00e4t im Minnesang: mehrfach \u00fcberlief- subgenres of Spruchdichtung, e.g., political songs, re- erte Lieder des 12. und fr\u00fchen 13. Jahrhunderts. G\u00f6ppingen: ligious songs, cautionary songs, songs of praise, songs K\u00fcmmerle, 1989. about the nature of love, and songs extolling knightly virtue. In this he is a disciple of Walther von der Vogel- Jackson, William E. Reinmar\u2019s Women: A Study of the Woman\u2019s weide, though his poetry lacks the nuance and lyricism Song (\u201cFrauenlied\u201d and \u201cFrauenstrophe\u201d) of Reinmar der of Walther. Many of his songs have an elegiac quality, Alte. Amsterdam: John Benjamin, 1981. lamenting the passing of the heyday of love, honor, and courtly values. In these Reinmar provides a canon for Obermaier, Sabine. Von Nachtigallen und Handwerkern: \u2018Dich- knightly behavior in the first half of the thirteenth century. tung tiber Dichtung\u2019 in Minnesang und Sangspruchdichtung. T\u00fcbingen: Niemeyer, 1995. His rhetorical style is direct and convincing, under- scoring his belief in the old-fashioned values of knight- Schweikle, G\u00fcnther. Minnesang in neuer Sicht. Stuttgart: Met- hood (especially Minne\u2014courtly love\u2014and honor) zler, 1994. and reflecting a natural piety in which he pleads for righteousness, though never in a self-righteous way. Stange, Manfred. Reinmars Lyrik: Forschungskritik und \u00dcber- His stanzas, especially the political ones, also afford legungen zu einem neuen Verst\u00e4dnis Reinmars des Alten. glimpses of his life as a courtly singer. Like Walther be- Amsterdam: Rodopi, 1977. fore him, Reinmar had to generate political propaganda Tervooren, Helmut. Reinmar Studien: Ein Kommentar zu den \u201cunechten\u201d Liedern Reinmars des Alten. Stuttgart: Hirzel, 1991. Willms, Eva. Liebesleid und Sangeslust: Untersuchungen zur deutschen Liebeslyrik des sp\u00e4ten 12. und fr\u00fchen 13. Jahr- hunderts. Munich: Artemis, 1992. 560","to suit the occasion. Illustrative are two songs composed REMIGIO DEI GIROLAMI in the 1230s, the first issuing a dire warning to those conspiring against Emperor Fredrick II (Roethe: No. seem to have aroused little interest until the second half 137), the second (composed after a change of patrons) of the twentieth century, when a number of them were urging willful resistance to the same monarch (Roethe: edited. Early in the century, G. Salvadori published some No. 149). extracts from Remigio\u2019s public sermons and advanced the thesis that he must have been Dante\u2019s teacher at the Pursuing the tradition of Walther\u2019s political and time when Dante tells us he was frequenting the \u201cschools religious songs, Reinmar is the link to later singers of the religious.\u201d The theory remains unproved, but it has of Spruchdichtung in the second half of the thirteenth been widely accepted and is not improbable, for during century such as Bruder Werner, Meister Alexander, this period Remigio was the principal lector of one of Meister Stolle, der Marner, and Frauenlob. That such a the two leading schools of the religious in Florence. rich assortment of stanzas was collected in more than twenty manuscripts attests to his popularity. For three Whether he taught Dante or not, Remigio\u2019s teach- hundred years he was venerated by the Meistersinger, ing was important in the Florence of his own day, and who counted him among the twelve old masters. it was most emphasized by the chronicle or necrology of his own convent. The entry about Remigio says that See also Frauenlob; Frederick II; at the time of his death he had been a Dominican for Walther von der Vogelweide fifty-one years and ten months, of which more than forty years had been spent as lector of Santa Maria Novella. Further Reading Remigio was licensed in arts in Paris, entered the Do- minican Order in the \u201cfirst flower of his youth,\u201d and Bonjour, Edgar. Reimar von Zweter als politischer Dichter. Bern: made such rapid progress, according to the necrology, Haupt, 1922. that he became lector at Florence while still a deacon and before being ordained as a priest. He must have become Gerhardt, Christoph. \u201cReinmars von Zweters Idealer Mann.\u201d a Dominican in Paris c. 1267\u20131268, since, as Panella Beitr\u00e4ge zur Geschichte der deutschen Sprache und Literature (1982) has shown, he heard Saint Thomas Aquinas dur- (T\u00fcbingen) 109 (1987): 51\u201384, 222\u2013251. ing Aquinas\u2019s last period of teaching there, from 1269 to 1272. Remigio served in many important positions Roethe, Gustav. Die Gedichte Reinmars von Zweter. Leipzig: in his order, and he was already preacher-general by Hirzel, 1887. 1281. He returned to Paris c. 1298 at the express wish of his convent to continue his theological studies and Schubert, Martin J. \u201cDie Form von Reinmars Leich.\u201d Amsterda- qualify for the magisterium. He had returned to Florence mer Beitr\u00e4ge zur \u00e4lteren Germanistik 41 (1995): 85\u2013142. in August 1301 but soon went to Rome in the hope of receiving the magisterium from Pope Boniface VIII, Schupp, Volker. \u201cReinmar von Zweter, Dichter Kaisers Friedrichs but this ambition was frustrated by Boniface\u2019s sudden II.\u201d Wirkendes Wort 19 (1969): 231\u2013244. death. Remigio finally received the magisterium from a fellow Dominican, Pope Benedict XI, probably in Peter Frenzel 1304 at Perugia; we know that he preached and disputed there, and apparently he did not return to Florence again REMIGIO DEI GIROLAMI (d. 1319) until 1306 or 1307. This seems to have been his last long absence from the city and the lectorate of Santa The Dominican Remigio dei Girolami was a well-known Maria Novella, though the necrology says that he gave teacher and preacher in Florence. He was a member of up teaching and preaching a few years before his death a family prominent in the wool guild and in municipal (probably by 1316, when there was a new lector of theol- civic life. For many years, he was lector of theology in ogy at the convent) and devoted himself to composing the great Dominican convent of Santa Maria Novella. In and compiling religious books. This activity seems to addition to his fame as a preacher, he also gained renown have consisted in large part in the collecting and editing as a welcomer of visiting kings, cardinals, and other of his own works. dignitaries; as an exhorter of civic officials to promote the common good; and as an orator at funerals and com- Remigio\u2019s works are contained in four early four- memorative occasions for local and foreign notables. teenth-century double-columned folio volumes and a There were few types of public ceremony in Florence later collection of Lenten sermons in the Conventi sop- or in his order in which he was not at least occasionally pressi manuscript collection of the National Library of a conspicuous participant. Although some of his closest Florence, plus two copies of a commentary on the Song relatives were exiled after the triumph of the Black Guelf of Songs in the Laurentian Library, also in Florence. The faction in 1302, Remigio\u2019s own popularity with those in four Conventi soppressi volumes are C.4.940, Remigio\u2019s power seems to have continued. In 1313, answering a treatises; D.1.937, sermons de sanctis et festis; G.3.465, query from Sienese officials about his political sound- questions; and G.4.936, sermons de tempore, and those ness, the Florentine government called him \u201ca leading father to our corporation (universitati).\u201d Remigio also wrote treatises on a rich variety of theo- logical, philosophical, and political subjects, but these 561","REMIGIO DEI GIROLAMI good of the part was subordinated to and included in the good of the whole. Of course, the common good of for special occasions. The last includes a section of Christendom took precedence over the common good prologues that Remigio preached at the beginning of of Florence, and its head should be obeyed whenever his courses. Most are on books of Peter Lombard\u2019s possible; but if a command of the pope contravened the Sentences or the Bible; but two deal with Aristotle, and peace and well-being of the commune, even that com- one of these is devoted specifically to Aristotle\u2019s Ethics. mand should be disregarded. Together they comprise some 2,700 folio sides. The four folio volumes, except for the first seventy-four leaves See also Aquinas, Thomas; Dante Alighieri; of C.4.940, are all written in the same highly abbrevi- Ptolemy of Lucca ated hand, with additions, annotations, and corrections by a second hand, evidently that of Remigio himself. Further Reading Although a few copies of particular sermons have been found in manuscripts of non-Florentine provenance, Treatises by Remigio Remigio\u2019s fame was mainly local, and knowledge of his writings was confined almost entirely to his own Contra falsos ecclesie professores (fols. 154v\u2013196v), ed. Filippo convent. But his writings must have been important Tamburini. Rome, 1981. there, for they furnished a rich repository of materials for preaching and for instruction in an important, if De bono comuni (fols. 97r\u2013106r), ed. M. C. De Matteis. In La somewhat provincial, Dominican school. The purpose \u201cteologia politica comunale\u201d de Remigio de\u2019 Girolami. Bo- of the compilation of these volumes is confirmed by an logna, 1977 (text: 1\u201351). elaborate web of cross-references, both in the text and in the margins, that connect works in the same volume and De bono comuni (fols. 97r\u2013106r), ed. Emilio Panella. In \u201cDal in different volumes. Many of the sermons, for example, bene comune al bene del comune: I trattati politici di Remi- are merely outlines but often contain references to al- gio dei Girolami nella Firenze dei Bianchi-Neri.\u201d Memorie legorical and anecdotal material in other sermons and Domenicane, 16, 1985, 1\u2013198. (Text, pp. 123\u2013168.) in treatises. As for the treatises (contained in Biblioteca Nazionale, Florence, MS Conventi Soppressi C.4.940), De bono pacis (fols. 106v\u2013109r), ed. Charles T. Davis. In \u201cRemi- they do not cite the sermons, but they often cite and gio de\u2019 Girolami and Dante: A Comparison of Their Concep- thereby reinforce each other. tions of Peace.\u201d Studi Danteschi, 36, 1959, pp. 105\u2013136. (Text, pp. 123\u2013136. See also editions by M. C. De Matteis, in La Originality is not the most striking characteristic of teologia . . . , text, pp. 53\u201371; and Emilio Panella, in \u201cDal Remigio\u2019s works. On the other hand, his concern with bene comune . . . ,\u201d text, pp. 169\u2013183.) contemporary events and problems and his intense Florentine patriotism are often apparent. Although De contrarietate peccati (fols. 124v\u2013130v). Remigio copied quantities of material from Aquinas De iustitia (fols. 206r\u2013207r), ed. Ovidio Capitani. In \u201cL\u2019incompiuto in his treatise De peccato usure, its editor describes Remigio\u2019s analysis of the sin of usury as somewhat \u2018Tractatus de iustitia\u2019 di fra Remigio de\u2019 Girolami.\u201d Bullettino more flexible than Aquinas\u2019s. In a long digression in dell\u2019Istituto Storico Italiano per il Medio Evo, 72, 1960, pp. another treatise, Contra falsos ecclesie professores, 91\u2013134. (Text, pp. 125\u2013128.) Remigio tried valiantly, if with only partial success, to De misericordia (fols. 197r\u2013206r), ed. A. Samaritani, in \u201cLa mi- find a middle ground between those who exalted and sericordia in Remigio de\u2019 Girolami e in Dante nel passaggio those who decried the claim of the papacy to universal tra la teologia patristico-monastica e la scolastica.\u201d Analecta temporal authority. Perhaps the most interesting aspect Pomposiana, 2, 1966, pp. 169\u2013207. (Text, pp. 181\u2013207.) of Remigio\u2019s thought was his effort to fuse the Augustin- De mixtione elementorum inmixto (fols. 11v\u201317r). ian concept of peace with the Aristotelian concept of the De modis rerum (fols. 17v\u201370v). (Earlier version with Remigio\u2019s common good and apply them to the problem of faction corrections in MS Conventi Soppressi E.7.938.) in his own city, identifying them with the good of the De mutabilitate et inmutabilitate (fols. 131r\u2013135v). commune. Several of his treatises and a number of his De peccato usure (fols. 109r\u2013124v), ed. Ovidio Capitani. In \u201cIl sermons are devoted to this theme. He also\u2014like his \u2018De peccato usure\u2019 di Remigio de\u2019 Girolami.\u201d Studi Medievali, fellow Dominican Ptolemy of Lucca\u2014tried to inspire 6(2), 1965, pp. 537\u2013662. (Text, pp. 611\u2013660.) his fellow citizens through examples of civic virtue Determinatio de uno esse in Christo (fols. 7r\u201311v), ed. Martin furnished by the heroes of the Roman republic, whose Grabmann. In Miscellania Tomista. Estudis Franciscans, 24. willingness to sacrifice themselves for their patria he Barcelona, October\u2013December 1924, pp. 257\u2013277. (again like Ptolemy) did not hesitate to identify with Determinatio utrum sit licitum vendere mercationes ad terminum the Christian virtue of caritas. Not to be a citizen, he (fols. 130v\u2013131r), ed. O. Capitani. In \u201cLa \u2018venditio ad ter- affirmed with Aristotle, was not to be a man; and for minum\u2019 nella valutazione morale di S. Tommaso d\u2019Aquino Remigio, citizenship required the realization that the e di Remigio de\u2019 Girolami.\u201d Bullettino dell\u2019Istituto Storico Italiano per il Medio Evo, 70, 1958, pp. 299\u2013363. (Text, pp. 343\u2013345.) De via paradisi (fols. 207r\u2013352v). Divisio scientie (fols. 1r\u20137r), ed. Emilio Panella. In \u201cUn\u2019introduzione alla filosofia in uno \u2018studium\u2019 dei Frati Predicatori del XIII secolo. \u2018Divisio scientie\u2019 di Remigio dei Girolami.\u201d Memorie Domenicane, n.s., 12, 1981, pp. 27\u2013126. (Text, pp. 81\u2013119.) Questio de subiecto theologie (fols. 91r\u201395v), ed. Emilio Panella. In Il \u201cDe subiecto theologie\u201d (1297\u20141299) di Remigio dei Girolami. Rome, 1982. (Text, pp. 4\u201371.) 562","Quodlibetum primum (fols. 71r\u201381v) and Ouodlibetum secun- REN\u00c9 D\u2019ANJOU dum (fols. 81v\u201390v), ed. Emilio Panella. In \u201cI quodlibeti di Remigio.\u201d Memorie Domenicane, 14, 1983, pp. 1\u2013149. (Text, Panella, Emilio. \u201cPer lo studio di fra Remigio dei Girolami (\u2020 pp. 66\u2013146.) 1319).\u201d Memorie Domenicane, n.s., 10, 1979. Speculum (fols. 135v\u2013l54v). \u2014\u2014. \u201cIl repertorio dello Schneyer e i sermonari di Remigio dei Girolami.\u201d Memorie Domenicane, n.s., 11, 1980, pp. Questions by Remigio 632\u2013650. Extractio ordinata per alphabetum de questionibus tractatis. \u2014\u2014. \u201cRemigiana: note biografiche e filologiche.\u201d Memorie Biblioteca Nazionale, Florence, MS Conventi Soppressi G Domenicane, n.s., 13, 1982, pp. 366\u2013421. 3.465. (See Questio de duratione monitionum capitulorum Generalium et Provincialium, ed. Emilio Panella. In \u201cDibat- \u2014\u2014. \u201cNuova Cronologia Remigiana.\u201d Archivum Fratrum Praedi- tito sulla durata legale delle \u2018Admonitiones,\u2019\u201d pp. 85\u2013101; catorum, 60, 1990, pp. 145\u2013311. text, pp. 97\u2013101. See also table of contents at the end of the manuscript, ed. J. D. Caviglioli and R. Imbach. In \u201cBr\u00e8ve Pugh Rupp, T. \u201cOrdo caritatis: The Political Thought of Remigio notice sur Extractio ordinata per alphabetum de Remi,\u201d dei Girolami.\u201d Dissertation, Cornell University, 1988. (Ann Archivum Fratrum Praedicatorum, 49, 1979, pp. 105\u2013131; Arbor Microfilms.) text, pp. 115\u2013131.) \u201cRemigio Dei Girolami.\u201d Dictionnaire de spiritualit\u00e9, 13, 1987, Remigio\u2019s Postille pp. 343\u2013347. Postille super Cantica Canticorum. Biblioteca Laurenziana, Flor- Schneyer, Johannes Baptist. Repertorium der lateinischen Ser- ence, MSS Conventi Soppressi 362 (fols. 88r\u2013123r; 516, fols. mones des Mittelalters f\u00fcr die Zeit von 1150\u20131350, Vol. 5. 221r\u2013266v). (The latter MS contains also Distinctiones for M\u00fcnster: Aschendorff, 1974, pp. 65\u2013134. the letter A, fols. 266v\u2013268v, ed. Emilio Panella. In \u201cPer lo studio di fra\u2019 Remigio dei Girolami.\u201d Memorie Domenicane, Charles T. Davis n.s., 10, 1979, pp. 271\u2013283.) REN\u00c9 D\u2019ANJOU (1409\u20131480) Sermons by Remigio Son of Louis II, duke of Anjou, and Yolande of Aragon, Sermones de diversis materiis. Biblioteca Nazionale, Florence, the \u201cGood King Ren\u00e9\u201d is known for his accomplish- MS Conventi Soppressi G.4.936, fols. 247r\u2013404v. (See scraps ments in several areas. This second son of the politically from these sermons, as well as Versus and Rithmi placed by ambitious Yolande was, for strategic reasons, adopted Remigio at the end of the codex, ed. G. Salvadori and V. by the duke of Bar. He was married in 1420 to Isabelle Federici. \u201cI Sermoni d\u2019occasione, le sequenze e i ritmi di of Lorraine. He became duke of Bar in 1430 and duke Remigio Girolami fiorentino.\u201d In Scritti vari di filologia a of Lorraine in 1431, but his claim to the latter title cost Ernesto Monaci, 455\u2013508. Rome: Forzani, 1901. See also him five years in prison. At the death of his elder brother the sermons De pace, ed. Emilio Panella. In \u201cDal bene co- Louis in 1434, Ren\u00e9 inherited the duchy of Anjou and mune . . . ,\u201d pp. 187\u2013198. This section of MS Conv. Soppr. the family claim to the kingdom of Naples. Although G.4.936 also contains prologues to courses on books of the he lost the latter throne to Alfonso of Aragon in 1442, Bible, Sentences, and Aristotle\u2019s Ethics, fols. 276v\u2013345r. See Ren\u00e9\u2019s prestige and influence nonetheless continued to Emilio Panella, ed. Prologus in fine sententiarum. In Il \u201cDe grow at the court of his brother-in-law, Charles VII, and subiecto theologie,\u201d pp. 73\u201375. See also Emilio Panella, ed. in France generally. After the death of Isabelle in 1453, Prologus super librum Ethicorum. In \u201c\u2018 Un\u2019introduzione alla he married Jeanne de Laval. Ren\u00e9, whose titles derived filosofia,\u201d pp. 122\u2013124.) from the circumstances of aristocratic inheritance, was one of the last obstacles to the unification of France by Sermones de quadragesima. Biblioteca Nazionale, Florence, MS Louis XI. Deprived of Bar and Anjou by Louis, Ren\u00e9 Conventi Soppressi G.7.939. retreated in his later years to Provence. Sermones de sanctis et de festis. Biblioteca Nazionale, Florence, Despite his political reversals, Ren\u00e9 d\u2019Anjou was MS Conventi Soppressi D.1.937. known as a good strategist in battle and an expert in warfare. He wrote a treatise on tournaments, the Traic- Sermones de tempore. Biblioteca Nazionale, Florence, MS Con- ti\u00e9 de la forme et devis d\u2019un tornoy (1445\u201350), and venti Soppressi G.4.936, fols. 1r\u2013246v. organized several celebrated tournaments on Charles VII\u2019s behalf. He was a generous patron of the arts and Studies himself a painter and writer. He composed two richly illuminated allegorical works in verse and prose: the Davis, Charles T. \u201cAn Early Florentine Political Theorist: Mortifiement de vaine plaisance (1455) and the Livre Fra Remigio de\u2019 Girolami.\u201d Proceedings of the American du cuer d\u2019amours espris (1457). Philosophical Society, 104, 1960, pp. 662\u2013676. (Reprinted in Dante\u2019s Italy and Other Essays. Philadelphia: University See also Charles VII of Pennsylvania Press, 1984, pp. 198\u2013223.) Further Reading Egenter, R. \u201cGemeinnutz vor Eigennutz: Die soziale Leitidee im Tractatus de bono communi des Fr. Remigius von Flotenz.\u201d Ren\u00e9 d\u2019Anjou. Le livre du cuer d\u2019amours espris, ed. Susan Whar- Scholastik, 9, 1934, pp. 79\u201392. ton. Paris: Union G\u00e9n\u00e9rale des \u00c9ditions, 1980. Grabmann, Martin. \u201cDie Wege von Thomas von Aquin zu Dante.\u201d \u2014\u2014. King Ren\u00e9\u2019s Book of Love (Le cueur d\u2019amours espris, Deutsches Dante Jahrbuch, 9, 1925, pp. 1\u201335. intro. and commentary F. Unterkircher, trans. Sophie Wilkins. Maccarrone, Michele. \u201c \u2018Potestas directa\u2019 e \u2018potestas indirecta\u2019 nei teologi del XII e XIII secolo.\u201d Miscellanea historiae pontificiae, 18, 1954, pp. 27\u201347. Minio-Paluello, Lorenzo. \u201cRemigio Girolami\u2019s De bono com- muni.\u201d Italian Studies, 2, 1956, pp. 56\u201371. Orlandi, Srefano. Necrologio di S. Maria Novella, 2 vols. Flor- ence: Olschki, 1955, Vol. 1, pp. 35\u201336, 276\u2013307. 563","REN\u00c9 D\u2019ANJOU \u2014\u2014. Biblionomia, ed. L\u00e9opold Delisle. Cabinet des Manuscrits 2 (1874): 520\u201335. NewYork: Braziller, 1975. [Reproduces sixteen illuminations attributed to Ren\u00e9.] \u2014\u2014. Richard de Fournival. I\u2019oeuvre lyrique de Richard de Des Garets, Marie Louyse. Un artisan de la Renaissance fran- Fournival, ed. Yvan G. Lepage. Ottawa: University of Ot- \u00e7aise du XVe si\u00e8cle, le roi Ren\u00e9, 1409\u20131480. Paris: \u00c9ditions tawa Press, 1984. de la Table Ronde, 1946. Lyna, Fr\u00e9d\u00e9ric. Le mortifiement de vaine plaisance de Ren\u00e9 Sylvia Huot d\u2019Anjou: \u00e9tude du texte et des manuscrits \u00e0 peintures. Brus- sels: Weckesser, 1926. RICHARD I (1157\u20131199; r. 1189\u201399) Janice C. Zinser Son of Henry II and Eleanor of Aquitaine. Richard the Lionheart was already duke of Aquitaine in right of his RICHARD DE FOURNIVAL mother and heir-apparent to the English throne upon (1201\u2013before 1260) the death of his elder brother, Henry \u201cthe Young King,\u201d in 1183. His nickname, \u201cthe Lionheart\u201d (Fr. \u201cCoeur Poet, canon, and chancellor at Amiens cathedral and de Lion\u201d), can be traced back to Gerald of Wales (d. canon of Rouen, Richard de Fournival produced a rich ca. 1223), who compared the king to a lion, and can and varied corpus, composing songs in the trouv\u00e8re style, already be found circulating in a 13th-century romance the prose Bestiaire d\u2019amours and its fragmentary verse of Richard\u2019s life. redaction, and the Latin Biblionomia, the catalogue of his remarkable library. Three other prose treatises, the Just as his late brother would have been a disastrous Commens d\u2019amours, the Consaus d\u2019amours, and the king, Richard could have been a great one had he spent Poissance d\u2019amours, are of questionable attribution. his reign in England rather than on crusade and in the Angevin lands across the Channel. Although a man of It is for the Bestiaire d\u2019amours that Richard is chiefly knightly prowess, a writer of courtly poetry, patron of known. In this adaptation of the bestiary format, birds culture, cunning politician, and diplomat, Richard ex- and animals represent aspects of the love experience. hibited qualities regarded today as repulsive. Even by The text, immediately popular, has been transmitted in contemporary standards he could be less than humane, numerous manuscripts, richly illuminated. It inspired vengeful and beastly; however, he was the ideal martial several literary responses, all anonymous. The earliest is king and a masterful leader of men. A recent study (by the Response au bestiaire, in which the lady to whom the Gillingham) has refuted the view that Richard was ho- Bestiaire d\u2019amours was addressed supposedly replies, mosexual. His reign is most conveniently examined by turning each of the bestiary examples into an illustration looking at his role inAngevin politics on the Continent, at of her need to take care to protect herself against male his conduct of the Third Crusade, and at the governance sexual advances. A verse adaptation, different from of England during his nine-and-a-half-year absence. the fragmentary verse redaction apparently by Richard himself, also survives; although the author gives his Filial piety was not a characteristic of Richard\u2019s name, he does so in an anagram of such complexity that personality. Henry II sought to maintain the territorial in- it remains unsolved. In two 14th-century manuscripts, tegrity of his lands in France, fighting a doomed struggle the Bestiaire d\u2019amours is given a narrative continuation, against Louis VII (1137\u201380) and Philip II (1180\u20131223), in which the lover captures the lady and receives from a struggle that, under Richard\u2019s youngest brother, John, her a red rose. In another 14th-century manuscript, the would result in the loss of all English holdings north Bestiaire and its Response are embedded in a sequence of the Loire. Richard, desiring effective control of his of prose texts that form a dialogue between lover and inheritance, revolted against his father in 1173\u201374 and lady; although none is a bestiary, all refer to the Besti- again in 1188\u201389, both times in alliance with the king aire, which clearly inspired the sequence. of France. The warfare was not only patricidal, but fratricidal as well\u2014as John and his brother Geoffrey of We know from the Biblionomia that Richard owned Brittany fought against both Henry II and Richard. some unusual books, including the only known com- plete copy of the poems of Tibullus. At his death, his Although the conflict was not resolved before the library passed to G\u00e9rard d\u2019Abbeville and then to the death of Henry, after his return from crusade the fighting Sorbonne. decisively favored the Lionheart. The promising course of the wars ended with Richard\u2019s death, while fighting Further Reading a contumacious vassal in Aquitaine: an engagement waged over political issues, not over treasure trove (as Fournival, Richard de. Le bestiaire d\u2019amour rim\u00e9, ed. Arvid some romantic versions of the story have it). Perhaps Thordstein. Lund: Ohlssons, 1941.[The anonymous verse the greatest tragedy of Richard\u2019s early death was not the adaptation of the Bestiaire d\u2019amours.] coming frustration of English ambitions on the Conti- nent but the opportunity denied him to demonstrate his \u2014\u2014. Li bestiaires d\u2019amours di maistre Richart de Fornival e potential greatness as king of England. Li response du bestiaire, ed. Cesare Segre. Milan: Riccardi, 1957. 564","Richard was best known in his own day as a crusader, RICHARD II as he is in literature, owing to the once great popularity of Walter Scott\u2019s The Talisman. For European affairs perhaps they knew better than we what it meant to be the most important development of the Crusade was a chivalric hero. the Treaty of Messina, sealed in 1191. Philip II (Philip Augustus) of France granted territorial boons to Rich- See also Eleanor of Aquitaine; John; ard, but by this agreement Richard recognized Philip\u2019s Philip II Augustus; Richard II suzerainty over the Angevin lands on the Continent. Shortly after the two kings arrived in the Holy Land, Further Reading Philip, a reluctant crusader, fell conveniently ill and returned home, motivated largely by his hope of taking Appleby, John. England without Richard, 1189\u20131199. Ithaca: advantage of Richard\u2019s absence so as to meddle in the Cornell University Press, 1965. English lordships in France. Richard conducted himself brilliantly as soldier and general and entered into Scott\u2019s Bridge, Antony. Richard the Lionheart. London: Grafton, 1989 legend as a revered and worthy opponent and respected Gillingham, John. Richard the Lionheart. 2d ed. London: Wei- friend of Saladin. denfeld & Nicolson, 1989 [the \u201cselect bibliography\u201d and the After helping to settle the political problems of the chapter notes provide a full bibliography]. Latin kingdom of Jerusalem Richard left for England in Gillingham, John. Richard Coeur de Lion: Kingship, Chivalry and October 1192. However, nature and politics interrupted War in the Twelfth Century. London: Hambledon, 1994. the journey; a victim of shipwreck, he then fell into Landon, Lionel. The Itinerary of King Richard I. Pipe Roll Society the hands of the duke of Austria, who delivered him to 51. London: Pipe Roll Society, 1935. Henry, the Holy Roman Emperor. Henry, with the ac- Nelson, Janet L., ed. Richard Coeur de Lion in History and Myth. tive support of Philip of France, kept the Lionheart in London: King\u2019s College London, 1992. captivity until April 1194, when he was released after Painter, Sidney. \u201cThe Third Crusade: Richard Lionhearted and paying a king\u2019s ransom. Philip Augustus.\u201d In A History of the Crusades, gen. ed. Ken- neth M. Setton. 2d ed. Vol. 2: The Later Crusades, 1189\u20131311, Richard had made careful plans for the governance ed. Robert Lee Wolff and Harry W. Hazard. Madison: Uni- of England during his absence; his kingdom, of course, versity of Wisconsin Press, 1969, pp. 45\u201386. had been accustomed to an absent king ever since the Norman conquest, owing to the royal policy of ruling James W. Alexander personally over their French lands as over their English ones. Richard had a smoothly functioning machinery RICHARD II (1367\u20131399; r. 1377\u201399) of government, guided such by able and experienced administrators as William Longchamp, Hubert Walter, Born at Bordeaux on 6 January 1367, the second son and Geoffrey Fitz Peter. Every source of revenue was of Edward the Black Prince, Prince of Wales (d. 1376). efficiently exploited, though at Richard\u2019s death the trea- After Richard succeeded his grandfather Edward III sury was empty\u2014unremitting warfare being the most in 1377, government in his minority was conducted expensive activity in which a government engages. jointly by his three uncles (especially the eldest, John of Gaunt), the earls, and leading officials of his grand- Despite the continuing plots of Prince John the father and father. country remained loyal to its king and his ministers. In Richard\u2019s absence there was less initiation of new Richard displayed courage and leadership during the institutions than refinement in administration; the Peasant Rebellion of 1381 and in the next few years was great inquest of 1194 checked up on the enforcement encouraged by bosom companions and some officials to of royal judicial, feudal, and financial rights. The role assert his will over patronage and policies. His prestige of what would become known as the gentry expanded was enhanced by his childless marriage in 1382 to Anne in the administration of justice; while the end was not of Bohemia (d. 1394), daughter of the late Emperor foreseen by Richard\u2019s ministers, the ultimate result of Charles IV, and by his first major expedition to Scotland this enlargement of nonnobles\u2019 participation in govern- (1385). But parliaments were concerned about royal ment gave those of less than noble birth a sense that the finances, and there was growing disquiet, expressed by government was theirs as well as the king\u2019s. some magnates, over failures to check the French in war and over royal indulgence of court intrigues against Until recent decades historians have tended to depre- Gaunt. In 1386 Richard, freed from Gaunt\u2019s shadow by cate Richard, as they have Henry V. And yet the popular the latters expedition to Castile, alienated public opinion opinion of his own day is worth something. Wars were by the evasion of financial restraints and the failure to not viewed from a modern perspective, nor were their prevent the buildup of an invasion threat from a French aims to be construed in terms of the goals of modern armada in Flanders. war. Richard was highly regarded by his contemporaries; In the autumn parliament of 1386 the Commons, abetted by the king\u2019s uncle Thomas of Woodstock, duke of Gloucester, and Thomas Arundel, bishop of Ely, secured the dismissal from the chancellorship and the impeachment of a royal favorite, Michael de la Pole, earl of Suffolk. A commission was appointed with wide 565","RICHARD II as his bodyguard of Cheshire archers. But the general alarm caused by his policies was augmented by the powers to monitor administration for a year. Determined exclusion from the general pardon of January 1398, to evade its control, Richard toured the realm in 1387, of those who had ridden against him. Supporters of seeking support. He prompted the judges to define recent the Appellants in 1387\u201388 now had to seek the royal political initiatives as treasonable encroachments on mercy and pay fines. Richard\u2019s daring restructuring of royal prerogative; he aroused suspicions of a sellout to magnate power was threatened when, in this session, the French by seeking a conference with King Charles Bolingbroke accused Thomas Mowbray, his fellow Ap- VI. In November Gloucester and the earls of Arundel pellant of 1387\u201388 and 1397, of treason. In September and Warwick rose in arms and launched an Appeal of Richard intervened when the parties were about to settle Treason against five of the king\u2019s supporters. Richard their quarrel by judicial duel and sentenced Mowbray conceded that the appeal would be heard in parliament. to exile for life and Bolingbroke for ten years. On the death of Bolingbroke\u2019s father, Gaunt, in February 1399 The \u201cAppellants\u201d were joined by Gaunt\u2019s son Henry Richard made his banishment perpetual and confiscated Bolingbroke and by Thomas Mowbray, earl of Not- the Lancastrian inheritance. tingham. Richard\u2019s close friend Robert de Vere, duke of Ireland, raised an army at his instigation, only to In June, soon after Richard had gone on expedition be defeated by the Appellants at Radcot Bridge (in to Ireland to salvage his 1395 setdement, Bolingbroke Oxfordshire). In parliament in 1388 the appellees were sailed widi a small company from France and landed in found guilty; the two in custody, the Londoner Nicho- Yorkshire. He was soon joined by Lancastrian retainers las Brembre and Chief Justice Robert Tresilian, were and northern lords, including the earls of Northum- executed. The Commons impeached other judges and berland and Westmorland, disgruntled by Richard\u2019s four household officers; the latter (notably Sir Simon interference in their sphere of influence. Bolingbroke ad- Burley, who had tutored the king) were executed. vanced through the Midlands to seize Bristol; Richard\u2019s uncle and regent, Edmund duke of York, along with The Appellants soon lost common purpose and sup- other supporters, was unable to rally effective opposi- port. The schemes of Gloucester and Arundel for an tion. From Bristol Bolingbroke moved up through the invasion of France failed, and in August, at Otterburn in Welsh marches to capture Chester, the main bastion of Northumberland, the English suffered the worst defeat Ricardian sentiment. by the Scots since Bannockburn (1314). In May 1389 Richard declared himself of age and took control of In Ireland Richard failed to appreciate the urgent government; in the early 1390s his moderate exercise need to rally support in person in north Wales and of authority was underpinned by the returned Gaunt, Cheshire; he landed too late in south Wales, moving principal negotiator in attempts to make a final peace north to Conway after his forces had disintegrated. The with the French. mediating earl of Northumberland betrayed Richard into Bolingbroke\u2019s hands; he was conveyed as a prisoner Richard boosted his authority by suspending the from Flint to the Tower of London. There he was ap- liberties of London (1391\u201392) and leading an expedi- parently forced to abdicate, and in September a version tion to Ireland (1394\u201395); London citizens and Irish of this agreement was submitted to the parliament sum- chieftains alike submitted to his mercy. Continuous moned in his name. His requests for a public hearing truces with the French since 1389 culminated in 1396 were refused; the estates accepted the charges made in a truce for 28 years; Richard married Charles VT\u2019s against him in parliament as ground for deposition and daughter Isabella. acknowledged Bolingbroke\u2019s claim to the throne. But the moves in the 1390s toward an Anglo-French The deposed Richard was moved to other prisons, rapprochement provoked widespread disquiet; the eventually to Pontefract in Yorkshire, where he died earl of Arundel was a leading critic, and from 1395 (or was killed) after the rising in January 1400 by some Gloucester emerged as one. In July 1397 Richard ar- of his former favorites\u2014Huntingdon, Huntingdon\u2019s rested Gloucester, Arundel, and Warwick; young nobles nephew Thomas Holland, earl of Kent, John Montague, made an Appeal of Treason against them for their acts earl of Salisbury, and Thomas, Lord Despenser. It was in 1386\u201388, and they were found guilty in the Septem- easily suppressed. In February Richard\u2019s body was ber parliament. It was announced then that Gloucester brought from his prison for public view in London had died in custody; Arundel was executed, Warwick and buried obscurely in the Dominican friary at sentenced to life imprisonment. The condemnations of Langley, Hertfordshire. In 1416 Henry V moved it to 1388 were reversed, and Richard rewarded his noble the splendid tomb Richard had prepared for himself partisans, such as his half-brother John Holland, earl of in Westminster Abbey. Huntingdon, with exalted peerage titles and the forfeited estates of the traitors. Richard was 6 feet tall, well built, handsome, and light-haired. Willful, devious, vindictive, sharp-tempered In 1397 Richard had a more solid base of noble sup- port than in 1387 and could call on the many knights and esquires he had retained in recent years, as well 566","but not bloodthirsty, he was capable of showing affection RICHARD III and inspiring loyalty. He wanted his majesty to awe his subjects but could exert the common touch. He shared Scattergood, V. J., and J.W. Sherborne, eds. English Court Culture the conventional tastes of the higher nobility: hunting, in the Later Middle Ages. London: Duckworth, 1983. the tournament (mainly as a spectator), courtly poetry. Not notably pious, in maturity he shared with Charles Tuck, Anthony. Richard II and the English Nobility. London: VI an enthusiasm for peace among Christians, an end to Arnold, 1973. the Great Schism of the papacy, and a crusade against the Turks. Anthony E. Goodman His real passion was to stabilize the personal author- RICHARD III (1452\u20131485; R. 1483\u201385) ity of kingship, raising respect for its holy nature by trying to procure the canonization of Edward II and No medieval English king has generated more contro- adopting the supposed heraldic arms of Edward the versy and emotion, not least as a result of Shakespeare\u2019s Confessor. His regal ideals and some of the ways in portrayal of him as the personification of evil. Shake- which he tried to project them can be seen in his portrait speare, moreover, clearly reflected images already in Westminster Abbey, in the Wilton Diptych (National well formed in early Tudor times. Polydore Vergil, for Gallery, London), and in his rebuilding of Westminster instance, considered Richard a man who \u201cthought of Hall. Denunciations of his rule are to be found in the nothing but tyranny and cruelty\u201d; Sir Thomas More poem Richard the Redeless and in John Gower\u2019s Tri- derided him as an ambitious and ruthless monstros- partite Chronicle. ity \u201cwho spared no man\u2019s death whose life withstood his purpose.\u201d Even the king\u2019s contemporaries were See also Edward III; Gower, John; Henry IV frequently critical. Dominic Mancini, writing within a few months of his seizure of the throne in June 1483, re- Further Reading marked forcefully on his \u201cambition and lust for power,\u201d and the well-informed Crowland chronicler was scathing Primary Sources on the tyrannical northern-dominated regime that, he believed, Richard established in the south. Creton, Jean. A Metrical History of the Deposition of Richard II. Ed. J. Webb. Archaeologia 20 (1824): 295\u2013423. Yet the last Yorkist king has always had his admir- ers as well as critics. Thomas Langton, bishop of St. Given-Wilson, Chris, ed. and trans. Chronicles of the Revolution, David\u2019s, declared in August 1483 that \u201che contents 1397\u20131400: The Reign of Richard II. Manchester: Manchester the people wherever he goes better than ever did any University Press, 1993. prince,\u201d and the York Civic Records reported \u201cgreat heaviness\u201d in the city when news arrived of his fete Hector, L.C., and Barbara F. Harvey, eds. and trans. The Westmin- (\u201cpiteously slain and murdered\u201d) on Bosworth Field in ster Chronicle, 1381\u20131394. Oxford: Clarendon, 1982. 1485. Modern historians, too, have brought in notably contrasting verdicts, ranging from Charles Ross\u2019s con- de M\u00e9zi\u00e8res, Philippe de. Letter to Richard II. Trans. G.W. Coop- clusion that no one familiar with \u201cthe careers of King land. Liverpool: Liverpool University Press, 1975. Louis XI of France, in Richard\u2019s own time, or Henry VIII of England\u2026 would wish to cast any special slur Secondary Sources on Richard, still less to select him as the exemplar of a tyrant\u201d to Desmond Seward\u2019s hostile biography Aston, Margaret. Thomas Arundel: A Study of Church Life in the of this \u201cpeculiarly grim young English precursor of Reign of Richard II. Oxford: Clarendon, 1967. Machiavelli\u2019s Prince.\u201d Barron, Caroline M. \u201cThe Tyranny of Richard II.\u201d BIHR 41 The youngest son of Richard of York, Richard duke (1968): 1\u201318. of Gloucester proved notably loyal to his brother Ed- ward IV during the crisis of 1469\u201371 and in the 1470s Clarke, Maude V. Fourteenth Century Studies. Oxford: Claren- showed himself as reliable and trustworthy as any of don, 1937. the king\u2019s servants (and was rewarded accordingly). His rule of the north during these years was singularly Du Boulay, F.R.H., and Caroline M. Barron, eds. The Reign of successful; he built a powerful affinity there. Mancini Richard II: Essays in Honour of May McKisack. London: admitted mat he \u201cacquired the favour of the people.\u201d University of London, Athlone, 1971. No one will ever know for certain whether he set his sights on the throne as soon as he heard of Edward IV\u2019s Gillespie, James L. \u201cRichard II\u2019s Archers of the Crown.\u201d Journal sudden death on 9 April 1483, or if, at first, he merely of British Studies 18 (1979): 14\u201329. intended to obtain control of his nephew Edward V so as to prevent the Wydevilles\u2014the family of young Given-Wilson, Chris. The Royal Household and the King\u2019s Af- Edward\u2019s mother\u2014from securing power. What is clear finity: Service, Politics and Finance in England, 1360\u20131413. is that the series of preemptive strikes by which he New Haven: Yale University Press, 1986. Goodman, Anthony. The Loyal Conspiracy: The Lords Appellant under Richard II. London: Routledge & Kegan Paul, 1971. Harvey, John H. \u201cThe Wilton Diptych\u2014A Reexamination,\u201d Archaeologia 98 (1961): 1\u201328. Mathew, Gervase. The Court of Richard II. London: Murray, 1968. Palmer, J.J.N. England, France and Christendom, 1377\u201399. London: Routledge & Kegan Paul, 1972. Saul, Nigel. Richard II. New Haven and London:Yale University Press, 1997. 567","RICHARD III Further Reading outmaneuvered the queen\u2019s family, seized Edward V, Primary Sources eliminated William, Lord Hastings, and rendered the Yorkist establishment impotent, enabled him to Armstrong, C.A.J., ed. and trans. Dominic Macnini: The Usurpa- become king in his own right before the end of June tion of Richard III. 2d ed. Oxford: Clarendon, 1969 1483. The probable murder of his nephews in the Tower of London was the inevitable culmination of this ruthless Pronay, Nicholas, and John Cox, eds. The Crowland Chronicle pursuit of power. Continuations, 1459\u20131486. London: Sutton, for the Richard III and Yorkist History Trust, 1986. Richard III may have been convinced that he was indeed serving the interest of the nation; such, through Secondary Sources the ages, has been the politician\u2019s justification for ar- bitrary action. The critical turning point in his fortunes Dockray, Keith. Richard III: A Reader in History. Gloucester: probably was the rebellion of the duke of Buckingham Sutton, 1988 [commentary plus a selection of documents] (hitherto his closest and most spectacularly rewarded supporter) in October 1483. Edward IV\u2019s men, who for Hicks, Michael. Richard III: The Man behind the Myth. London: the most part had accepted Richard\u2019s protectorate and Collins & Brown, 1991 even acquiesced in his usurpation, now deserted him in droves in the south and west. Even more ominously Horrox, Rosemary. Richard III: A Study of Service. Cambridge: the exiled Henry Tudor, earl of Richmond, emerged at Cambridge University Press, 1989 [scholarly treatment of the same time as a potentially serious rival. The king politics and government] responded vigorously to these threats; the rebellion was put down. In its aftermath, however, given the extent of Markham, Clements R. Richard III: His Life and Character, southern defection and the numbers who now fled the Reviewed in the Light of Recent Research. London: Smith, country, he was forced more and more into dependence Elder, 1906 [very sympathetic] on his own affinity. This meant, in particular, men from the north. Their advancement in the royal Pollard, A.J. Richard III and the Princes in the Tower. Stroud: household and appointments to office, not only in Sutton, 1991 southern and western counties but in the Midlands, is amply documented. Ross, Charles. Richard III. London: Eyre Methuen, 1981 [major modern scholarly treatment] Since he reigned for so short a time, it is difficult either to judge Richard\u2019s potential and qualities as Seward, Desmond. Richard III: England\u2019s Black Legend. London: a ruler or to draw meaningful conclusions about his Country Life, 1983 [the case against]. government. The 15th-century antiquary John Rous, later one of his harshest critics, recorded that he ruled Keith R. Dockray his subjects \u201cfull commendably, punishing offenders of his laws, especially extortioners and oppressors of RICHARD OF SAINT-VICTOR his commons,\u201d and won the \u201clove of all his subjects (d. 1173) rich and poor.\u201d His only parliament\u2014perhaps with his personal encouragement\u2014passed measures dearly A major writer on mysticism in the second half of the benefiting the people; and his establishment of the 12th century, Richard joined the regular canons of the Council of the North in July 1484 was both popular abbey of Saint-Victor at Paris sometime near the middle and enduring. of the century (certainly by the early 1150s but perhaps before the death of Hugh of Saint-Victor in 1141). He Though he did make considerable efforts to widen may have been born in Scotland. He served as subprior the basis of his support, with the threat of HenryTudor and was elected prior in 1161. His writings on the looming ever larger, his reliance on his own affinity, contemplative life were widely known and influenced largely from the north, remained paramount. When he Bonaventure\u2019s treatise Itinerarium mentis in Deum. at last faced his rival on the battlefield of Bosworth on 22 August 1485, he was backed largely by the same Richard followed the tradition of Victorine spiritual- men who had brought him to power; many, though ity established by Hugh, but he concentrated more on the by no means all, probably fought for him with vigor. stages of development in the mystical life and on what However, his own death (in the midst of the action and, today would be called the psychological aspects of that according to the Crowland continuator, striving to the development. Two of his major mystical writings are end \u201clike a spirited and most courageous prince\u201d) made symbolic interpretations of biblical persons, objects, and the accession of Henry VII inevitable. narratives. De duodecim patriarchiis (also called Benja- min minor) interprets the births and lives of the twelve sons and one daughter of Jacob, recorded in Genesis, as representing the stages of ascetic practice, mental disci- pline, and spiritual guidance that lead to contemplative ecstasy. De arca mystica (also called Benjamin major) presents the Ark of the Covenant and the two cherubim that stood on either side of it, described in Exodus, as symbolic of the six kinds or levels of contemplation. Books 4 and 5 of De arca give a subtle and influential analysis of types of visionary and ecstatic experience. Richard\u2019s De IV gradibus violentae caritatis analyzes 568","RIEMENSCHNEIDER, TILLMANN the stages of the love of God and the transformation of the self by love in the mystical quest. Richard also wrote a commentary on the Book of Revelation, a treatise on the Trinity, mystical comments on various Psalms, a handbook for the Liberal Arts and the study of history (Liber exceptionum; digested primarily from works by Hugh of Saint-Victor), a collection of allegorical ser- mons, and treatises on biblical and mystical topics. See also Bonaventure, Saint; Hugh of Saint-Victor Further Reading Richard of Saint-Victor. Opera omnia. PL 196. \u2014\u2014. De Trinitate, ed. Jean Ribaillier. Paris: Vrin, 1958. \u2014\u2014. Liber exceptionum, ed. Jean Ch\u00e2tillon. Paris: Vrin, 1958. \u2014\u2014. Selected Writings on Contemplation, trans. Claire Kirch- berger. London: Faber, 1957. \u2014\u2014. The Twelve Patriarchs, The Mystical Ark, and Book Three on the Trinity, trans. Grover A. Zinn. New York: Paulist, 1979. \u2014\u2014. Les quatre degr\u00e9s de la violente charit\u00e9, ed. Gervais Du- meige. Paris: Vrin, 1955. Dumeige, Gervais. Richard de Saint-Victor et l\u2019id\u00e9e chr\u00e9tienne de l\u2019amour. Paris: Presses Universitaires de France, 1952. Zinn, Grover A. \u201cPersonification Allegory and Visions of Light in Richard of St. Victor\u2019s Teaching on Contemplation.\u201d Uni- versity of Toronto Quarterly 46 (1977): 190\u2013214. Grover A. Zinn RIEMENSCHNEIDER, TILLMANN Tilmann Riemenschneider. The alter of the Holy Blood, St. Jacob\u2019s Church, Rothenburg ob der Tauber, Germay. (ca. 1460\u20131531) \u00a9 Erich Lessing\/Art Resource, New York. Tillmann Riemenschneider is, perhaps, the best known Riemenschneider was an innovative wood carver, of all German sculptors active during the years around experimenting with unpainted surfaces in such early 1500. His father, also Tillmann, was the mint master in works as the M\u00fcnnerstadt altarpiece of 1490\u20131492, Osterrode in Lower Saxony, but by 1483 the younger the artist\u2019s first dated work. This winged altarpiece, Riemenschneider was a journeyman carver in southern dedicated to Mary Magdalene, is currently divided be- Germany. Documents place him in the guild of St. Luke tween the M\u00fcnnerstadt parish church and the museums in W\u00fcrzburg, where he was a master by 1485. His work- in Munich (Bayersiches Nationalmuseum) and Berlin shop was large and successful, with twelve apprentices (Staatliche Museen Preussicher Kulturbesitz). Recent registered between 1501 and 1517. conservation has removed later gilding and polychromy (painting) to reveal Riemenschneider\u2019s extraordinarily Riemenschneider\u2019s two sons were also sculptors. careful attention to surface detail and nuance, akin to From 1505 Riemenschneider served on the W\u00fcrzburg sculptures on a smaller scale, such as ivory carving. The Council, and he was burgomaster (mayor) in 1520\u20131521. success of Riemenschneider\u2019s unpolychromed sculpture In 1525 he was fined for refusing to support the bishop is seen in such works as the great altarpiece of the Holy against a peasant revolt. Blood (ca. 1499\u20131505) still in situ in the Jakobskirche in Rothenburg, and the lindenwood sculpture of Saints Riemenschneider\u2019s sculpture reveals familiarity Christopher, Eustace, and Erasmus (1494), a fragment with German and Netherlandish styles from a broad area. None of his travel is documented, however, and at least some of these regional styles could have been assimilated through the study of exported sculptures. In addition to his carefully worked surfaces, Riemensch- neider is known for his excellence in wood, especially linden wood, as well as stone, primarily alabaster and sandstone. His training as a stone carver is usually at- tributed to his North German origins. 569","RIEMENSCHNEIDER, TILLMANN ROBERT DE BORON (fl. 1180s\u20131190s) of a relief originally representing fourteen helper saints, The few facts known about the most important early now in the Metropolitan Museum of Art in New York Grail poet after Chr\u00e9tien de Troyes are inferred from the City (The Cloisters). All these works reveal Riemen- epilogue of Robert\u2019s Joseph d\u2019Arimathie, also called the schneider\u2019s ability to carve refined drapery and flesh Roman de l\u2019estoire dou Graal, where he names himself as well to reveal the underlying bone structure. Shortly and the nobleman in whose company he was writing, after the completion of the Rothenburg altarpiece, Gautier de Montb\u00e9liard. Montb\u00e9liard is in northern Riemenschneider created the Creglingen altarpiece Franche-Comt\u00e9; Boron is a small village about 12 miles (Herrgottskirche, ca. 1505\u20131510) representing the As- to the northeast. Robert\u2019s verse bears traces of his east- sumption of the Virgin in a more elaborate and complex ern dialect. Gautier left on crusade in 1201, to remain style than the earlier works. in Palestine until his death in 1212; Robert must have finished the Joseph at or before the turn of the century. Riemenschneider\u2019s works in stone include the sand- Robert\u2019s incorporation of material from Chr\u00e9tien\u2019s stone figures carved for the Marienkapelle in W\u00fcrzburg, Conte du Graal indicates that he wrote after the early including the figures of Adam and Eve (1492\u20131493), and 1180s. Other evidence suggests that the Joseph might the nine apostle figures of 1500\u20131506 (all these now in be dated after 1191: Joseph foretells that the Grail will the Mainfr\u00e4nkisches Museum, W\u00fcrzburg). Among his be taken to the \u201cvales of Avaron [Avalon]\u201d\u2014 that is, most extraordinary achievements, however, are the few Glastonbury in Somerset; association of the Grail and surviving works in alabaster such as the Angel and the of Arthurian matter with the abbey was not widespread Virgin Annunciate in Amsterdam of about 1480\u20131485 before 1190\u201391, when the discovery there of a grave (Rijksmuseum), and the St. Jerome with the Lion in marked as Arthur\u2019s was announced. Cleveland (Museum of Art), which probably dates before circa 1495. Like some of the linden wood Joseph d\u2019Arimathie is a verse romance (3,500 oc- sculptures, these works are sparingly decorated with tosyllables) that recounts the history of the Grail from polychrome and gilt highlights, but they rely on the the Last Supper and the Descent from the Cross, when fineness of the carved surface for their impact. Joseph used it to collect Christ\u2019s blood, through the im- prisonment of Joseph, whom Christ visits and comforts In addition to altarpieces and architectural sculp- with the holy vessel, until the moment when Joseph\u2019s tures in wood and stone produced for churches in and brother-in-law, Bron (or Hebron), the Rich Fisher, is around Franconia, Riemenschneider\u2019s career can be poised to take the Grail from a place of exile outside traced through several tomb monuments that attest to Palestine to Great Britain. As the Joseph draws to a his prestige. As early as about 1488 Riemenschneider close, the narrator announces that he will relate stories carved the monument of Eberhard von Grumbach (d. of adventures that Joseph has foretold, including that 1487) now in the parish church at Rimpar, depicting the of the Rich Fisher, if he has time and strength and if he knight in full Gothic armor in relief. The same format can find them written down in Latin; meanwhile, he will is repeated in the tomb monument of Konrad von Scha- continue with the matter he has at hand. umberg (d. 1499) in the Marienkapelle in W\u00fcrzburg. This work, however, of about 1502 is more mature in Robert thus seems to project a complex work con- style, more portrait than effigy. Much grander in scale sisting of the Joseph\/Estoire, the narrative to which he is the sandstone and marble monument of Archbishop will pass immediately, and the fulfillment of Joseph\u2019s Rudolf von Scherenberg (d. 1495) in the cathedral prophecies. The only manuscript to transmit Robert\u2019s of W\u00fcrzburg. Most impressive is the limestone and verse Joseph (B.N. fr. 20047) in fact continues with sandstone tomb of Emperor Heinrich II and Empress the fragment of a Merlin romance (504 octosyllables), Kunigunde (1499\u20131513) in the cathedral of Bamberg. apparently the beginning of the second part; no more Below the relief of the imperial couple are a series of six of Robert\u2019s original work survives. relief panels illustrating scenes from their lives. Finally, around 1520 Riemenschneider carved the sandstone and However, a prose adaptation of the Joseph, by an marble monument of Archbishop Lorenz von Bibra in anonymous author referred to as the Pseudo-Robert W\u00fcrzburg Cathedral. de Boron, was executed within a few years, and this is linked to a Merlin in prose, conjoining the history of the Further Reading Grail and the history of Britain, that is found complete in a large number of manuscripts (forty-six) and fragments. Bier, Justus. Tilmann Riemenschneider. 4 vols. W\u00fcrzburg: Ver- Two manuscripts also contain a third prose romance, lagsdruckerei, 1925\u20131978. which portrays the Rich Fisher: the Didot Perceval (so called because one of the manuscripts was in the Firmin \u2014\u2014. Tilman Riemenschneider: Fr\u00fche Werke. Regensburg: Didot collection). Unlike the first two romances, the Di- Pustet, 1981. dot Perceval is never ascribed to Robert de Boron, nor is there any proof that a verse original of this text existed, \u2014\u2014. Tilmann Riemenschneider: His Life and Work. Lexington: University Press of Kentucky, 1982. Peter Barnet 570","yet it is clear that the Didot Perceval logically concludes ROBERT GUISCARD the trilogy. It resembles one of the works projected at the end of the Joseph\/Estoire and recounts the fulfillment ed. Norris J. Lacy, Douglas Kelly, and Keith Busby. 2 vols. of God\u2019s prophecy in the Joseph that the Rich Fisher Amsterdam: Rodopi, 1988, Vol. 2, pp. 17\u201339. will not die until he is visited by his son\u2019s son; it is also \u2014\u2014. \u2018\u201cMais de \u00e7o ne parole pas Crestiens de Troies \u00bc\u2019: A Re- closely linked to the prose Merlin: finally succeeding at examination of the Didot Perceval.\u201d Romania 105 (1984): the Grail castle with Merlin\u2019s help, Perceval replaces his 492\u2013510. uncle as Rich Fisher; the hero\u2019s triumph coincides with the downfall of the Arthurian kingdom, the founding of Rupert T. Pickens which the Merlin had recounted. ROBERT GUISCARD (c. 1015\u20131085) In the Joseph\/Estoire and what must have been the original verse Merlin, Robert de Boron in effect When Robert Guiscard (Robert de Hauteville) rode into rewrites the Conte du Graal of Chr\u00e9tien de Troyes. He southern Italy in 1047, Norman mercenaries had been expands the religious content of the original to provide playing Lombards against Byzantines there for at least the Grail\u2019s \u201csacred history,\u201d identifying it for the first thirty years. Robert\u2019s half brothers, older sons of Tancred time with the cup of the Last Supper. In addition, he of Hauteville, had already claimed lands around Aversa, extends Chr\u00e9tien\u2019s references to pre-Arthurian Britain, where the eldest, William, had earned the name \u201cIron- which echo Wace\u2019s Brut, to provide the Grail\u2019s \u201csecular Arm\u201d and had become the first Norman Italian count. history.\u201d William did not welcome Robert\u2019s arrival. Eventually another brother, Drogo, gave Robert a miserable outpost Robert\u2019s most important contribution is the genera- in Calabria, which he could control only by ousting the tive power that infuses his verse. Not only are the prose Byzantines. Yet this offered him a base from which to adaptations of the Joseph\/Estoire and Merlin among the launch ambitious conquests, achieved with prodigious earliest examples of literary prose in French, they also energy. Robert used terror and bloodshed, but his signa- stand at the head of a long tradition that promoted the ture strategy was the ruse, as when he allegedly feigned \u201ctranslation\u201d of imaginative and historical works written death and penetrated a monastic stronghold inside a cof- in \u201cunreliable\u201d verse into the \u201cmore stable\u201d and \u201cmore fin, lying on a bed of swords. So wily was this trickster authoritative\u201d medium of prose. The better-known, more that the name Guiscard (\u201cthe clever\u201d) was used in the highly respected, Pseudo-Robert de Boron who was thus eleventh-century histories featuring his exploits. created, the one to whose authorship the more widely transmitted prose works are attributed, became in the Robert also proved his mettle on the battlefield. In early 13th century an even stronger literary force. He 1053, a formidable coalition of Germans from the Holy inspired the \u201ccompletion\u201d of Chr\u00e9tien de Troyes\u2019s unfin- Roman Empire and their Italian allies, led by Pope ished Conte du Graal in the anonymous Didot Perceval, Leo IX, engaged the Normans at Civitate, hoping to and he is ultimately responsible for the germination of dislodge them from Italy. Robert distinguished himself the Vulgate Cycle. in this Norman victory, and soon he was challenging his brother Humphrey for hegemony among the Normans See also Chr\u00e9tien de Troyes of Italy. Before Humphrey died in 1057, he commended his son Abelard to Robert\u2019s care, but Robert promptly Further Reading claimed his nephew\u2019s lands. The boy would grow up to foment insurrections against his uncle but eventually Robert de Boron. Merlin, roman du XIIIe si\u00e8cle, ed. Alexandre sought asylum in Byzantium after yet another unsuc- Micha. Geneva: Droz, 1979. cessful resistance in 1080. Such rebellions punctuated Robert\u2019s reign, even as he expanded his domination, \u2014\u2014. Le roman de l\u2019estoire dou Graal, ed. William A. Nitze. seizing Capua from the Lombards and finally\u2014in 1071, Paris: Champion, 1927. after a three-year siege\u2014taking Bari, the last Byzantine foothold in Italy. \u2014\u2014. Le roman du Graal, ed. Bernard Cerquiglini. Paris: Union G\u00e9n\u00e9rale d\u2019\u00c9ditions, 1981. Along Robert\u2019s path to power, two events of 1059 enhanced his prestige and legitimized his authority. Roach, William, ed. The Didot Perceval According to the Manu- First, having repudiated his wife (the mother of his scripts of Paris and Modena. Philadelphia: University of son, Bohemond), Robert compelled Prince Gisulf II of Pennsylvania Press, 1941. Salerno to surrender his sister Sichelgaita in marriage. Now linked to a venerable Lombard princely family, Cerquiglini, Bernard. La parole m\u00e9di\u00e9vale. Paris: Minuit, 1981. Robert also allied himself with the papacy, which sought O\u2019Gorman, Richard F. \u201cThe Prose Version of Robert de Boron\u2019s the support of the Normans in the investiture conflict against the Holy Roman emperor and the imperial anti- Joseph d\u2019Arimathie.\u201d Romance Philology 23 (1969\u201370): pope. Thus at the synod of Melfi, Robert\u2014who had been 449\u201361. thrice excommunicated\u2014acquired a papal blessing and \u2014\u2014. \u201cLa tradition manuscrite du Joseph d\u2019Arimathie en prose the title of duke of Apulia and Calabria and Sicily. de Robert de Boron.\u201d Revue d\u2019histoire des textes 1 (1971): 145\u201381. Pickens, Rupert T. \u201cHistoire et commentaire chez Chr\u00e9tien de Troyes et Robert de Boron: Robert de Boron et le livre de Philippe de Flandre.\u201d In The Legacy of Chr\u00e9tien de Troyes, 571","ROBERT GUISCARD Wolf, Kenneth Baxter. Making History: The Normans and Their Historians in Eleventh-Century Italy. Philadelphia: University Before this, Robert had not even visited Muslim of Pennsylvania Press, 1995. Sicily.Yet he now engineered a reconquest increasingly dominated by his younger brother, Roger. Messina fell Emily Albu in 1061, followed by Palermo in 1072. But rebellions in Italy forced Robert to return there, effectively leav- ROBERT OF ANJOU ing Sicily to Roger. Robert, meanwhile, trained his eye (1278\u20131343; r. 1309\u20131343) on Byzantium, made enticingly vulnerable by dynastic struggles and the advance of the Seljuk Turks. Emperor Robert of Anjou, king of Naples (\u201cthe Wise\u201d) was the Michael VII, desperate for aid from the Normans, had third son of Charles II of Anjou. Robert was held hostage even betrothed his son to Robert\u2019s daughter. After Mi- by the Aragonese from 1285 to 1295. He was created chael was dethroned in a coup in 1078, Robert invoked duke of Calabria and vicar of the Regno for his father in kinship as a pretext for invading Byzantium. Yet once 1297, and he became prince of Salerno in 1304. Robert again Italy drew him back from the campaign, this succeeded as king of Sicily and count of Piedmont, time to rescue Pope Gregory VII from the Holy Roman Provence, and Forcalquier in 1309, despite the claims emperor Henry IV, who had seized Rome and deposed of his eldest brother\u2019s son, Carobert. Robert\u2019s two wives Gregory. In a mission notorious for its violence and were Violante of Aragon, sister of James II; and Sancia for the alleged burning of Rome, Robert retrieved the of Aragon, daughter of James II. Robert was survived by pope and took him to Salerno, where he died in May two daughters, Joanna and Maria; the former succeeded 1085. Robert resumed his Byzantine offensive, taking him, becoming Queen Joanna I of Naples. Corfu while his younger son Roger accompanied Nor- man forces to the mainland. But Robert died suddenly, Robert became king as Emperor Henry VII was pre- on 17 July 1085, when an epidemic of typhoid fever paring an expedition to Italy to be crowned. The Guelf swept through his army. Roger\u2019s army promptly de- party, which opposed Henry\u2019s plans, looked to Robert serted, while Sichelgaita took Robert\u2019s body to Venosa for leadership, but initially he supported Pope Clement for burial next to his older brothers in the church of the V, who hoped to form a partnership with Henry to bring Holy Trinity. In the twelfth century, his grave attracted peace to Italy. Clement, recognizing Robert\u2019s support, a suitable epitaph, which began: \u201cHere lies the terror of made him rector of the Romagna (excluding Bologna) the world, Guiscard.\u201d in 1310 and supported a marriage alliance between Robert\u2019s heir and Henry\u2019s daughter. This alliance was See also Bohemond of Taranto; Gregory VII, Pope; never achieved, and relations worsened when Robert Leo IX, Pope refused to do homage to Henry in person for Piedmont, Provence, and Forcalquier. Robert did not prevent Further Reading Henry from reaching Rome and being crowned; but as the Guelfs\u2019 opposition to Henry grew, an army sent Editions by Robert hastened the emperor\u2019s withdrawal. Robert became captain of the Guelf league in February 1313 Amatus. Storia de\u2019Normanni di Amato di Montecassino, ed. Vin- and soon afterward accepted the lordship of numerous cenzo de Bartholomaeis. Fonti per la Storia d\u2019Italia, Scrittori. communes. In April 1313 he became lord of Florence for Secolo, 11(76). Rome: Tipografia del Senato, 1935. five years. Henry responded by condemning Robert, but Henry died in 1313 while marching on Florence, where Geoffrey Malaterra. De rebus gestis Rogerii Calabriae et Sicliae an army sent by Robert was preparing to oppose him. comitis et Roberti Guiscardi ducis fratris eius, ed. Ernesto Pontieri. In Rerum Italicarum Scriptores, 2nd ed., Vol. 5(1). Meanwhile Frederick of Sicily, supporting Henry in Bologna: Nicola Zanichelli, 1925\u20131928. this quarrel (which he had helped to precipitate), invaded Calabria, thereby breaking the peace of Caltabellotta. William of Apulia. La geste de Robert Guiscard, ed. Marguerite Robert repulsed him and thereafter made several unsuc- Mathieu. Palermo: Istituto Siciliano di Studi Bizantini e cessful attempts (in 1314, 1316, 1325\u20131326, 1335, and Neoellenici, 1961. 1339\u20131342) to recover Sicily; these attempts further impoverished his already troubled realm, and despite Critical Studies his sincere efforts to impose good justice and admin- istration, Robert perpetuated corruption and disorder. Chalandon, Ferdinand. Histoire de la domination normande The degree of Robert\u2019s failure to impose his ideal of en Italie et en Sicile, 2 vols. Paris: A. Picard et Fils, 1907. good government is disputed, but that he failed is not (Reprint, New York: B. Franklin, 1960.) in question. Douglas, David C. The Norman Achievement, 1050\u20131100. Berke- Robert continued throughout his reign to be involved ley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1969. in politics farther north. In 1317, the Florentines re- Loud, G. A. The Age of Robert Guiscard: Southern Italy and the Norman Conquest. Essex: Pearson Education, 2000. Norwich, John Julius. The Other Conquest. New York: Harper and Row, 1967. (Published in England as The Normans in the South, 1016\u20131130.) Taviani-Carozzi, Huguette. La terreur du monde: Robert Guiscard et la conqu\u00eate normande en Italie\u2014Mythe et histoire. Paris: Fayard, 1996. 572","newed his lordship for four years. In 1325, he sanctioned ROGER I an offer to make his son Charles of Calabria lord of Florence. Both Charles and Robert opposed the expedi- of monks founded Molesme, of which he became first tion by Emperor Lewis of Bavaria, not least because an abbot (r. 1075\u20131111). In 1098, believing that even this alliance between Lewis and Frederick of Sicily posed a house was not sufficiently rigorous, he left with a few threat to the Regno. brothers to found the New Monastery of C\u00eeteaux. Al- though the monks at Molesme, feeling destitute, had the Robert was religious to the point of bigotry and pope order Robert back to their house in the following was detested by the northern Ghibellines, but in his year, C\u00eeteaux flourished even without him and became own kingdom he was the most popular of the Angevin in the 12th century the head of a large and influential kings\u2014a reputation for which his public works, es- order. Molesme, meanwhile, although overshadowed pecially in Naples, and his patronage of the arts and by C\u00eeteaux, also acquired numerous gifts of property, literature may have been partly responsible. Among including many priories and cells. those whom he patronized were Petrarch and Boccac- cio. Simone Martini\u2019s picture of Robert worshiping his Further Reading brother Louis is reputedly the first painted portrait in European art. Bouton, Jean de la Croix, and Jean Baptiste Van Damme, eds. Les plus anciens textes de C\u00eeteaux. Achel: Commentarii See also Boccaccio, Giovanni; Clement V, Pope; Cistercienses, 1974. Henry VII of Luxembourg; Petrarca, Francesco Laurent, Jacques, ed. Cartulaires de l\u2019abbaye de Molesme. 2 vols. Further Reading Paris: Picard, 1907\u201311. Editions Lackner, Bede K. The Eleventh-Century Background of C\u00eeteaux. Washington, D.C.: Cistercian, 1972. Dominicus de Gravina. Chronicon de rebus in Apulia gestis, 1333\u20141350, ed. Albano Sorbelli. Rerum Italicarum Scrip- Spahr, Kolumban. Das Leben des hl. Robert von Molesme: Eine tores, 12(3). Citt\u00e0 di Castello: Lapi, 1903. Quelle zur Vorgeschichte von C\u00eeteaux. Freiburg: Paulus- druckerei, 1944. Mussato, Albertino. Historia Augusta: Liber IV, Henrici VII; Liber V, De Gestis Italicorum post Henricum Septimum Caesarem. Constance B. Bouchard Rerum Italicarum Scriptores, 10. Citt\u00e0 di Castello: Lapi. ROGER I (1031\u20131101, r. 1085\u20131101) Villani, Giovanni, and Matteo Villani. Croniche, 13 vols., ed. Ignazio Moutier. Florence: Magheri, 1823\u20131826. Roger I, count of Sicily, was the brother of Robert Guiscard and was largely responsible for the Norman Critical Studies conquest of Sicily. Roger had been campaigning there since at least 1061, when Messina had fallen, and he Baddeley, St. Clair. Robert the Wise and His Heirs: 1278\u20131352. took the last Muslim stronghold, Noto, in 1091. He is London, 1897. said to have had only a handful of soldiers (just 130 knights at the battle of Cerami in 1063), but he became Bowsky, W. M. Henry VII in Italy: The Conflict of Empire and the most powerful figure in the south after his brother\u2019s City State, 1310\u20131313. Lincoln: University of Nebraska death in 1085. Most scholars agree that Roger I laid the Press, 1960. foundations for the later cohesion and wealth of the kingdom of Sicily. Caggese, Romolo. Roberto d\u2019Angio e i suoi tempi, 2 vols. Flor- ence: Bemporad, 1922\u20131930. Roger\u2019s comital activities can be partially recon- structed from evidence in surviving charters, most of Housley, N. \u201cAngevin Naples and the Defence of the Latin East: which is published. At a meeting at Mazara in 1093, Robert the Wise and the Naval League of 1334.\u201d Byzantion, Roger and his followers divided up the conquered Mus- 51, 1981, pp. 548\u2013556. lims among their new lords using long lists known as jara\u2019ida. One such list in favor of the cathedral at Cata- L\u00e9onard, Emile. Les Angevins de Naples. Paris: Presses Univer- nia in 1095 is extant in its original form, containing 345 sitaires de France, 1954. names including fifty-three widows. A grant of peasants made to Guiscard\u2019s son, Duke Roger, was confirmed by Monti, Gennaro Maria. Da Carlo primo a Roberto di Angio. his uncle to the cathedral of Palermo in the same year. Trani, 1936. Another element of Roger\u2019s documented activity was granting the monks of Saint Philip at Fragal\u00e0 judicial Carola M. Small rights over their peasants, a technique of local govern- ment that would be taken up and repeated by Roger ROBERT OF MOLESME (ca. 1027\u20131111) II. Roger I\u2019s activities were not confined to the island of Sicily: his foundation of the monastery of the Holy The founder of the monasteries of both Molesme and Trinity at Mileto in Calabria in 1080\u20131081, including C\u00eeteaux, Robert had spent much of his life trying to endowing the house with property and churches in find or to establish a house where he thought the Bene- dictine Rule was being practiced with sufficient rigor. He spent time in the abbey of Moutier-la-Celle, in the diocese of Troyes; was briefly abbot of Saint-Michel of Langres, then prior of Saint-Ayoul of Provins; and for a period lived as a hermit. In 1075, deciding to try an entirely new Benedictine house, he and a small group 573","ROGER I (Adelasia) of Savona, later queen of Jerusalem. Roger I died in 1101, and Roger II succeeded his elder brother, Calabria and Sicily, is recorded in a surviving copy of Simon, in 1105. Once he reached his majority, Roger the original charter. Some judicial rights also appear II pursued a clear objective\u2014to accumulate mainland to have been granted to the abbot in 1093, and Roget territories in southern Italy. He conquered Calabria in confirmed further privileges in a surviving but undated 1122; he succeeded his childless cousin William to the charter. Indeed, Mileto remained his chief residence duchy of Apulia in 1127 and was formally recognized throughout his life. In 1093, he also clarified a grant as duke of Apulia on 23 August 1128; he acquired the and presided over a court case in the Calabrian town of principality of Capua in 1129. Finally, in Palermo, on Stilo, and he is recorded as the patron of Greek monks Christmas day 1130, Roger was crowned king of Sicily, there in 1094 and 1097. Calabria, and Apulia. The title was conferred, however, by the antipope Anacletus II, following a papal schism. Roger had a mostly cordial relationship with Pope On 25 July 1139, Pope Innocent II made Roger\u2019s title Urban II, and the two cooperated, though sometimes official, crowning him king of Sicily, duke of Apulia, uneasily, regarding the reorganization of the church in and prince of Capua. Sicily, with the see of Troina transferred to Messina, and Syracuse and Catania given bishops. In an unusual According to one chronicler, the celebrations and concession, Roger was given responsibility for many of ceremony for Roger\u2019s coronation in Palermo in 1130 the duties that a papal legate would have undertaken on were so spectacular that \u201cit was as if the whole city the island, after he had objected to Urban\u2019s appointment were being crowned.\u201d Many scholars have considered of the bishop of Messina to that dignity. Roger\u2019s reign equally extraordinary. He ruled over all of Italy south of the Garigliano River, down through Roger married three times. His first wife, in 1061, Sicily. Although he did not inherit a unified kingdom, was Judith (d. 1080), daughter of William d\u2019Evreux, accustomed to monarchical rule, he created something who is said to have commanded the defense of Troina. resembling one. Roger\u2019s rule is impossible to describe His second wife was Eremburga, daughter of William de easily, for it did not conform to contemporary models Mortain. His third wife was Adelasia (d. 1118), daughter of medieval kingship. He bound together the disparate of the marquis Manfred of Savona; his and Adelasia\u2019s ethnic groups who populated the region. Their coexis- sons were Simon (d. 1105) and Roger II. In addition, tence was a practical necessity. He constructed a central Roger I had two illegitimate sons: Jordan, who prede- government in Palermo that borrowed from the eco- ceased his father in 1089; and Geoffrey, who suffered nomic, administrative, and legal traditions of his Arab, from leprosy. Roger died in 1101, and after a period of Norman, Greek, and Italian-Lombard subjects. Roger minority during which Adelasia governed, Simon and was the leading feudal lord among feudal lords. He Roger II succeeded him as counts of Sicily. laid the groundwork for Catalogus baronum, the list of financial and military obligations owed to the crown by See also Robert Giscard; Roger II many of his barons. Arab-inspired offices were created to manage finances. A French-inspired chancery, over- Further Reading seen by a chamberlain, issued official court documents in Greek, Arabic, and Latin. A permanent Greek-style Gaufredus Malaterra. De Rebus Gestis Rogerii Calabriae et bureaucracy or civil service, based in Palermo, helped to Siciliae Comitis et Roberti Guiscardi ducis fratris eius, ed. E. manage the vast kingdom. Finally, the king himself, no Pontieri. Rerum Italicarum Scriptores, 1. Bologna, 1928. doubt drawing inspiration from the Byzantium of Jus- tinian, presented himself as a divinely appointed ruler. Loud, G. A. \u201cByzantine Italy and the Normans.\u201d In Byzantium (Like Justinian, Roger may also have been a lawgiver. and the West, c. 850\u2013c. 1200: Proceedings of the XVIII Spring A law code, erroneously called the Assises of Ariano, Symposium of Byzantine Studies, Oxford, 30 March\u2013lst April has been attributed to him, but more recent scholarship 1984, ed. J. D. Howard-Johnston. Amsterdam: Adolf M. Hak- disputes this.) kert, 1988. (Reprinted, with other important essays, in G. A. Loud. Conquerors and Churchmen in Norman Italy. Aldershot However one chooses to characterize the kingship and Brookfield, Vt.: Variorum, 1999.) of Roger II, he was undeniably successful. Periodic op- position to his rule\u2014in particular, vassal rebellions led Matthew, Donald. The Norman Kingdom of Sicily. Cambridge: by his brother-in-law Rainulf\u2014never lasted long. His Cambridge University Press, 1992. foreign policy revealed ambitions, perhaps to expand his kingdom but more likely to safeguard it against M\u00e9nager, L.-R. Hommes et institutions de l\u2019ltalie normande. external attack. He added much of North Africa to his London; Variorum, 1981. kingdom while holding off threats from the Greeks, the northern Italians, and the German empire. He main- Takayama, Hiroshi. The Administration of the Norman Kingdom of Sicily. Leiden: Brill, 1993. Patricia Skinner ROGER II (1095\u20131154) Roger II created the twelfth-century kingdom of south- ern Italy and Sicily, known as the Regno. He was the son of Count Roger I of Sicily and his third wife, Adelaide 574","tained a considerable war chest to support his army and ROGER II navy. Roger\u2019s accomplishments did not go unnoticed: a contemporary observed that Roger \u201cdid more asleep Further Reading than others did awake.\u201d Editions Roger II\u2019s personality and lineage should not be ignored in assessing his reign. He was described as Alexander of Telese. Alexandri Telesini Abbatis Ystoria Rogerii the fairly stereotypical \u201cViking\u201d warrior: tall, loud, Regis Sicilie Calabrie atque Apulie, ed. Ludovica De Nava. regal, ruthless, and skilled from childhood on. Roger\u2019s Istituto Storico Italiano per il Medio Evo, Fonti per la Stroria upbringing was anything but standard: he was probably d\u2019ltalia, 112. Rome: Nella Sede dell\u2019Istituto, 1991. raised in the royal court at Mileto in Calabria, where he was schooled in Greek and Arabic. When he was king, Br\u00fchl, Carlrichard. Rogerii II: Regis diplomata Latina. Codex Dip- his court at Palermo was famous for its eclectic group lomaticus Regni Siciliae, Series 1, Diplomata Regum et Prin- of western and eastern intellectuals. This tradition con- cipum e Gente Normannorum, 2(1). Cologne: B\u00f6hlau, 1987. tinued in Sicily long after Roger\u2019s death. Catalogus Baronum, ed. Evelyn Jamison. Rome: Istituto Storico When Roger died, at age fifty-eight, he was survived Italiano per il Medio Evo, 1972. by his third wife, Beatrice of Rethel, and their new daughter, Constance. Constance would eventually marry The Liber Augustalis or Constitutions of Melfi Promulgated by the son of Frederick I Barbarossa, Henry VI, thereby the Emperor Frederick II for the Kingdom of Sicily in 1231, uniting the Norman and Hohenstaufen lines. In 1151, trans. James Powell. Syracuse, N.Y.: Syracuse University before his death, Roger had ensured the succession by Press, 1971. naming and crowning as his heir his fourth son (his oldest surviving son), William I. William\u2019s mother was Critical Studies Roger\u2019s first wife, Elvira, daughter of Alfonso VI of Castille. A modern historian summed up Roger\u2019s reign Abulafia, David. The Two Italics: Economic Relations between by noting, \u201cFrom his father he had inherited a county; to the Norman Kingdom of Sicily and the Northern Communes. his son he bequeathed a kingdom.\u201d This kingdom would Cambridge; Cambridge University Press, 1977. endure, largely intact, under the guidance of his son and grandson, William I and William II. They inherited \u2014\u2014. Italy, Sicily, and the Mediterranean, 1100\u20131400. London: the tradition of a strong, centralized monarchical rule Variorum Reprints, 1987. established by their illustrious forebear. \u2014\u2014. The Western Mediterranean Kingdoms 1200\u20131500: The Older scholarship proclaimed that Roger II had Struggle for Dominion. London: Longman, 1997. created the \u201cfirst modern state.\u201d More recent work has suggested that the kingdom was not so unified as had Amari, Michele. Storia dei musulmani di sicilia, 2nd ed., previously been thought, and that Roger\u2019s apparent ac- ed. G. Levi della Vida and C. A. Nallino, 3 vols. Catania, ceptance of the different cultures over which he ruled 1930\u20131939. was motivated more by political expediency than by laudable tolerance. Roger\u2019s reign was an \u201cabsolute\u201d Capitani, Ovidio. \u201cSpecific Motivations and Continuing Themes monarchy that recognized the weaknesses of this unique in the Norman Chronicles of Southern Italy in the Eleventh and kingdom and harnessed its strengths: a large geographic Twelfth Centuries.\u201d In The Normans in Sicily and Southern territory, surrounded by ambitious and watchful neigh- Italy: The Lincei Lectures 1974. Oxford; Oxford University bors, and populated by people of vastly different reli- Press, 1977, pp. 1\u201346. gious, cultural, and administrative backgrounds. Roger II encouraged tolerance in this multiethnic state when Caspar, Erich. Roger II (1101\u20131154) und die Gr\u00fcndung der it was politically necessary; overall, he expected strict normannisch-sicilischen Monarchie. Innsbruck: Wagner, obedience to his rule. 1904. (See also Italian version: Ruggero II (1101\u20131145) e la fondazione della monarchia normanna di Sicilia, intro. Roger\u2019s last wish, to be buried in the cathedral of Ortensio Zecchino. Rome, 1999.) Cefal\u00f9, which he had founded in 1131 outside Palermo, was not granted; he rests in the cathedral at Palermo. Chalandon, Ferdinand. Histoire de la domination normande Nevertheless, the fusion of eastern and western architec- en Italie et en Sicile, 2 vols. Paris: Librarie A. Picard et fils, tural and artistic elements at Cefal\u00f9 reflects the character 1907. (Reprint, 1991.) of Roger\u2019s reign: innovative and intimidating political authority set against a glittering backdrop of cultural \u2014\u2014. \u201cThe Conquest of South Italy and Sicily by the Normans\u201d assimilation and coexistence. and \u201cThe Norman Kingdom of Sicily.\u201d Cambridge Medieval History, 5, 1926, pp. 167\u2013207. See also Roger I Cuozzo, Errico. Catalogus Baronum commentario. Istituto Storico Italiano per il Medio Evo, 101. Rome: Nella Sede dell\u2019Istituto, 1984. \u2014\u2014. \u201cQuei maledetti normanni\u201d: Cavalieri e organizzazione militare nel mezzogiorno normanno. Naples: Guida, 1989. Drell, Joanna. \u201cFamily Structure in the Principality of Salerno under Norman Rule.\u201d Anglo-Norman Studies, 18, 1996, pp. 79\u2013103. \u2013\u2013\u2013\u2013. \u201cCultural Syncretism and Ethnic Identity: The Norman \u2018Conquest\u2019 of Southern Italy and Sicily.\u201d Journal of Medieval History 25(3), 1999, pp. 187\u2013202. Falkenhausen, V. von. \u201cI gruppi etnici nel regno di Ruggero II e la loro partecipazione al potere.\u201d In Societ\u00e0, potere, e popolo nell\u2019et\u00e0 di Ruggero II: Atti delle terze Giornate normanno- sveve\u2014Bari, 23\u201325 maggio 1977. Bari: Dedalo Libri, 1979, pp. 133\u2013156. Jamison, Evelyn. \u201cThe Norman Administration of Apulia and Capua, More Especially under Roger II and William I.\u201d Papers of the British School at Rome, 6, 1913, pp. 211\u2013481. (See also 2nd ed., ed. D. R. Clementi and T. Kolzer, 1987; published as a separate monograph.) \u2014\u2014. \u201cThe Sicilian Norman Kingdom in the Mind of Anglo- 575","ROGER II his place of hermitage. However, no record survives indicating either his formal enclosure as a hermit or Norman Contemporaries.\u201d Proceedings of the British Acad- formal proceedings against him. Records of his educa- emy, 24, 1938, pp. 237\u2013285. tion and possible ordination are similarly lacking. We Kehr, Karl Andreas. Die Urkunden der normannisch-sizilischen do not know when he took up residence at Hampole, K\u00f6nige. Innsbruck, 1902. (Reprint, 1962.) Yorkshire, nor in what relation he stood to the Cister- Loud, G. A. Church and Society in the Norman Principality of cian convent there, in whose cemetery (later church) Capua 1058\u20131197. Oxford: Clarendon, 1985. he was buried. \u2014\u2014. Conquerors and Churchmen in Norman Italy. Aldershot: Ashgate, 1999. Although we have only the vaguest knowledge of his \u2014\u2014. The Age of Robert Guiscard: Southern Italy and the Nor- worldly life, Rolle has left us some clear indications of man Conquest. Essex: Pearson Education, 2000. the progress of his spiritual development. In the Incen- Marongiu, Antonio. \u201cA Model State in the Middle Ages: The Nor- dium amoris he describes the reception of the gifts of man-Hohenstaufen Kingdom of Sicily.\u201d Comparative Studies \u201cheat, sweetness, and song\u201d that are characteristic of his in Society and History, 4, 1963\u20131964, pp. 307\u2013321. spirituality. The first gift he received was that of actual \u2014\u2014. Byzantine, Norman, Swabian, and Later Institutions in physical heat warming his breast. At first, he says, he Southern Italy. London: Variorum Reprints, 1972. thought that what he felt was some form of temptation; Martin, Jean-Marie. \u201cCitt\u00e0 e Campagna: Economia e Societ\u00e0 (sec. but he came to recognize it as corresponding to a second VII\u2013XIII).\u201d In Storia del Mezzogiorno, Vol. 3, Alto Medioevo. gift, of sweetness in prayers. Finally, while at prayer in Rome: Edizioni del Sole, 1990, pp. 259\u2013381. chapel one day, he heard \u201cas it were a ringing of singers \u2014\u2014. La pouille du VIe au Xlle si\u00e8cle. Rome: \u00c9cole Fran\u00e7aise of psalms, or rather, of songs.\u201d Time and again Rolle de Rome, 1993. writes of this threefold gift of heat, sweetness, and song Matthew, Donald. The Norman Kingdom of Sicily. Cambridge: (calor, dulcon, canor). Cambridge University Press, 1992. M\u00e9nager, L. R. Hommes et institutions de l\u2019Italie Normande. Works London: Variorum Reprints, 1981. Norwich, John Julius. The Other Conquest. New York: Harper Rolle\u2019s works can be divided into three classes: scrip- and Row, 1967. (Also published as The Normans in the South tural commentaries, original mystical treatises, and 1016\u20131130. London: Longmans, 1967 and 1981.) lyrical and poetic compositions. \u2014\u2014. The Kingdom in the Sun, 1130\u20131194. London: Longman, 1970. The most important scriptural commentaries are the Takayama, Hiroshi. The Administration of the Norman Kingdom Latin and English commentaries on the Psalter; Rolle of Sicily. Leiden: Brill, 1993. also composed Latin commentaries on the first few Wolf, Kenneth Baxter. Making History: The Normans and Their verses of the Song of Songs, the first six chapters of the Historians in Eleventh-Century Italy. Philadelphia: University book of Revelation, and the Lamentations of Jeremiah. of Pennsylvania Press, 1995. Five other treatises (including, particularly, the Judica me Deus) also derive their name and form from their Joanna H. Drell commentary on particular scriptural verses. Another four commentaries are based on biblical texts used in ROLLE, RICHARD, OF HAMPOLE the liturgy or on ecclesiastical texts. All of these lesser (d. 1349) commentaries are in Latin. Although the commentaries are based for the most pan on earlier works in the same Hermit and mystical writer. Little is known of Rolle\u2019s genre (the Psalter commentaries, for example, derive life, although some facts can be gleaned from the read- largely from the \u201cliteral\u201d explication in Peter Lombard\u2019s ings of the liturgical office prepared for the possibility Commentarium), they also develop a number of themes of his canonization, and some conjectures can be made characteristic of Rolle\u2019s interests and teaching, such as based on his writings. According to the office he came devotion to the name of Jesus, and the experience of from Thornton, near Pickering, in the diocese of York, heat, sweetness, and song. These works probably derive and was sent to Oxford with the support of Thomas from the period of Rolle\u2019s spiritual maturity. Neville, archdeacon of Durham. He left the university at nineteen, however, and returned home, where he re- The most important works in Rolle\u2019s canon are his tired to the forest to live as a hermit. Shortly thereafter three great Latin treatises and his four Latin and Eng- he was taken in by John de Dalton, a local squire, and lish epistolary tracts. The first treatise, De amore Dei given an eremitic lodging within Dalton\u2019s household. contra amatores mundi, compares the eternal joys of the This proved inadequate, and he removed to some other lover of God with the passing pleasures of this world. place\u2014apparendy against Dalton\u2019s will. Rolle seems In each of its seven chapters Rolle describes a different also at this rime to have been tempted to take a lover aspect of worldly love and shows how the lovers of this (possibly a real person was involved, or perhaps only a diabolical apparition) but resisted the temptation by invoking the precious blood of Jesus. Rolle\u2019s writings contain a number of passages refer- ring to criticism, particularly for irregularity in changing 576","world, though they seem happier, will be betrayed in the ROLLE, RICHARD, OF HAMPOLE end into eternal sorrow. The second major treatise, the Incendium amoris, deals more specifically than any of sions regarding chronology and biographical references Rolle\u2019s other writings with his experience of spiritual must still be viewed with some skepticism. heat, sweetness, and song and is more autobiographical as well. Although focused on these themes, the Incen- Teaching and Influence dium also treats discursively a number of theological topics\u2014yet it always returns to Rolle\u2019s own spiritual The most distinctive feature of Richard Rolle\u2019s spiri- experience and to the idea that God\u2019s contemplative tuality is the experience of the graces of heat, sweet- gifts to those who love him alone far outweigh the ness, and song that follows upon the total conversion worldly satisfaction of merely intellectual pursuits. The from the world to God. He is not always consistent in Incendium was translated into ME, along with the the hierarchical and chronological ordering of these Emendatio vitae, by the Carmelite Richard Misyn. graces, however; nor despite important similarities, The third of Rolle\u2019s Latin treatises, the Melos amoris, is their description entirely consistent with that of is in some ways the most difficult of his works to de- the diree degrees of love\u2014insuperable, inseparable, scribe: highly alliterative in style and allusive in form, and singular\u2014found in the later epistles. These three it appears to represent and attempt to reproduce in degrees apparendy derive From Richard of St. Victor\u2019s writing the transformation of contemplative prayer Quattuor gradus violentae charitatis, minus the fourth into heavenly song that he describes as the culmination (insatiable) degree. of his spiritual experience. The probable aim of the Melos is not so much persuasion as mystagogy\u2014the For Rolle the rejection of the false pleasures of this re-creation in the reader\u2019s mind of the author\u2019s spiritual world and a complete conversion to God are the sine experience, which by grace the reader may also attain. qua non of the contemplative life, which he believes The style of the Melos has led many to regard it as an is most fully lived in the eremitic life. He considered immature work; but Arnould, its editor, has pointed out the religious vocation to be comparatively worldly and that it more probably manifests the latest stage of his grouped members of religious orders together with other spirituality. lovers of this world. Rolle\u2019s most important epistolary tract, and by far his The experience of heavenly song, with that of most popular work, is the Emendatio vitae. This letter sensible heat and sweetness in prayer, is particularly and the parallel English Form of Living are addressed characteristic of Rolle\u2019s spirituality and that of his in some manuscripts to two of Rolle\u2019s disciples\u2014Wil- followers. Certain sections of The Cloud of Unknow- liam (Stopes?) in the former case, Margaret Kirkby in ing and of Walter Hilton\u2019s Scale of Perfection and Of the latter\u2014and are probably the last things he wrote. Angels\u2019 Song caution against using words like \u201cheat,\u201d Of particular importance in both is the treatment of the \u201csweetness,\u201d or \u201csong\u201d too literally in describing spiri- \u201cthree stages of love\u201d: insuperable, inseparable, and tual experience, a feet that suggests that this form of singular. The treatises also exhort Rolle\u2019s audience to affective mysticism was popular in the later 14th an immediate rejection of the world\u2019s blandishments century. These negative comments, together with and conversion to God in the eremitic life. The Form of more positive presentations of this kind of affective Living was translated into Latin, and the Emendatio vitae mysticism by Thomas Basset, Richard Methley, and into English by Richard Misyn and no fewer than six John Norton, can be taken as evidence for an informal other, independent translators. The themes of the stages \u201cschool\u201d of Richard Rolle. of the love of God and the necessity of total conversion to him also occur in Rolle\u2019s two other English epistolary Rolle achieved his greatest degree of popular influ- tracts, the Commandment and the Ego dormio. Rolle ence with the spread of the devotion (particularly in included a number of lyrics in the Ego dormio and lyric poetry) to the Passion of Christ and to the Holy the Form of Living; a further collection of eight to ten Name of Jesus. According to Knowlton the cult of the lyrics is attributed to him in two manuscripts. He also Holy Name does not seem to have been prominent in wrote the Canticum amoris, a Latin hymn of praise to England, despite imitations of the \u201cDulcis Jesu Memo- the Virgin Mary. ria\u201d and devotional pieces in the tradition of Anselm of Canterbury\u2019s Meditations, until after the time of Rolle. Rolle\u2019s reputation, like that of many influential medi- A number of late-14th- and 15th-century ME lyrics eval writers, was so great that many works not written by reflect not merely these devotional themes but also the him came to be associated with his name. Hope Emily phrasing of Rolle\u2019s devotional poems and descriptions Allen\u2019s Writings Ascribed to Richard Rolle has proven of his own spiritual experiences. Rolle was not merely decisive in establishing his canon, although her conclu- the first of the 14th-century English mystics; he also had the greatest influence on popular piety before the Reformation. See also Hilton, Walter 577","ROLLE, RICHARD, OF HAMPOLE sidered laxity at Sant\u2019Apollinare, and he soon left the monastery to live as an anchorite in the marshes Further Reading surrounding Ravenna. About 975, Romuald became the disciple of the hermit Marino and followed him to the Primary Sources vicinity of Venice. Allen, Hope Emily, ed. English Writing of Richard Rolle Hermit Through Marino, Romuald was drawn into the circle of Hampole. Oxford: Clarendon, 1931. of Venice\u2019s doge, Pietro Orseolo, who was then undergo- ing a religious conversion. When Orseolo abdicated to Allen, Rosamund S., trans. The English Writings. New York: join the monastery at Cuxa in the Pyrenees, Romuald Paulist Press, 1988. and Marino went with him. Romuald remained at Cuxa for ten years, studying the works in its library in order to Arnould, E.J.F., ed. The Melos Amoris of Richard Rolle of Ham- refine his understanding of the monastic ideal. Although pole. Oxford: Blackwell, 1957. the final shape of his reform was the product of many years of experimentation, the basic notions seem to have Deanesly, Margaret, ed. The Incendium amoris of Richard Rolle of been formulated at Cuxa. Romuald\u2019s foundations would Hampole. Manchester, Manchester University Press, 1915 be among the first expressions of an eleventh-century monastic reform movement that sought to revive the del Mastro, ML., trans. The Fire of Love and the Mending of Life. primitive rigor of early Egyptian eremitism. New York: Doubleday, 1981. Romuald returned to Italy on the death of Orseolo Harvey, Ralph, ed. The Fire of Love and the Mending of Life, or in 988. He spent the next ten years based in Pereum, The Rule of Living of Richard Rolle. EETS o.s. 106. Oxford: a hermitage in Ravenna\u2019s marshes, while he wandered Kegan Paul, Trench, Tr\u00fcbner, 1896. the Apennines seeking followers, founding monasteries, and experimenting with monastic organization. Like a Ogilvie-Thomson, Sarah J., ed. Richard Rolle: Prose and Verse. number of other reformers of his time, Romuald was de- EETS o.s. 293. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1988. termined to develop a greater spirit of contemplation in monastic houses; accordingly, he established hermitages Theiner, Paul F., ed. The Contra amatores mundi of Richard Rolle and cenobitic communities together. But unlike other of Hampole. Berkeley: University of California Press, 1968. reformers, Romuald did not believe that a cenobitic life was a necessary prerequisite for an eremitic life. At his Secondary Sources foundations, promising candidates were immediately introduced to the life of the hermit. Moreover, he did not Manual 9:305l\u201368, 3411\u201325. subordinate the hermitage to the abbot of the monastery Alford, John A. \u201cRichard Rolle and Related Works.\u201d In Middle but rather put the cenobites under the moral authority of an experienced hermit. The monastery and hermitage English Prose: A Critical Guide to Major Authors and Genres, were supposed to complement each other in drawing all ed. A.S.G. Edwards. New Brunswick: Rutgers University monks toward the eremitical ideal of fasting, silence, Press, 1984, pp. 35\u201360. and solitude. Allen, Hope Emily. Writings Ascribed to Richard Rolle, Hermit of Hampole, and Materials for His Biography. New York: In 998 Emperor Otto III appointed Romuald abbot Heath, 1927. of Sant\u2019Apollinare in Classe, but the monks\u2019 resistance Clark, J.P.H. \u201cRichard Rolle: ATheological Re-Assessment.\u201d to his austerity led to his resignation within a year. He DownR 101 (1983): 108-39. then moved to the environs of Rome, near the imperial Clark, J.P.H. \u201cRichard Rolle as a Biblical Commentator.\u201d DownR court, and soon attracted the patronage of several of the 104 (1986): 165\u2013213. emperor\u2019s courtiers. When civil unrest at Rome drove Knowlton, Mary Arthur. The Influence of Richard Rolle and of the court to Ravenna in 1001, Romuald followed, again Julian of Norwich on the Middle English Lyrics. The Hague: settling in Pereum. Romuald now had significant sup- Mouton, 1973. port from the empire. Followers flocked to him. Many, Watson, Nicholas. \u201cRichard Rolle as Elitist and as Popularist: The including the imperial chaplain Bruno of Querfurt, Case Judica me.\u201d In De Cella in Seculum: Religious and Secu- went as missionaries to convert the Slavs, inspired by lar Life and Devotion in Late Medieval England, ed. Michael Romuald\u2019s insistence that preaching and conversion G. Sargent. Cambridge: Brewer, 1989, pp. 123\u201343. were the ultimate role of the monk and hermit. Watson, Nicholas. Richard Rolle and the Invention of Authority. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1991. After the death of Otto III in 1002, Romuald left Pereum to wander again in the Apennines. Sometime Michael G. Sargent between 1010 and 1020, he founded a small monastery and hermitage at Camaldoli near Arezzo. This influential ROMUALD OF RAVENNA, SAINT institution, famous for its rigor, proved to be his most (c. 952\u20131027) Saint Romuald of Ravenna was a monastic reformer and the founder of the Camaldolese order and is considered one of the founders of the Italian eremitical movement of the eleventh century. Romuald was born into the ducal Onesti family at Ravenna. When he was twenty, his father killed a kins- man in a duel, and Romuald entered the Benedictine monastery of Sant\u2019Apollinare in Classe to perform a forty-day penance for this act. The monastery had a profound effect on him. At the end of the penance he decided to stay, took monastic vows, and entered enthusiastically into a rigorous observance of the Benedictine rule. However, reading the lives of the desert fathers led Romuald to criticize what he con- 578","lasting contribution to eremitical reform. Romuald died RUDOLF VON EMS at Val di Castro in 1027. By then, his other foundations were already looking to Camaldoli for leadership, and known commissioner; Willehalm von Orlens, commis- other monastic reformers were drawing inspiration sioned by Konrad von Winterstetten at the Staufer court from it. in Swabia, before 1243; the French source was provided by Johannes von Ravensburg\u2019s Weltchronik, dedicated Romuald had not intended to establish an order to King Konrad IV Another theory is that Rudolf did separate from the Benedictines. However, after his not go to Italy and continued the Weltchronik beyond death the thirty-odd monasteries he had founded drew \u201cSalomo,\u201d after which he added still two later excursus together around Camaldoli, in part to protect the pecu- to Alexander. If Rudolf had also produced earlier courtly liar customs Romuald had established for them. By the works, which he claimed in Barlaam und Josaphat, that late eleventh century, the Gregorian popes were treating is unproven. But an Eustachius-Legend, mentioned in them as an order. The most famous Camaldolese monk, Alexander, is lost. Petet Damian, drew many of his reforming ideals from Romuald. Peter wrote a very influential biography of Der gute Gerhard, after an unknown source, demon- Romuald in 1042. strates courtly humanity toward a heathen (two manu- scripts are extant). Barlaam und Josaphat describes See also Damian, Peter; Otto III the Indian Legend of Buddha after a Latin source of 1220\u20131223. (Extant in 47 manuscripts; the only illus- Further Reading trated manuscript, of 1469, was done by Diebold Lauber, with 138 drawings.) Alongside the Laubacher Barlaam Edition of the Freisinger Bishop Otto II, Rudolf\u2019s is the second German version. In Eustachius, a high Roman general Tabacco, Giovanni, ed. Petri Damiani Vita beati Romualdi. Fonti under Trajan converted to Christianity. Willehalm von per la Storia d\u2019Italia, 94. Rome: Istituto Storico Italiano per Orlens is neither an aventiure, or courtly chivalric il Medio Evo, 1957. romance (Wolfram), nor a chanson de geste (heroic ballad, like Guillaume), but rather basically a courtly Critical Studies F\u00fcrstenspiegel, or guide for nobility. An ideal govern- ment, Staufer knighthood, exists also in France and Belisle, Peter Damian. \u201cPrimitive Romauldian\/Camaldolese England. (Of the twenty-nine extant manuscripts, seven Spirituality.\u201d Cistercian Studies Quarterly, 31, 1996, pp. are illustrated, mostly by Diebold Lauber.) A shorter nar- 413\u2013429. rative in rhymed couplets, Wilhalm von Orlens, was cre- ated in the fifteenth century, extant in four manuscripts Kurze, Wilhelm. \u201cCampus Malduli: Die Fr\u00fchgeschichte Camal- and one print of Anton Sorg (Augsburg, 1491). Hans dolis.\u201d Quellen und Forschungen aus Italienischen Archiven Sachs based his drama of 1559 on this print. In 1522, und Bibliotheken, 44, 1964, pp. 1\u201334. an anonymous Swabian writer reworked Rudolf\u2019s epic as stropbic form in the Herzog-Ernst-Tone, a thirteen- Leclercq, Jean. \u201cSaint Romuald et le monachisme missionaire.\u201d line pattern. The story is also recounted in pictures, on Revue B\u00e9n\u00e9dictine, 77, 1962, pp. 307\u2013322. a tapestry in Frankfurt of the first quarter of the fifteenth century, in fifteen scenes. The couple Wilhelm and Phipps, Colin. \u201cRomuald\u2014Model Hermit: Eremitical Theory in Amelie is also found as a fresco at Runkelstein castle Saint Peter Damian\u2019s Vita Beati Romualdi, Chapters 16\u201327.\u201d near Bozen. In Alexander, Rudolf wanted to portray Studies in Church History, 22, 1985, pp. 65\u201377. history, not a heroic or courtly romance. Ten volumes were planned, which were stopped in the middle of the Schmidtmann, Christian. \u201cRomuald von Camoldi: Modell einer sixth book, however (death of Darius and victory over eremitischen Existenz in 10.\/11. Jahrhundert.\u201d Studia Monas- his followers). The two main sources were the Historia tica, 39, 1997, pp. 329\u2013338. de preliis and Curtius Rufus. Fairy-tale portions were left out. (Of the three extant manuscripts, the Munich Tabacco, Giovanni. Romualdo di Ravenna. Turin: Bottega State Library manuscript was illustrated by Diebold d\u2019Erasmo, 1968. Lauber.) The Weltchronik ends, after thirty-six thousand verses, in the middle of the Jewish history of the kings. Thomas Turley (Over one hundred manuscripts are extant, as well as reworkings and rhymed bibles.) RUDOLF VON EMS (ca. 1190\u2013ca. 1255) Further Reading The presumably Swiss author from Hohenems wrote five surviving quasi-historical epics in verse for impor- Green, Dennis. \u201cOn the Primary Reception of the Works of tant men close to the Staufer court (at first, during the Rudolf von Ems.\u201d Zeitschrift f\u00fcr deutsches Altertum 115 reign of King Heinrich VII) and eventually for King (1986): 151\u2013180. Konrad IV himself, whom he might have accompanied on a campaign to Italy, where the king (and maybe the poet) died in 1254. The works (based on French and Latin sources) in approximate chronological order are Der gute Gerhard (Good Gerard), commissioned by Rudolf von Steinach (ministerial of the bishop of Constance) circa 1220; Barlaam und Josaphat, after a literary model of abbot Wido von Cappel (near Z\u00fcrich); Alexander, without a 579","RUDOLF VON EMS bird, beast, and man\u2014a miracle of God\u2019s creation. In the sonnet describing \u201cmesser Messerin,\u201d and in Haug, Walter. \u201cWolframs \u2018Willehalm\u2019\u2014Prolog im Lichte seiner Bearbeitung durch Rudolf von Ems,\u201d in Kritische Bew\u00e4hrung: other sonnets, Rustico frequently compares the targets Beitr\u00e4ge zur deutschen Philologie: Festschrift f\u00fcr Werner of his caricatures to animals, at a time when such Schr\u00f6der zum 60. Geburtstag, ed. Ernst-Joachim Schmidt. comparisons were in vogue in the serious courtly love Berlin: E. Schmidt, 1974, pp. 298\u2013327. lyric. Whereas in his comic poetry Rustico mocked the overuse of animal comparisons, he avoided them Walliczek, Wolfgang. \u201cRudolf von Ems,\u201d in Die deutsche Lit- altogether in his twenty-eight sonnets and the tenzone eratur des Mittelalters. Verfasserlexikon, ed. Kurt Ruh et al. in the traditional courtly style. In these compositions, Berlin: de Gruyter, 1991, vol. 8, coll. 322\u2013345. he experimented with various rhetorical devices in order to achieve more drama and more narrative flexibility. Wenzel, Horst. \u201cH\u00f6fische Geschichte.\u201d Europ\u00e4ische Hochschul- Among his innovations, he broke the unity of address, schriften 1, 284 (1980): 71\u201387. extended personification from the conventional god of love to other items involved in the psychomachia of Wunderlich, Werner. Der \u2018ritterliche\u2019 Kaufmann: literatursozi- courtly love (the heart, the eyes), and abandoned the ologische Studien zu Rudolf von Ems\u2019 \u201cDer guote Gerhart.\u201d extended simile. One sonnet that illustrates all these Scriptor. Hochschulschriften. Literaturwissenschaft 7. Kro- elements is Amor fa nel mio cor fermo soggiorno. The nberg im Taunus: Scriptor, 1975. integration of dramatic techniques into the lyric, and the cultivation of a kinetic rather than a descriptive style, Zaenker, Karl A. \u201cThe Manuscript Relationship of Rudolf von reached a culmination in the poetry of the dolce stil Ems\u2019 Barlaam und Josaphat.\u201d Ph.D. diss., University of Brit- nuovo. Thus Rustico was an innovator in introducing ish Columbia, 1974. comic poetry to Italian literature and, to a lesser extent, in the development of the love lyric. Sibylle Jefferies See also Brunetto Latini RUSTICO FILIPPI (c. 1230\u2013c. 1280 or 1285) Further Reading The Florentine poet Rustico Filippi (Rustico di Filippo) Editions is credited with initiating the comic style in the me- dieval Italian lyric. Rustico wrote fifty-seven sonnets Contini, Gianfranco. Poeti del Duecento, Vol. 2. Milan and transmitted by the Vaticano manuscript Latino 3793, Naples: Ricciardi, 1960, pp. 353\u2013364. and a tenzone with Bondie Dietaiuti found in three other codices. Half of his sonnets were written in the Federici, Vincenzo. Le rime di Rustico di Filippo, rimatore serious style of courtly love; the other half provide one fiorentino del sec. XIII. Bergamo: Istituto Italiano d\u2019Arti of the earliest examples of the comic, or jocose, style Grafiche, 1899. in Italian literature. Brunetto Latini, who considered Rustico one of his closest friends and an accomplished Figurelli, Fernando. La poesia comico-giocosa dei primi due poet, dedicated the Favolello to him. Rustico was also secoli. Naples: Pironti, 1960, pp. 74\u2013112. the acknowledged teacher of Jacopo da L\u00e8ona and is the protagonist of a comic sonnet by Jacopo. Rustico was Marti, Mario. Poeti giocosi del tempo di Dante. Milan: Rizzoli, an ardent Ghibelline. 1956, pp. 29\u201391. Rustico\u2019s comic sonnets fall into two categories: Mass\u00e8ra, Aldo Francesco. Sonetti burleschi e realistici dei primi personal invective, and caricature directed against Flo- due secoli. Bari: Laterza, 1920. (See also rev. ed, ed. Luigi rentines of all ages and social conditions. Among the Russo, 1940, Vol. 1, pp. 1\u201330.) figures he caricatured are warriors who inspire laughter rather than awe, a miser, a cuckolded husband, a man Rustico Filippi. Sonetti, ed. Pier Vincenzo Mengaldo. Turin: who is the paradigm of laziness, people with offensive Einaudi, 1971. body odors, libertines on the prowl, and prostitutes. Rustico displays a great talent for euphemism and uses Vitale, Mauriz\u00eco. Rimatori comico-realistici. Turin: UTET, 1956, a plethora of creative metaphors, similes, paraphrases, pp. 99\u2013197. (Reprint, 1976.) and hyperbole to describe his characters, the sexual act, and certain parts of the human anatomy. Several of the Translations comic sonnets are linked. For example, there is a three- sonnet group that begins with Poi che guerito son de le Dante and His Circle, with the Italian Poets Preceding Him mascelle, recounting the implausible proposals made by (1100\u20131200\u20131300), trans. Dante Gabriel Rossetti. London: a matchmaker to a poor father with two daughters; and Ellis and Elvey, 1892, pp. 360\u2013362. there is a two-sonnet group beginning with Su, donna Gemma, co la farinata, which ponders the suspicious Poems from Italy, ed. William Jay Smith and Dana Gio\u00eca. Saint reasons behind the sudden loss of weight of a young Paul, Minn.: New Rivers, 1985, pp. 32\u201333. girl named Mita. The best-known of Rustico\u2019s comic sonnets, Quando D\u00efo messer Messerin fece, describes Tusiani, Joseph. The Age of Dante: An Anthology of Early Italian Albizzo de\u2019 Caponsacchi as a unique combination of Poetry Translated into English Verse and with an Introduction. New York: Baroque, 1974, pp. 56\u201357. Critical Studies Baldelli, Ignazio. \u201cDante e i poeti fiorentini del Duecento.\u201d In Lectura Dantis Scaligera. Florence: Le Monnier, 1968. Buzzetti Gallarati, Silvia. \u201cSull\u2019organizzazione del discorso 580","comico nella produzione giocosa di Rustico Filippi.\u201d Medio- RUTEBEUF evo Romanzo, 9(2), 1984, pp. 189\u2013213. Casini, Tommaso. \u201cUn poeta umorista del secolo decimoterzo events closely and presupposes familiarity with Parisian (Rustico di Filippo).\u201d In Scritti danteschi. Citt\u00e0 di Casrello: topography, personalities, and issues. The notable vari- Lapi, 1913, pp. 225\u2013255. ety of genres and the historical content that characterize Folena, Gianfranco. \u201cCultura poetica dei primi fiorentini.\u201d Rutebeuf\u2019s poetry are inseparable from Paris, the city Giornale Storico della Letteratura Italiana, 147, 1970, pp. that was its essential and nurturing environment, and 1\u201342. from the colorful figure of the poet himself. Kleinhenz, Christopher. The Early Italian Sonnet: The First Century (1220\u20131321). Collezione di Studi e Testi, 2. Lecce: Although no document preserves any record of Milella, 1986. Rutebeuf\u2019s life, his poems reveal much about his back- Levin, Joan H. Rustico di Filippo and the Florentine Lyric Tra- ground, training, and relations with patrons. He may dition. American University Studies, 2(16). New York: Peter have come from the region of Champagne; his earliest Lang, 1986. polemical poem, the Dit des Cordeliers (1249), favors Marti, Mario. \u201cLa coscienza stilistica di Rustico di Filippo e la the rights of Franciscan monks in Troyes. Throughout sua poesia.\u201d In Cultura e stile net poeti giocosi del tempo di his career, Rutebeuf composed eulogies of nobles from Dante. Pisa: Nistri-Lischi, 1953. Champagne, although mostly in connection with his role Petrocchi, Giorgio. \u201cI poeti realisti.\u201d In Storia della letteratura as a Parisian propagandist of papal crusade policy, as in italiana, Vol. 1, Le origini e il Duecento, ed. Emilio Cecchi his complaintes for Count Eudes de Nevers (1266) and and Natalino Sapegno. Milan: Garzanti, 1965, pp. 575\u2013607. Count Thibaut V of Champagne (1279). Rutebeuf\u2019s Vie (Reprint, 1979.) de sainte Elysabel (ca. 1271) was commissioned for Isa- Quaglio, Antonio Enzo. \u201cLa poesia realistica.\u201d In La letteratura belle, daughter of King Louis IX and wife of Thibaut V. italiana: storia e testi, Vol. 1(2), Il Duecento: Dalle origini a Rutebeuf\u2019s most prominent benefactors were members Dante. Bari: Laterza, 1970, pp. 183\u2013253. of the royal family, such as Alphonse of Poitiers, brother Russo, Vittorio. \u201c \u2018Verba obscena\u2019 e comico: Rustico Filippi.\u201d of Louis IX, whom he addresses in his request poem Filologia e Critica, 5, 1980, pp. 169\u2013182. Complainte Rutebeuf and in his crusade piece Dit de Savona, Eugenio. \u201cRustico di Filippo e la poesia comico-real- Pouille (ca. 1265) and whom he eulogizes in 1271. The istica.\u201d In Cultura e ideologia nell\u2019et\u00e0 comunale: Ricerche poet also appeals repeatedly to King Philip III the Bold sulla letteratura italiana dell\u2019et\u00e0 comunale. Ii Portico, 57. to replace generous benefactors lost on the Crusades. Ravenna: Longo, 1975, pp. 57\u201370. Like the eulogies and commissioned devotional works, Suitner, Franco. La poesia satirica e giocosa nell\u2019et\u00e0 dei comuni. Rutebeuf\u2019s political poems and appeals for largesse Padua: Antenore, 1983. mark his status as a skilled professional poet and his relations with patrons in the highest ecclesiastical and Joan H. Levin aristocratic circle. RUTEBEUF (fl. 1248\u201385) Rutebeuf composed a number of comic pieces like those described in minstrel repertoires. His Dit de The Parisian Rutebeuf composed works in a greater l\u2019herberie is one of several examples of a dramatic variety of genres than any other medieval poet. Known monologue by a quack who amuses an audience with from a dozen manuscripts, his fifty-five extant pieces rapid enumerations of coins, exotic places, stones, and illustrate the range of medieval urban poetry. Rutebeuf herbal remedies. All of Rutebeuf\u2019s fabliaux are known composed in every vernacular genre except those in other medieval versions: the story of the Franciscan especially cultivated in the provincial courts of 13th- who enrolls a girl in his monastic order (Fr\u00e8re Denise); century France: chivalric epics, romances, and songs of the tale of the wife who pretends that her midnight ren- courtly love. At a time when manuscript compilations dezvous with the priest is a devotional exercise (Dame grouped lyric, dramatic, and narrative pieces separately, qui fist trois tours autour du moutier); the account of Rutebeuf, like his contemporary Adam de la Halle, the bishop who gave Christian burial to a donkey who imposed such a vivid and coherent poetic identity on left him twenty pounds (Testament de l\u2019\u00e2ne). The theme all his compositions that they were gathered as a corpus of the obscene Pet au vilain is reused in Andr\u00e9 de la in three contemporary compilations. Unlike the vaga- Vigne\u2019s farce, the Meunier de qui le diable emporte bond Goliards or jongleurs who traveled from castle to l\u2019\u00e2me en enfer (1496). court, Rutebeuf remained in Paris, where he wrote to please many patrons\u2014the royal family, the university, Rutebeuf also had sufficient clerical training to read the higher clergy, the papal legate\u2014and to amuse a Latin and know the student\u2019s life. His Dit de l\u2019universit\u00e9 public in city streets and taverns. While the aristocratic is a sympathetic account of a peasant boy come to study provincial courts were attuned to the refined art of the in Paris who soon squanders his hard-earned funds on chanson and the idealizing fantasies of Arthurian ro- pretty city girls. Though not a vulgarizer of philosophi- mance, Rutebeuf\u2019s heterogeneous urban public relished cal and scientific concepts like his contemporary Jean topical works that spoke to issues of the day, such as de Meun, he draws on Latin sources for his saints\u2019 the Crusades and the proliferation of mendicant orders lives, miracles, polemical poems, and requests for in Paris. Rutebeuf\u2019s political verse follows historical 581","RUTEBEUF banished leader of the university masters (Dit and Com- plainte de Guillaume). Out of this factional literature largesse. In the Dit d\u2019Aristote, he translates a passage rises a new allegorical figure, Hypocrisy, which comes from the epic Alexandreis by Walter of Ch\u00e2tillon; in to overshadow earlier concern with pride and avarice Sainte Elysabel, he abridges a Latin vita; in his miracle and dominate moral literature of the late 13th and 14th of the Sacristain et la femme au chevalier, he expands centuries. Personified in Rutebeuf\u2019s Du Pharisien and an exemplum from the early 13th-century Sermones Dit d\u2019Hypocrisie, hypocrisy is central to Jean de Meun\u2019s vulgares of the preacher Jacques de Vitry. Rutebeuf\u2019s character False Seeming in the Roman de la Rose as well lives of exemplary penitents combine French and Latin as in late animal satires, such as Renart le contrefait and sources in the narrative Sainte Marie l\u2019Egyptienne and the Livres de Fauvel. the Miracle de Th\u00e9ophile, which dramatizes versions by Gautier de Coinci and Fulbert of Chartres. He even Polemical, pious, or entertaining in topic and nonlyric translates and glosses lines from Ovid\u2019s Metamorphoses in form, Rutebeuf\u2019s poems have a style and shape that in his allegorical Voie de paradis. owe little to prevailing courtly modes. His characteristic form is the first-person nonmusical dit, a rambling, open Rutebeuf\u2019s clerical training not only led him to rich form, most often cast in octosyllabic couplets or tercets, literary sources, it also determined his subjects and his that accommodates all the topical themes of contem- style. Rutebeuf\u2019s moral poems contribute to the eccle- porary history that found little place in courtly song, siastical effort, inspired by the Fourth Lateran Council romance, or epic. In spite of their rhetorical embroidery (1215), to instruct laypeople in religious doctrine: his and rich rhymes, Rutebeuf\u2019s poems give an overall im- Voie de paradis is an allegorical catechism of confes- pression of artless simplicity and directness. His verses sion; three works, the Etat, Vie, and Plaies du monde, are engaging and amusing: enlivened with frequent adapt the conventional estates satire of Latin preachers irony, animated with proverbs, touched with realistic and moralists for a lay public. In contrast with the self- details. Lively, colloquial direct discourse and dialogue reflective mode of contemporary courtly lyric and moral characterize both Rutebeuf\u2019s poems and the tableaux of verse, Rutebeuf\u2019s poetry often seeks to turn its hearers his Miracle de Th\u00e9ophile. Often shaped as complaintes, toward the outer world of history painted in dramatic Rutebeuf\u2019s dits pass easily from one subject to another moral colors. via apostrophes and exclamations that are united more by appeal to emotion than by rigorous logic. Commissioned by supporters of the crusade policies of Louis IX and the pope, Rutebeuf\u2019s eleven crusade The figure of the poet himself, however, is the ele- poems incorporate estates satire and rhetorical tech- ment that unifies Rutebeuf\u2019s works. Identified by a niques of moral persuasion from the didactic tradition to signature pun as Rustebeuf qui rudement cevre (\u201cRute- rouse public opinion in favor of increasingly unpopular beuf who works crudely\u201d), the persona of the poet is crusades against Charles of Anjou\u2019s Christian rival for protagonist in many of his moral, political, and comic the Sicilian throne (1265) and against the Muslims in pieces: \u201cRutebeuf\u201d is the pilgrim in the allegorical Voie Tunis (1270). As a professional pamphleteer, Rutebeuf de paradis; he is the character who goes to Rome in a does not express personal opinions in his poems. He dream vision to hear news of the election of Pope Urban advocates the differing views of the two causes he served IV (Dit d\u2019Hypocrisie, 1261). It is in his own name that in order to sway public opinion and encourage partisans Rutebeuf accuses church prelates of caring less for the to action; he is an ardent supporter of papal policies Crusades than for \u201cgood wine, good meat, and that the in his crusade verse, a fiery Gallican in his defense of pepper be strong\u201d (Complainte d\u2019Outremer, ll. 94\u201395). university autonomy. It is he who witnesses the chaste speech of Alphonse of Poitiers in his eulogy and who is called to judge the In his fourteen poems supporting the secular univer- comic debate between Charlot and the barber. sity masters against their Franciscan and Dominican rivals and the pope, Rutebeuf again recasts the motifs Characterization of his poetic persona is most viv- of didactic poetry to new, polemical ends. Dream al- idly developed in Rutebeuf\u2019s best-known works, his legories, battles of vices and virtues, animal satires, ten poems of personal misfortune. His poetic \u201cI\u201d is complaints attributed to the church personified\u2014all the based on the conventional character type of the poor resources of the Latin and French satirical tradition are fool that figures in medieval request verse by Goliards brought to bear on partisan concerns. Knowledge of his- and minstrels and later in the poetry of Eustache De- torical circumstances is essential to the understanding of schamps and Fran\u00e7ois Villon. Picturesquely personal Rutebeuf\u2019s topical poems: the proliferation of mendicant rather than autobiographical in content, his poems of orders in Paris (Ordres de Paris, Chanson des ordres, misfortune dramatize an exaggerated, grotesque self, Des b\u00e9guines); the struggle between mendicants and deserted by friends, grimacing with cold and want, and secular clergy for parish privileges and university chairs martyred by marriage and a weakness for gambling. In (Discorde de l\u2019universit\u00e9 et des Jacobins, Des r\u00e8gles, the plaintive or ironic tones of the Dit d\u2019Aristote, the Dit de sainte \u00c9glise, Bataille des vices et des vertus, Des Jacobins); the writings of William of Saint-Amour, 582","Paix de Rutebeuf, and De Brichemer, the poet reminds RUTEBEUF his patrons of the virtue of largesse and prompt payment. The Repentance Rutebeuf gives a solemn, subjective Further Reading resonance to the conventional poetry of remorse found in his saints\u2019 lives and miracles. Furthermore, in his Rutebeuf. \u0152uvres compl\u00e8tes de Rutebeuf, ed. Edmond Faral and Griesche d\u2019hiver, Griesche d\u2019\u00e9t\u00e9 and Dit des ribauds Julia Bastin. 2 vols. Paris: Picard, 1959. de Gr\u00e8ve, Rutebeuf shows the reader a social world excluded from courtly song, romance, and epic, that of \u2014\u2014. \u0152uvres compl\u00e8tes, ed. and trans. Michel Zink. 2 vols. a homeless urban proletariat, stung by white snowflakes Paris: Bordas, 1989\u201390. in winter and by black flies in summer. Cerquiglini, Jacqueline. \u2018\u201cLe clerc et le louche\u2019: Sociology of an Appreciatively collected by contemporaries, Rute- Esthetic.\u201d Poetics Today 5 (1984): 479\u201391. beuf\u2019s poetry was forgotten after his time. But in his works we discover a poetic voice that dramatizes and Huot, Sylvia. From Song to Book: The Poetics of Writing in Old particularizes the subjective lyric while it speaks with French Lyric and Lyrical Narrative Poetry. Ithaca: Cornell satirical wit and ethical fervor about concerns of the University Press, 1987, pp. 213\u201319. urban world of medieval France. Regalado, Nancy Freeman. Poetic Patterns in Rutebeuf: A Study See also Adam de la Halle; Deschamps, Eustache; in Noncourtly Poetic Modes of the Thirteenth Century. New Fulbert of Chartres Haven: Yale University Press, 1970. Rousse, Michel. \u201cLe mariage Rutebeuf et la f\u00eate des fous.\u201d Moyen \u00e2ge 88 (1982): 435\u201349. Zink, Michel. \u201cTime and Representation of the Self in Thirteenth- Century French Poetry.\u201d Poetics Today 5 (1984): 611\u201327. \u2014\u2014. \u201cLa subjectivit\u00e9 litt\u00e9raire autour du si\u00e8cle de saint Louis. Paris: Presses Universitaires de France, 1985, pp. 47\u201374. Nancy F. Regalado 583","","S SACCHETTI, FRANCO virtue is lacking, there all worldly power must soon fail and come to a painful end\u201d; and one ends, \u201cTell the pope, (c. 1330\u20131400) where he is awaited, that all the limbs fare ill when the head is obstinate in evil.\u201d Franco Sacchetti was born to a noble Florentine Guelf family, perhaps in Ragusa, where his father did business. At the same time, Sacchetti was composing song lyr- Sacchetti spent many years as a merchant. By 1352, he ics, combining a popular immediacy of content with a was also composing traditional love poems. In 1354, technical interest in various forms for music. One cactia he married Felice di Nicol\u00f2 Strozzi. In honor of the describes how girls, gathering flowers and mushrooms Strozzi women, he composed, probably shortly before in the woods, are scattered by a thunderstorm while the his marriage, The Battle of Women, consisting of 272 poet, watching them entranced, gets soaked by the rain. mediocre octaves describing the victory of young, beau- \u201cBlessed be the summertime,\u201d begins another song. In tiful, virtuous ladies over old, ugly, vice-ridden hags. In 1389, during a moment when tension had relaxed, he the early 1360s, during the war between Florence and took part in the garden conversations and entertainments Pisa, Sacchetti began to be involved in the city\u2019s politics described in Il paradiso degli Alberti. He married for a and as an administrator of Florentine territories. In 1376 third time in 1396. he was sent as ambassador to Bologna; in 1383, when he married for the second time, he was a member of During his later years, Sacchetti began to write in the otto di balia; in 1384 he became a prior for the prose. His unfinished Commentary on the New Tes- San Giovanni area; during the wars with the Visconti tament, perhaps written in 1381, seeks to apply the in 1388\u20131392, he served as counselor to the Florentine evangelists\u2019 words to problems and issues of daily life. government; and throughout the late 1380s and the The use of contemporary moral examples in his bibli- 1390s he was governor over a series of Florentine ter- cal commentary led to his writing the Trecentonovelle ritories outside the city. (Three Hundred Stories, 1385\u20131397), accounts of recent events or jokes, unframed but surrounded by personal The 1370s brought a series of sorrows, both per- and moral reflections. The work includes serious issues, sonal and public. Sacchetti was in Florence during the despite the frequent stories about pranks and witticisms. plague of 1374. That year and the next saw the deaths Although Sacchetti refers to himself in the preface as of Petrarch and Boccaccio, whom he lamented in son- \u201cunschooled,\u201d his life experiences had made him sensi- nets expressing his admiration and sense of loss. Two tive to the importance of peace and to the prevalence of years later, his first wife died, mourned affectionately injustice. A number of novelle comment on how degen- in his verse. Meanwhile Florence was threatened by the erate nobles live by plunder taken from the less fortunate expansionism of the Milanese and by papal agents who and get away with crimes while the poor, persecuted sought to restrict Florentine trade routes across papal ter- for minor offenses, have no recourse against the rich ritories. To fend off the latter, Sacchetti became involved and powerful. On the other hand, Sacchetti opposed the in the \u201cwar of the eight saints\u201d (1375), but hard times presumption of ignorant folk, and several tales present and high wartime taxes contributed to the revolt of the Giotto or Dante wittily putting down ambitious fools. ciompi (1378). Some of Sacchetti\u2019s poems express his With a clear eye for details of food, dress, and behavior, views on current political events. \u201cThe world is full of and with a conversational style, Sacchetti delightfully false prophets,\u201d begins one; another starts, \u201cWherever 585","SACCHETTI, FRANCO S\u00c6MUNDR SIGF\u00daSSON INN FR\u00d3\u00d0I captured aspects of contemporary life: the difficulty of (\u201cthe learned\u201d; 1056\u20131133) enforcing dress codes, a chase after a runaway pig, a quarrel between husband and wife, the embarrassment To his contemporaries, S\u00e6mundr was known as a pre- of a youth who trips and falls while eyeing girls, a wet eminent churchman and a man of great learning. To soldier\u2019s refuge from his own bare hovel in the warm modern scholarship, he is known primarily as a founding and well-stocked kitchen of a neighboring ecclesiast. father of historical writing in Iceland, and of the great This period also saw the composition of some moral and dynasty of the Oddaverjar (\u201cmen of Oddi\u201d). At various political canzoni, with pleas for peace and moderation. points in the intervening centuries, folklore accused him Sacchetti himself collected his poetry over the years of sorcery, while scholarly speculation credited him with into one volume, of which the autograph is preserved the Eddas and with sagas ranging from Nj\u00e1ls saga to in the Laurentian Library in Florence. He compiled his J\u00f3msv\u00edkinga saga. collection of tales in the 1380s and 1390s. Of the 300 stories, 223 survived, a few with gaps or in fragments. \u201cS\u00e6mundr (prestr) inn fr\u00f3\u00f0i\u201d is mentioned sev- Besides these writings, we have sixteen of his letters and eral times in the biskupa s\u00f6gur (especially Hungrvaka, a notebook, never intended for publication. Kristni saga, and the sagas of J\u00f3n O\u02dbmundarson), \u00cdslen- dingab\u00f3k, annals, genealogies, and in other historical Sachetti died at San Miniato, where he was governor. writings. But there is no coherent medieval account of His tales went unappreciated by the humanists of the fol- his life, and virtually nothing by him survives in writing, lowing century, but two sixteenth-century manuscripts so that much remains unknown. survived. The first printed edition of a selection of tales appeared in 1724. S\u00e6mundr, the son of a priest, was born into a distin- guished family that had lived at Oddi, South Iceland, See also Boccaccio, Giovanni since about 900. He studied for some years in \u201cFrakk- land.\u201d The Oddaverja ann\u00e1ll for 1077 specifies Paris, Further Reading but this may be no more than a surmise, as is the sug- gestion by modern scholars that S\u00e6mundr attended the Editions and Translation cathedral school of Notre Dame in Paris. An entertaining account of his return to Iceland in Gunnlaugr Leifesson\u2019s La Battaglia delle belle donne, le Lettere, le Sposizioni di Vangeli, J\u00f3ns saga helga (early 13th century) tells how J\u00f3n and ed. Alberto Chiari. Bari: Laterza, 1938. S\u00e6mundr outwitted the master astrologer who held S\u00e6mundr in his power. This legend seems to contain the Il libro delle rime, ed. Alberto Chiari. Bari: Laterza, 1936. germ of later folktales in which S\u00e6mundr, learned in the Opere, ed. Aldo Borlenghi. Milan: Rizzoli, 1957. (Trecentono- black art, uses his cleverness to foil the Devil. velle, Sposizioni di Vangeli, Libro delle rime, Lettere.) After his return to Iceland in or after 1076, S\u00e6mundr Tales from Sacchetti, trans. Mary Steegman. London: Dent, 1908. was ordained priest and became a \u201cpillar of the church,\u201d building a new church at Oddi dedicated to St. Nicholas, (Eighty-three prudishly selected tales.) increasing its endowments and clergy, and preaching Trecentonovelle, ed. Vincenzo Pernicone. Florence: Sansoni, and dispensing wise counsel in the neighborhood. He probably also had a school there, for he is said in Sturlu 1946. saga (ch. 1) to have fostered Oddi \u00deorgilsson, who, like Il Trecentonovelle, ed. Antonio Lanza. Florence: Sansoni, S\u00e6mundr himself, became fr\u00f3\u00f0r, \u201clearned (especially in native lore).\u201d Of still greater national importance was 1984. S\u00e6mundr\u2019s part, with the bishops, in establishing tithe laws (1096) and other ecclesiastical laws. Critical Studies Little else is known of S\u00e6mundr\u2019s life or activities Barbi, Michele. \u201cPer una nuova edizione delle Novelle del Sac- as priest and secular chieftain, because the records are chetti.\u201d Studi di Filologia Italiana, 1, 1927, pp. 87\u2013131. slight and the times relatively uneventful. However, it is known that he and his two brothers married the three Caretti, Lanfranco. Saggio sul Sacchetti. Bari: Laterza, 1951. daughters of Kolbeinn Flosason. With his wife, Gu\u00f0r\u00fan, Croce, Benedetto. Poesia popolare e poesia d\u2019arte. Bari: Laterza, he had three sons and a daughter, and their descendants, who came to be known as the Oddaverjar, in many 1933, pp. 94\u2013105. senses built on the foundations laid by S\u00e6mundr at Oddi. Curato, Baldo. Lettura del Sacchetti. Cremona: Gianni Man- Their power and wealth, augmented especially by the tithes and other revenues paid to family-owned churches, giarotti, 1966. overtook those of other chieftainly families during the Francia, Letterio di. Franco Sacchetti, novelliere. Pisa: Tipografia time of S\u00e6mundr\u2019s distinguished grandson J\u00f3n Lopts- Successori Fratelli Nistri, 1902. \u2014\u2014. Novellistica. Milan: Vallardi, 1924, pp. 260\u2013300. Li Gotti, Ettore. Franco Sacchetti, uomo \u201cdiscolo e grosso.\u201d Florence: Sansoni, 1940. Li Gotti, Ettore, and Nino Pirrotta. Il Sacchetti e la tecnica musi- cale del Trecento italiano. Florence: Sansoni, 1935. Pernicone, Vincenzo. Fra. rime e novelle del Sacchetti. Florence: Sansoni, 1942. Wilkins, Ernest Hatch. A History of Italian Literature, rev. ed., ed. Thomas G. Bergin. Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1974, 117\u2013119. Janet Levarie Smarr 586","son (1124\u20131197), and were maintained throughout S\u00c6MUNDR SIGF\u00daSSON INN FR\u00d3\u00d0I the following decades without the viciousness found elsewhere. The intellectual tradition of Oddi also flour- histories of Norway, such as Fagrskinna, \u00c1grip, Histo- ished. S\u00e6mundr\u2019s son, the priest Eyj\u00f3lfr, had a school ria Norwegiae, and even on Kn\u00fdtlinga saga, have been there attended by the future St. \u00deorl\u00e1kr; J\u00f3n Loptsson much discussed by scholars such as Bjarni A\u00f0albjar- fostered and educated Snorri Sturluson there. J\u00f3n\u2019s son, narson, Siegfried Beyschlag, Svend Elleh\u00f8j, and Bjarni the bishop P\u00e1ll, compiled a miracle book of St. \u00deorl\u00e1kr, Gu\u00f0nason (see the summary in Andersson 1985). and is himself the subject of one of the biskupa s\u00f6gur. The poem N\u00f3regs konunga tal was composed around S\u00e6mundr is also acknowledged as an authority for 1190 to celebrate J\u00f3n Loptsson\u2019s descent through his certain facts about Iceland, including its discovery by mother from the Norwegian kings; other works, notably the Viking Naddoddr (Landn\u00e1mab\u00f3k, Sturlub\u00f3k text), Orkneyinga saga and Skjo\u02dbldunga saga, may have links but whether such matters were included in the history with Oddi. of Norwegian kings, whether there was a separate work on Iceland, and whether some of S\u00e6mundr\u2019s more frag- S\u00e6mundr is frequently named as an authority by mentary pieces of learning were at first only transmitted medieval Icelandic historians, and these references orally cannot now be established. The \u201coral\u201d theory is provide the main clues about his learning and its trans- supported by the report in Kristni saga, that \u201cin that year mission. That he composed a work, now lost, on the [1118\u20131119], there was such great loss of life, that the rulers of Norway from Haraldr h\u00e1rfagri (\u201cfair-hair\u201d) in priest S\u00e6mundr the learned said [sag\u00f0i] at the \u00feing that the late 9th century down to Magn\u00fas g\u00f3\u00f0i (\u201cthe good,\u201d no fewer must have died of sickness than had come to the d. 1046\/7) is suggested by N\u00f3regs konunga tal (st. 40), \u00feing.\u201d It is also possible that S\u00e6mundr simply became a which acknowledges S\u00e6mundr inn fr\u00f3\u00f0i as its model model of learning, to whom miscellaneous facts could for the lives (\u00e6vi) of these eleven rulers. The scraps of be attached. This tendency could apply to such patently information attributed to S\u00e6mundr elsewhere, however, clerical facts as the details about the creation of the sun especially concern the late 10th century: the length of and the moon (in AM 624 4to) or the body of Adam (in H\u00e1kon jarl\u2019s reign (in Oddr Snorrason\u2019s \u00d3l\u00e1fs saga Tryg- AM 764 4to). gvasonar); the number of ships in the J\u00f3msviking fleet at Hj6rungav\u00e1gr (Liav\u00e5g) (in AM 510 4to, a late MS The title S\u00e6mundar Edda appeared on editions of the of J\u00f3msvikinga saga); details of \u00d3l\u00e1fr Tryggvason\u2019s Codex Regius poems of the Poetic Edda until well into christianization of Norway (in a fifty-word quotation this century, and this attribution goes back to 16th- and from S\u00e6mundr in Oddr Snorrason\u2019s saga); and the 17th-century theories that credited S\u00e6mundr first with date of his death (in Ari \u00deorgilsson\u2019s \u00cdslendingab\u00f3k). the Prose Edda (now attributed to Snorri) and then with S\u00e6mundr is also named in certain versions of the the Codex Regius poems. The connection may not be Icelandic annals as authority for the ice-bound Scandi- completely unfounded, for it is possible, as Halld\u00f3r Her- navian winter of 1047. It seems from all this evidence, mannsson (1932) argued, that Snorri found the poetic and from the example of the near-contemporary materials for his Edda at Oddi, and that S\u00e6mundr had \u00cdslendingab\u00f3k, that S\u00e6mundr\u2019s legacy to later his- a hand in collecting them. toriography must have been a chronological scheme, with brief narratives on each ruler, in a sober style but See also Snorri Sturluson with Christian bias. Further Reading S\u00e6mundr\u2019s presumed history was probably written rather than oral, especially since the long quotation from Literature S\u00e6mundr in Oddr Snorrason\u2019s saga (which survives only in Icelandic versions of a Latin original) is followed by Storm, Gustav. Snorre SturlassMns Historieskrivning. Copen- \u201cSv\u00e1 hefir S\u00e6mundr rita\u00f0 um \u00d3l\u00e1f konung i sinni b\u00f3k\u201d hagen: Luno, 1873. (\u201cThus has S\u00e6mundr written about King \u00d3l\u00e1fr in his book\u201d). Storm (1873: 15) and Meissner (1902: 35ff.) Meissner, Rudolf. Die Strengleikar: Ein Beitrag zur Geschichte nevertheless disputed that there was a written work by der almordischen Prosalitteratur. Halle: Niemeyer, 1902. S\u00e6mundr. The language seems to have been Latin, for Snorri Sturluson, in his prologue to \u00d3l\u00e1fs saga helga Halld\u00f3r Hermannsson. S\u00e6mund Sigf\u00fasson and the Oddaverjar. and Heimskringla, refers to Ari \u00deorgilsson as the first Islandica, 22. Ithaca: Cornell University Library, 1932. writer of history in Norse, although S\u00e6mundr, an older contemporary whom Ari consulted over the writing of Buckhurst, Helen T. McM. \u201cS\u00e6mundr inn fr\u00f3\u00f0i in Icelandic Folk- \u00cdslendingab\u00f3k, probably completed his history first. The lore.\u201d Saga-Book of the Viking Society 11 (1928\u201336), 84\u201392. nature of S\u00e6mundr\u2019s writing and its influence on other Einar \u00d3l. Sveinsson. Sagnaritun Oddaverja. Nokkrar athuganir. Studia Islandica, 1. Reykjavik: \u00cdsafold, 1937 [English sum- mary, pp. 47\u201351]. Turville-Petre, G. Origins of Icelandic Literature. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1953 rpt. 1975 [esp. pp. 81\u20137]. Andersson, Theodore M. \u201cKings\u2019 Sagas (Konungas\u00f6gur).\u201d In Old Norse\u2013Icelandic Literature: A Critical Guide. Ed. Carol J. Clover and John Lindow. Islandica, 45. Ithaca and London: Cornell University Press, 1985 [esp. pp. 197\u2013211]. Diana Edwards Whaley 587","SALADIN Cristofano dell\u2019 Altissimo (c. 1525\u20131605). Portrait of Saladin, Sultan of Egypt. \u00a9 SEF\/Art Resource, New York. SALADIN (SALA\u00af H AL-D\u00afIN YU\u00af KSUF B. AYYU\u00af B) (a.h. 564\u2013589 \/ 1138\u20131193 c.e.) During the late 1100s, trade was an important source of revenue, which Saladin needed for his mili- Sultan of Egypt and Syria, Saladin led military ventures tary campaigns. The armament industry and the slave that won back for Islam much of the territory in the Holy trade flourished, and anecdotal evidence indicates that Land occupied by Western crusaders. Saladin was born trade routes remained open even while wars were be- at Tekrit into a Kurdish family in service to \u2018Ima\u00afd-al-D\u00af\u0131n ing fought nearby, and that huge profits could be made Zang\u00af\u0131 of Mosul; Saladin served \u2018Ima\u00afd-al-D\u00af\u0131n\u2019s son, Nu\u00af r from military supplies (although risks of loss were also al-D\u00af\u0131n Emir of Syria. At this time, political and moral high). During the Third Crusade (1189\u20131192) there was authority was divided between, the Fa\u00aftimid caliphate of considerable interference with Mediterranean shipping, Cairo and the Abbasid caliphate of Baghdad; regions and but Saladin enjoyed the benefits of an open trade route cities were held by independent warlords, and wide divi- between Egypt and India (via the Red Sea, thanks to the sions separated the general population from the military extension of his control over Yemen). men who wielded power. The crusader states, with their small populations, represented an additional irritating Saladin unquestionably changed the pattern of Mid- complication, a potential if not an actual threat. dle Eastern history, not so much because he established his own dynasty (the Ayyu\u00afbids were short-lived) but, After serving for ten years in Nu\u00afr al-D\u00af\u0131n\u2019s court at immediately, because he gave the coup-de-gr\u00e2ce to the Damascus, Saladin accompanied his uncle Sh\u00af\u0131rku\u00afh to ailing Fa\u00aftimid dynasty. He also made Europe aware that Egypt on an expedition, during which Sh\u00af\u0131rku\u00af h seized retaining crusader states would involve enormous effort effective power in Cairo in 1169; Sh\u00af\u0131rku\u00af h died almost and expense. As a corollary to this, he demonstrated immediately, and Saladin succeeded him in command. the increasing importance of an efficient, if expensive, He played a dual role as Fa\u00aftimid vizier and as Nu\u00afr al- professional army, which later contributed to the refine- D\u00af\u0131n\u2019s subordinate until the caliph\u2019s death in 1171 and ment of the Mamluk system; this, arguably, led to a Nu\u00afr al-D\u00af\u0131n\u2019s in 1174. Saladin proclaimed himself sultan profound change in the economic and social resources of Egypt, with authority over Mesopotamia, and initi- of Egypt and Syria. ated the Ayyu\u00afbid dynasty. Part of the rest of his career was spent in a power struggle with the Zangids, in the See also Dante Alighieri; Richard I course of which he successfully established his power in Syria, where he took Damascus and later Aleppo with the aid of his brother Tu\u00afra\u00af nsha\u00af h. He failed, however, to subdue the city of Mosul completely, or to win unquali- fied approval from the Abbasid caliphs. Saladin represented himself as the champion of Islam against the crusaders, a role whose potentialities had been developed by Nu\u00afr al-D\u00af\u0131n, and his intermit- tent campaigns against the crusader states culminated in the battle of Hattin (near Tiberias) in 1187, in which he destroyed the field army of the Latin Kingdom of Jerusalem; he went on to capture Jerusalem and take most of the crusader strongholds. Tyre, however, pro- vided the crusaders with a base, and Saladin\u2019s victories prompted the calling of the Third Crusade in 1189, dur- ing which the western armies were able only to capture Acre. Although the engagements between Christian and Muslim forces were to a degree politically indecisive, they greatly influenced cultural life in the West owing to the famous encounter between England\u2019s King Richard the Lionheart (r. 1189\u20131199) and Saladin. The sultan\u2019s ensuing reputation for generosity and chivalry earned him a place of honor in medieval romance, and even Dante located his soul in Limbo. The crusaders were not strong enough to recapture Jerusalem but neither could Saladin clear them from the coast. This stalemate led to a truce in 1192, the Peace of Ramleh [Ramla], shortly after which Saladin died. 588","Further Reading SALIMBENE DE ADAM Ehrenkreutz, Andrew S. Saladin. Albany: State U of New York scholars as superficial. His knowledge of the Bible was P, 1972. thorough, as is shown by his extensive use of biblical quotations throughout the Chronicle; but as scholars Gibb, H.A.R. The Life of Saladin: From the Works of Imad ad-Din have indicated, these quotations are used to support and Baha ad-Din. Oxford: Clarendon, 1973. statements which often have little if anything to do with the Bible. Scholars concur that even when Salimbene Lyons, Malcolm Cameron, and D.E.P. Jackson. Saladin: The discusses issues about which he was knowledgeable Politics of the Holy War. Cambridge and New York: Cam- (such as the prophesies of Joachim of Fiore and the bridge UP, 1997. relative merits and shortcomings of Elias of Cortona), he is often subjective and biased. Malcolm C. Lyons Salimbene\u2019s numerous acquaintances and travels SALIMBENE DE ADAM provided him with plenty of material for his Chronicle. (1221\u2013c. 1289) Besides narrating famous and less-known events in Italy and France, the Chronicle also narrates personal What we know of Fra Salimbene de Adam of Parma is moments in Salimbene\u2019s life and that of his family. The based entirely on the Chronicle, his only extant work. Chronicle is regarded by scholars as historically accu- In it Salimbene tells us that he was born to Guido de rate for the most part, but its importance is not purely Adam and Inmelda de Cassio, members of two well- historical. As Baird (1986) has shown, it is the earliest established families in Parma. He was christened Balian account of the spread of Joachism within the Franciscan of Sidon but was simply called Ognibene by his family. order, as well as an important document of Franciscan In 1238 he entered the Franciscan order and was given life in the thirteenth century and the extent to which the name Salimbene by the last friar Saint Francis had the Franciscan order had deviated from Saint Francis\u2019s admitted to the order. During his novitiate, Salimbene original rule. Salimbene does not hesitate to reveal his met Bernard of Quintavalle, the first friar Saint Francis own worldly interests while narrating the worldliness of had admitted to the order; and Elias of Cortona, the his age. His narrative, however, also includes exempla of order\u2019s first minister general. spiritual piety; as seen in his characterizations of Saint Louis of France, John of Parma (minister general of the After completing his novitiate at Fano, Salimbene Francis can order), and even himself (Salimbene\u2019s vi- went to a convent in Lucca where he studied music and sions of the holy family are narrated in great detail). In first saw the Holy Roman emperor Frederick II. From fact his extensive use of exempla gives the Chronicle a there he moved to Siena, where he continued his study narrative style that anticipates Boccaccio\u2019s Decameron. of music and came into contact with the theories of The exempla are an integral part of the Chronicle and are Joachim of Fiore through the work of Hugo of Digne. used not only to illustrate a moral but also to produce From 1243 to 1247 Salimbene was in Pisa, where his comic effects. Moreover, these exempla are rich in detail education in Joachism continued under Rudolf of Sax- making the characterizations both vivid and realistic ony. Salimbene\u2019s acquaintance with some of the most (Auerbach 1957). distinguished people of his rime continued during his trips to France in 1247\u20131248. At Provins he met the In addition to vivid portraits of well-known and Joachist Gerard of Borgo San Donnino. At Villefranche lesser-known people of his time, Salimbene himself and at Sens he met Giovanni di Piano Carpini, the often appears in the Chronicle, giving the work an au- Franciscan provincial general of Germany and Spain, tobiographical dimension. He comes across as having who had been an emissary for Pope Innocent IV at the a great interest in worldly matters, and (as Baird notes) court of the khan Guyuk at Karakoram in Mongolia. At he often expresses contempt for qualities he himself Hy\u00e8res Salimbene heard the lectures of Hugo of Digne, is guilty of, indicating a contradictory or ambiguous and at Auxerre he met Saint Louis of France. In 1248 personality. Nevertheless, Salimbene\u2019s candid and he was ordained a priest at Genoa; later he was sent to uninhibited nature suggests that he is true to himself Ferrara, where he remained for seven years. He prob- throughout the Chronicle, even when his evaluation of ably spent the years 1279\u20131285 in Reggio Emilia and others (e.g., Elias of Cortona) is not as truthful. its province, where, in 1283, he began working on the Chronicle. In 1287 he moved to Montefalcone, where The Chronicle has come down to us in a single he died shortly after 1288. manuscript: (Vatican Latin 7260) of which the first 277 folios are missing. The manuscript, written by Salim- Despite his close contact with several of the leading bene himself, narrates events from 1168 to 1287. The thinkers of his time, and despite the opportunities to years 1168\u20131212 are based on Sicardo of Cremona\u2019s study at several of the most important universities of Chronicle; and the historic events occurring from 1212 his day (he spent a week studying at the University in to 1283 (the year Salimbene began writing the work) Paris but left without the permission of his superiors), seem to have much in common with two chronicles Salimbene\u2019s intellectual background is regarded by 589","SALIMBENE DE ADAM In 1367 he moved to Todi to become its chancellor; in 1368 he moved to Rome, where he worked in the papal attributed to Albert Milioli: Liber de temporibus and chancery under Francesco Bruni. After being unable Cronica imperatorm. Not until the twentieth century to find suitable employment with the papacy, Salutati did Salimbene\u2019s Chronicle receive the scholarly and became chancellor of Lucca with Bruni\u2019s help in 1370. critical attention it deserves. Almost immediately, however, he became embroiled in a factional dispute, and in 1371 he lost his position and See also Frederick II; Giovanni di Piano Carpini; reluctantly returned to Stignano. He had lost his first Joachim of Fiore wife while he was still in Lucca; sometime between 1372 and 1374, widowed with a small boy, he married Further Reading Piera, the daughter of Simone Riccomi. He and Piera had at least eight children. Editions and Translation Salutati was called to Florence in 1374 to assume The Chronicle of Salimbene de Adam, trans. Joseph L. Baird, Gi- the newly created secretaryship of the tratte, the office useppe Bagl\u00edvi, and John Robert Kane. Medieval and Renais- supervising elections to Florentine offices; in 1375 he sance Texts and Studies, 40. Binghamton, N.Y.: Medieval and became chancellor. As the official responsible for con- Renaissance Texts and Studies, 1986. (With bibliography.) ducting the Florentine government\u2019s correspondence with the provinces and with foreign powers, he almost Cronica Fratris Salimbene de Adam, 2 vols., ed. Ferdinando immediately established his reputation as the greatest Bernini Scrittori d\u2019Italia, 187\u2013188. Bari: Laterza, 1942. author of official letters in western Europe. He was able to demonstrate his virtuosity immediately, because 1375 Salimbene de Adam. Cronica, 2 vols., ed. Giuseppe Scalia. Scrit- marked the beginning of a three-year war between Flor- torl d\u2019Italia, 232\u2013233. Bari: Laterza, 1966. ence and the papacy, a war whose major battles were propaganda campaigns designed to retain and attract Critical Studies allies. Perhaps his greatest epistolary triumphs came in 1390\u20131406, when he assumed responsibility for repre- Auerbach, Erich. Mimesis. New York: Doubleday, 1957, pp. senting to western European powers the issues involved 187\u2013188. in Florence\u2019s bitter struggle with the Visconti of Milan. Florence\u2019s archenemy, Gian Galeazzo Visconti, is said Auzzas, Ginetta. \u201cSalimbene da Parma.\u201d In Dizionario critico to have stated that \u201ca letter of Salutati\u2019s was worth a della letteratura italiana, 3 vols. Turin: UTET, 1973, Vol. troop of horses.\u201d Having been chancellor for thirty-one 3, pp. 293\u2013294. years, during which time he navigated the troubled waters of Florentine political life with unerring tact, Carile, Antonio. Salimbene e la sua opera storiografica: Delle Salutati died in 1406. lezioni tenute alla. Facolt\u00e0 di Magistero dell\u2019Universit\u00e0 di Bologna nell\u2019anno accademico 1970\u20131971. Bologna: P\u00e0tron, Salutati was influenced, after 1367, by Petrarch\u2019s 1971. concern with integrating Christianity and pagan letters, but he never achieved the mature Petrarch\u2019s confidence Coulton, George Gordon. From Saint Francis to Dante. New in their harmoniousness. Salutati, who is less classiciz- York: Russell and Russell, 1968. ing in style than Petrarch and more obviously intrigued by scholastic philosophy and theology, betrays, the Crocco, Antonio. Federico II nella Cronica di Salimbene. Naples: weak welds in Christian humanism. Although he was Empireo, 1970. a family man and a devout Florentine patriot, his De seculo et religione (1381), praising the superiority of D\u2019Alatri, Mariano, and Jacques Paul. Salimbene da Parma: the monastic life, represented a genuine ascetic element Testimone e cronista. Rome: Istituto Storico dei Cappuccini, in his thought. His last private letters unambiguously 1992. affirm his allegiance to Christian truth over and against pagan culture. Nonetheless, up to the last year of his Sainati, Augusto. Studi di letteratura latina medievale e uman- life his devotion to ancient literature remained strong. istica: Raccolti in occasione del suo ottantacinquesimo Under his influence, Florence brought the great Greek compleanno. Padua: Antenore, 1972. scholar Manuel Chrysoloras from Constantinople in 1397 to teach Greek at the university. Whereas a previ- Violante, Cinzio. La cortesia chiericale e borghese nel Duecento. ous attempt in 1360\u20131362, with Leonzio Pilato, had Florence: Olschki, 1995. failed to arouse the interest of the city\u2019s young people, the arrival of Chrysoloras marked the rebirth of Greek Steven Grossvogel studies in western Europe. SALUTATI, COLUCCIO (1331\u20131406) Coluccio Salutati was born at Stignano, on the frontier between Ghibelline Lucca and Guelf Florence, and was carried into exile when the Ghibellines seized power in the area shortly after his birth. He was raised and educated at Bologna, where he studied under Pietro da Moglio, a member of the third generation of Italian humanists. Salutati was trained as notary and in 1350\u2013 1351, after his father\u2019s death, he returned to Stignano with his family and began practicing his profession. Between 1351 and 1367 Salutati earned his living as a notary, but by 1356 he was already playing a major political role in the rural commune of Buggiano, of which Stignano formed one of four villages. He married a local woman, Caterina di Tomeo di Balducci, in 1366. 590","Salutati made Florence the capital of this major SANCHO III, KING OF NAVARRE movement in European cultural and intellectual life through his prestige as chancellor; the fame of his his sister\u2019s name and designated his own son, Fernando, public letters; his eagerness to relate classical studies as heir. The Navarrese dynasty was firmly established in to moral and religious problems of his day; his effort Castile in 1032 when Fernando married his first cousin to encompass within a continuous tradition the ancient Sancha, sister of Vermudo III, whose dowry brought Latin authors, the church fathers, and the medieval to Navarre the disputed lands between the Cea and rhetoricians; and his successful introduction of Hellenic Pisguerga rivers. studies into the Latin west. That Florence was the center of humanistic studies down to the mid-fifteenth century Not all of Sancho\u2019s attempts to bring the Pyrenean testifies enduring intellectual legacy. states under Navarrese hegemony were so fruitful. By holding out the prospect of a military alliance against See also Petrarca, Francesco the Muslims in the central Ebro basin, he forced the count of Barcelona, Ram\u00f3n Berenguer I (1018\u20131035), to Further Reading become his vassal, although neither party would benefit much from this coalition. He tried to press his rights to Epistolario di Coluccio Salutati, ed. Francesco Novati. Fonti per succession in the duchy of Gascony, but his attempt to la Storia d\u2019Italia, 15\u201318. Rome. 1891\u20131916. link the two Basque-speaking regions under one banner ultimately failed. Ullman, Berthold L. The Humanisum of Coluccio Salutati. Me- dioevo e Umanesimo, 4 Padua: Antenore, 1983. His political strength remained in Spain, however, and the high point of his career took place in 1034 when Witt, Ronald G. Hercules at the Crossroads: The Life, Works, and he occupied of the city of Le\u00f3n, unseating his nephew Thought of Coluccio Salutati. Durham, N.C.: Duke University Vermudo. Finally, possessing a political authority that Press, 1983. encompassed Navarre, Le\u00f3n, Arag\u00f3n, and Castile, he styled himself Emperor of Hispania (\u201crex Dei gratia Ronald G. Witt Hispaniarum\u201d) and coined money in affirmation of his new imperial dignity, thereby laying claim to a penin- SANCHO III, KING OF NAVARRE sular supremacy that had previously been attributed to (r. 1000\u20131035) the king of Le\u00f3n. The reign of Sancho III Garc\u00e9s, known as \u201cel Mayor\u201d His imperial career was short-lived, however. He died (1000\u20131035) was a pivotal one, not only for Navarre but suddenly the next year, and Vermudo III regained Le\u00f3n, for all of Christian Spain. Possessed with prodigious po- ruling it until 1037. Although he governed a unified litical talents, he brought his small kingdom of Navarre kingdom, Sancho\u2019s adherence to the patrimonial concept to its apogee in the Middle Ages. Because the decline of of kingship, as was the custom in France, which declared Muslim influence in the region left him relatively free royal domains heritable and divisible among his heirs, to focus his attentions elsewhere, he made no serious made any permanent union of these states impossible. efforts to continue the Reconquest. Instead, he set about In his will Sancho stipulated that his several realms be unifying all the Christian states except Castile under his divided among his sons, all of whom eventually bore the rule. His cultural and political influences were French, title of king: Navarre was granted to Garc\u00eda III S\u00e1nchez and by his outlook and his actions he helped draw Spain (1035\u20131054); Castile, to Fernando I (1035\u20131065); and out of its isolation and incorporate it into the rest of Aragon, to Ramiro I (1035\u20131063). As a result, the new Western Christendom. frontier kingdoms of Castile and Arag\u00f3n attained the status of kingdoms, and ultimately would overshadow His inheritance was small\u2014little more than a string Navarre and Le\u00f3n. of tiny counties in the foothills of the Pyrenees\u2014but by skillful manipulation of marriage alliances, Sancho His permanent influence on medieval Spanish culture was able to widen his domains by acquiring adjacent extended far beyond territorial expansion and royal in- territories. An important factor in his success was the heritances, however. During his reign, feudal concepts marriage of his sister Urraca to King Alfonso V of of law and landholding current in France penetrated Le\u00f3n. Through Urraca, Sancho III continued to be a real into the peninsula. Under his aegis, Romanesque artistic power in that kingdom even after Alfonso\u2019s death. While styles, especially in architecture, became well estab- Urraca served as regent for her son, Vermudo, Sancho lished in Spain. He encouraged the pilgrimage to San- gained control of Arag\u00f3n and the old Marches counties tiago de Compostela, a principle vehicle for transmission of Sobrarbe and Ribagorza to the east of Arag\u00f3n. of French ideas. For the convenience of the pilgrims, he modified and improved the difficult route through \u00c1lava From his base in Le\u00f3n, Sancho extended his influence and the Cantabrian Mountains. And during his reign to Castillian affairs through his brother-in-law Garc\u00eda Cluniac reform was introduced into the monasteries of Sanchez, the count of Castile. When Garc\u00eda Sanchez was O\u00f1a, Lerie, and San Juan de la Pe\u00f1a. murdered in 1029, Sancho took possession of Castile in 591","SANCHO III, KING OF NAVARRE mouth of the Guadalquivir, a Castilian fleet of about one hundred ships waited in the straits to relieve Jerez or to See also Alfonso V, King of Arag\u00f3n, disrupt the emir\u2019s communications with Morocco. When The Magnanimous; Ram\u00f3n Berenguer IV, Sancho IV marched southward from Seville to Jerez, Count of Barcelona Abk Yksuf decided not to test his fortunes in battle, and retreated to the safety of Algeciras in August. Two Further Reading months later Sancho IV made peace with the emir. Lacarra, J. M. Historia del reino de Navarra en la Edad Media. Meanwhile, after the failure of the French crusade Pamplona, 1975. against Arag\u00f3n, Sancho IV, because of continuing concern over the claims of Alfonso de la Cerda, was O\u2019Callaghan, J. F. A History of Medieval Spain. Ithaca, N.Y., under pressure to enter an alliance with either kingdom. 1975. On the one hand, Philippe IV of France was Alfonso\u2019s cousin while Alfonso III of Arag\u00f3n had custody of the P\u00e9rez de Urbel, J. Sancho el Mayor de Navarra. Madrid, 1950. two Infantes de la Cerda. Lope D\u00edaz de Haro, lord of Vizcaya, who had much to do with securing Sancho IV\u2019s Theresa Earenfight recognition as heir to the Castilian throne, preferred the alliance with Arag\u00f3n as a guarantee that Alfonso de la SANCHO IV, KING OF CASTILE Cerda would not be free to press his claims. Lope was (1258\u20131295) the most influential person in the realm because the king had given him control over the royal household and fi- Sancho IV, the second son of Alfonso X and Queen nances as well as custody of all royal strongholds. Other Violante, was born on 12 May 1258 in Valladolid. His members of the royal council eventually convinced sobriquet, \u201cel Bravo,\u201d referred to his strength of will Sancho IV that he had entrusted Lope with far too much and determination. After the sudden death of his older authority. Thus the king turned against him in 1288 and brother Fernando de la Cerda in 1275, Sancho, reject- caused his death in a violent scene. ing the claims of his nephew, Alfonso de la Cerda, and demanded recognition as heir to the throne. Although Now free to decide for himself, Sancho IV broke Alfonso X acknowledged him, continual pressure from with Arag\u00f3n and allied with France. He expected that France and the papacy led the king to propose giving the continual threat of French intervention on behalf a portion of his dominions to his grandsons, Alfonso of the Infantes de la Cerda and papal opposition to the and Fernando, known collectively as the Infantes de la legitimation of his marriage and his children would be Cerda. Breaking with his father, Sancho, with the con- eliminated. He also promised to give the Infantes joint sent of the estates of the realm assembled at Valladolid rule over Murcia and Ciudad Real as an independent in 1282, assumed royal authority, though he did not realm, provided they renounced all claims to Castile. take the crown. A desultory civil war followed until the At that, Alfonso III of Arag\u00f3n liberated the Infantes death of Alfonso X on 4 April 1284. Unreconciled and and proclaimed Alfonso de la Cerda as king of Castile. disinherited by his father, Sancho IV, nevertheless, was Inconclusive border warfare followed until 1291, when acclaimed as king and crowned at Toledo. the new king of Arag\u00f3n, Jaime II, concerned about his capacity to retain the kingdom of Sicily against papal His situation was exceedingly precarious. Not only opposition, decided to make peace. Jaime II left the did Alfonso de la Cerda, supported by France, dispute Infantes de la Cerda to fend for themselves and agreed his claim to the throne, but the pope had excommuni- with Sancho IV on zones of future exploitation and cated Sancho and placed an interdict on his kingdom. conquest in North Africa. The pope also denied the legitimacy of his marriage to his cousin, Mar\u00eda de Molina; thus, their children would The conclusion of this treaty came at an opportune be considered illegitimate and lack any claim to inherit moment because the Merinids were preparing to resume the throne. By challenging his father and by making hostilities as soon as the truce with Castile ran out. many promises that he was unable to carry out, Sancho Although Benedetto Zaccaria, again in Castilian ser- IV also weakened the authority of the crown. vice, defeated the Moroccan fleet in August 1291, Abu\u00af Ya\u2019qu\u00af b, the Merinid emir, invaded Spain soon after. In Throughout his reign he was engaged in an intense the spring of 1292, Sancho IV, aided by Muh.ammad II struggle to gain control of the straits of Gibraltar in of Granada (who feared the Merinids), besieged Tarifa, order to prevent any Moroccan invasion in the future. a port often used by Moroccan forces entering Spain. Immediately after his accession he had to provide for the Sancho IV entered the town in triumph on 13 October defense of the southern frontier against a new challenge 1292. The king of Granada, who had expected that Tarifa by Abu\u00af Yu\u00afsuf, the Merinid emir, Alfonso X\u2019s last ally. would be restored to him, now broke with Castile and Landing at Tarifa in April 1285, he besieged Jerez while his troops devastated a broad zone from Medina Sidonia to Carmona, \u00c9cija, and Seville. While Sancho IV sent his Genoese admiral, Benedetto Zaccaria, to protect the 592","joined the Moroccans in a new siege of Tarifa in 1294. SAXO GRAMMATICUS Nevertheless, Alfonso P\u00e9rez de Guzm\u00e1n, known there- after as \u201cel bueno,\u201d successfully defended Tarifa until During Saxo\u2019s lifetime, Denmark achieved domi- a Castilian and Catalan fleet compelled the enemy to nance over the Baltic lands; Danes also came into closer withdraw. The capture and subsequent defense of Tarifa contact with the intellectual life of the southern countries was the first stage in closing the gates of the peninsula their ancestors had raided. Saxo aimed to provide them to future Moroccan invasions. with a national history in Latin comparable to those of other European peoples. The only foreign historians he Not long after Sancho IV died on 25 April 1295, mentions are Bede, Dudo of St.-Quentin, and Paulus his wife Mar\u00eda de Molina, whom he married at Toledo Diaconus; he was less influenced by them in his con- in July 1282, became regent for their son, Fernando cept of the nation than by Vergil\u2019s Aeneid, and by the IV. Sancho wrote a book of counsel titled Castigos e historical abridgments of the Roman authors Valerius documentos for Fernando. Maximus and Justin. His view of morals and mythology owed much to Horace, Ovid, and Cicero; and the tone See also Alfonso X, El Sabio, King of Castile and of his work coincides with the humanistic scholarship Le\u00f3n; Molina, Mar\u00eda de; Philip IV the Fair of the 12th century as expounded in the schools of northern France (e.g., by William of Conches and John Further Reading of Salisbury), as well as with the contemporary epics of Galterus de Castellione (Alexandreis) and Geoffrey Gaibrois de Ballesteros, M. Historia del reinado de Sancho IV. of Monmouth (Historia regum Britanniae). 3 vols. Madrid, 1922. Other Danish authors (e.g., the Roskilde Chronicler, Joseph F. O\u2019Callaghan the Lejre Chronicler, Sven Aggesen) had made pioneer attempts to record the Danish past in Latin, but Saxo SAXO GRAMMATICUS (13th century) found them inadequate. He had no use for the annal- ists of Lund, nor for conventional chronology, and the Toward the end of the 12th century, the Danish historian northern genealogists failed to provide him with enough Sven Aggesen wrote that his old associate Saxo was kings. He claimed to be restoring lost native traditions composing a full-length history of the Danish kings of and interpreting runic memorials, but these claims seem the previous century. Four MS fragments of this work unfounded. He took most of his legendary and heroic (one, from Angers, probably autograph), a compendium material from wandering Icelanders and their MSS, re- of around 1345, and an edition printed at Paris in 1514 locating stories from their international repertoire within from a lost MS provide the surviving evidence for Denmark. He claimed that Archbishop Absalon\u2019s own Saxo\u2019s achievement. It was printed under the title of words were his main source for modern history, but he Danorum Regum Heroumque Histori\u00e6 (\u201cThe History must have used other written sources now lost. His debt of the Kings and Heroes of the Danes\u201d), but is usually to biblical ideas and language was small. known by the earlier description Gesta Danorum (alias De Gestis Danorum). The work published in 1514 begins with a preface including a geographical description of the northern Saksi was not an uncommon name in medieval world, and is divided into sixteen books of unequal Denmark, and the historian cannot be identified for length. Books 1\u20134 deal with the Danes before the birth sure with any who bore it. Grammaticus \u201cthe learned\u201d of Christ, 5\u20138 with the period down to the establishment and Longus \u201cthe tall\u201d are posthumous by-names. From of the Church in Denmark. Books 9\u201312 cover events his own words, we learn that he came from a warrior from the Conversion to the promotion of Lund as a family, and that he joined the household of King Valde- metropolitan see, and 13\u201316 run from 1104 to 1187. mar I\u2019s foremost adviser, Absalon, bishop of Roskilde (1158\u20131192) and archbishop of Lund (1178\u20131201), The first eight books differ from the rest in the greater who encouraged him to write history. His partiality for fluency of the prose and the inclusion of verse in a Zealand suggests that he came from that island. He may variety of meters. The basic subdivisions are the reigns have been educated abroad, and his familiarity with of over seventy kings. Saxo begins with the election of church business argues that he became a clerk of some the eponymous Dan as the first ruler, and the dethrone- sort, but probably not a monk. He was also familiar ment of the first two kings, Humblus and Lotherus, by with war and seamanship. In Absalon\u2019s will, \u201cmy cleric unjust and justified violence. Then Skioldus and Had- Saxo\u201d was forgiven a small debt, and required to send ingus appear as types of the heroism, luck, and virtue two borrowed books to the Cistercians of Sor\u00f8. Saxo essential for effective kingship even in a pagan world. completed his work under the patronage of Archbishop These kings, and Frotho I in Book 2, are names derived Anders (1201\u20131223), probably after 1216, and dedicated from Old Norse poetry and invested with attributes and it to Anders and King Valdemar II. episodes. With Kings Ro (Book 2) and H\u00f8therus (Book 3), he made versions of the legends now found in the 593","SAXO GRAMMATICUS both king and people accept the true faith, and Sveno\u2019s son Kanutus wins a Christian empire over the whole Snorra Edda and Skjo\u02dbldunga saga\u2019s epitome. Amlethus, northern world, including England. He leaves a vigor- the prototype of Hamlet, whose career appears in Books ous Church and a military law code to posterity, and 3 and 4, was imported from an undiscovered source, after his son\u2019s death the Danes show their probity by and served as a type of cunning hero dogged by the accepting the Norwegian Magn\u00fas as king in observance unkindness of fate and human corruption, a pattern for of a sworn pact. both kings and tyrannicides. The rest of Book IV tells of the patriotic duelist Uffo, already celebrated by Sven In these two books, written sources are distorted Aggesen as vindicator of the Danish frontier, and known and augmented by Nordic legend: tales of Ragnarr, in Anglo-Saxon sources (e.g., Widsith, Beowulf, and the \u00cdvarr, Gorm, the J\u00f3msvikingar, and Palnatoki. From 11 Mercian genealogy). The heathen gods, introduced in onward, more Latin sources were available, and in 11 to Book 1 as malign but fallible illusionists, enslave men\u2019s 13 the reigns of Sven II and his five sons (1047\u20131134) minds and lust for their daughters (Baldr and Nanna, are presented with an eye to earlier accounts, modified \u00d3\u00f0inn and Rinda, Book 3). or rejected at will. Each ruler serves as an example of good or bad kingship according to his effectiveness King Frotho III, an imaginary Danish Caesar contem- against the Slavs and the unruly nobility and people of porary with Christ, takes up Book 5. Helped by his witty Denmark. Kings purge their own guilt by spectacular companion Erik the Eloquent, he builds an empire over penances, and the people incur death and destruction the northern world and civilizes it by enforcing two law for the slaying of King Knud (Cnut) the Saint (1086) codes. His story is enlivened by romance, adventure, and and Knud (Cnut) Lavard (1131). Book 14 (four times horror, but illustrates the power of words over weapons. as long as any other) covers the period of civil wars, In Book 6, this power is taken to excess, when the Danes conspiracy, and dissension among king, bishops, and elect the rustic poet Hiarno to rule them. This same nobles from 1134 to 1178, when Valdemar I and Absalon power becomes beneficial and invigorating in the case succeeded in conquering the Rugian Slavs and restor- of the degenerate Ingellus (see Ingjaldr of Skjo\u02dbldunga ing unity to the kingdom. Book 15 covers Absalon\u2019s saga) and his dauntless and poetic champion Starcath- first years as archbishop of Lund (1178\u20131182) and the erus, whose satire shamed the king into doing his duty rebellion of the Scanians against his authority. Book and destroying his enemies. Stories of love, magic, 16 relates how his political mission was fulfilled in and murder occupy the reign of Halfdanus in Book 7, the early years against Knud (Cnut) VI (1182\u20131187) which ends with the revival of the Danish empire under by the declaration of Danish independence against the Haraldus Hyldetan, who is taught the secret of military Emperor Frederick Barbarossa, and by the subjugation success by \u00d3\u00f0inn. The great fight of Br\u00e5valla, in which of the Pomeranian Slavs. \u00d3\u00f0inn betrays Haraldus to his enemies, begins Book 8; and later on, Starkatherus contrives his own death after In the last three books, a copious narrative is enliv- a poetic outburst on the duty of vengeance. Jarmericus ened by reported speech and digressions on Norwegian, (Ermanaric the Goth) then appears, as the victim of German, and Slavic affairs. The main source may have another treacherous counselor, and in the reign of Snio, been Absalon\u2019s own words, but Saxo and the compiler of famine drives the Lombards to emigrate from Denmark. Kn\u00fdtlinga saga (ca. 1260) perhaps used an earlier writ- In two voyages to the underworld, Danish adventurers ten source now lost. Books 9\u201316 are usually supposed witness the malign and morbid condition of the old gods to have been written first, before 1201; and the earlier and giants. The mighty King G\u00f8tricus is prevented from books in the time of Valdemar II. Much of the text must overthrowing Charlemagne by assassination and Saxo\u2019s relate to contemporary issues and personalities, but it is \u201cOld Testament\u201d ends with Viking heroism betrayed by difficult to find Saxo advocating any official policy. His the heathen gods, powerless against fate. patrons were the most powerful men in the kingdom, but he was an idiosyncratic critic of the times, hoping In Book 9, the supreme Viking Regnerus (Ragnarr to inspire his fellow countrymen to political unity and lo\u00f0br\u00f3k [\u201chairy-breeches\u201d]) achieves empire over the civic virtue by the example of former days, as well as whole North, including the British Isles, only to die in to impress learned foreigners. Simplified and excerpted Ella\u2019s snake pit as a punishment for persecuting the new versions of his work were current in Denmark in the faith accepted by his less successful rival Haraldus. His later Middle Ages, but it was only after 1514 and the avenging sons fail to preserve his empire, and efforts to appearance of Anders S\u00f8rensen Vedel\u2019s Danish transla- hold England by a succession of alternately Christian tion in 1575 that his view of the Nordic past was widely and pagan kings culminate with Gormo\u2019s marrying received both at home and abroad. the English heiress Thyra. The English throne falls to their sons by inheritance, but Gormo dies of grief at See also Cnut; Sunesen, Anders; Sven Haraldsson the death of the elder. More tribulations afflict his suc- (Forkbeard) cessors Haraldus and Sveno in Book 10 (echoes here of Adam of Bremen and the Roskilde Chronicle), until 594","Further Reading SAXO GRAMMATICUS Editions (a) Myth and Legend Pedersen, Christian, ed. Danorum Regum Heroumque Histori\u00e6. Turville-Petre, E. O. G. Myth and Religion of the North: The Paris. Religion of Ancient Scandinavia. New York: Holt, Rinehart and Winston; rpt. Westpori: Greenwood, 1975, pp. 27\u201334. Badius, 1514 [based on complete MS Books 10\u201316 reproduced in E. Christiansen\u2019s trans.; the whole edition was reprinted with Ellis Davidson, H. R. Gods and- Myths of Northern Europe. minor alterations at Basel in 1534 and Frankfurt in 1576]. Harmondsworth: Penguin, 1964. Stephanius, Stephanus J., ed. Saxonis Grammatici Histori\u00e6 Dum\u00e9zil, Georges. La Saga de Hadingus. Paris: Presses Univer- Danic\u00e6 Libri XVI. S\u00f8ro: Crusius, 1645 [usually bound with sitaires, 1953 [trans. by D. Coltman as From Myth to Fiction: the following work]. The Saga of Hadingus (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1973) and reviewed by E. O. G. Turville-Petre in Saga-Book Stephanius, Stephanus J. Not\u0153 Uberiores in historian Danicam of the Viking Society 14 (1953\u201355), 131\u20134]. Saxonis. Sor\u00f8: Cntsius, 1645. Reproduced (ed. H. D. Sche- pelem) by Museum Tusculanum, Copenhagen, 1978. [There Andersson, Theodore M. \u201cNiflunga saga in Light of German and were further editions by C. A. Klotz (Leipzig, 1771), P. E. Danish Materials.\u201d Mediaeval Scandinavia 7 (1974), 22\u201330. M\u00fcller (Copenhagen, 1839, with Prolegomena and Not\u00e6 Uberiores by J. M. Velschow, 1858), and A. Holder (Stras- Dollerup, Cay. Denmark, Hamlet and Shakespeare. 2 vols. Sal- sburg, 1886).] zburg Studies in English Literature, Elizabethan and Renais- sance Studies, 47. Salzburg: Institut f\u00far englische Sprache Olrik, J\u00f8rgen, and H. R\u00e6der, eds. Saxonis Gesta Danorum. Vol. und Literatur, Universit\u00e4t Salzburg, 1975. 1. Copenhagen: Levin & Munksgaard, 1931. Vol 2. Indicem Verborum Continens, by Franz Blatt. Copenhagen: Levin & Lukman, Niels. \u201cRagnar lo\u00f0br\u00f3k, Sigfrid, and the Saints of Flan- Munksgaard, 1957. For the 14th-century abridgment, of which ders.\u201d Mediaeval Scandinavia 9 (1976), 7\u201350. four MSS survive, see: Langebek, J., ed. Thom\u00e6 Gheysmeri Compendium Histori\u00e6 Danic\u00e6. In SRD, vol. 2, pp. 286\u2013400. Smyth, Alfred P. Scandinavian Kings in the British Isles 850\u2013880. Copenhagen: Godiche, 1773. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1977 [on Ragnarr and his sons]. Gertz, M. Cl., ed. Scriptores Minores Histori\u00e6 Danic\u00e6. 2 vols. Copenhagen: Gad, 1917\u201318. Vol. 1 rpt. by Selskabet for Strand, Birgit. Kvinnor och M\u00e4n i Gesta Danorum. Kvinnohisto- Udgivelse af Kilder til Dansk Historie, Copenhagen, 1970. riskt arkiv, 18. Gothenburg: [n.p.], 1980 [English summaryl The four Saxo MS fragments appear in facsimile in vol. 5 of Corpus Codicum Danicorum Medii Aevi. Ed. Johannes Bjarni Gu\u00f0nason. \u201cThe Icelandic Sources of Saxo Grammmati- Br\u00f8ndum-Nielsen. Copenhagen: Munksgaard, 1962. cus.\u201d In Saxo-Culture, pp. 79\u201393. Translation Martinez-Pizarro, Joaquin. \u201cAn Eiriks \u00fe\u00e1ttr m\u00e1lspaka? Some Conjectures on the Source of Saxo\u2019s Ericus Disertus.\u201d In Elton, Oliver, trans. The First Nine Books of the Danish His- Saxo-Culture, pp. 105\u201319. tory of Saxo Grammaticus. Folklore Society Publications, 33. London: Nutt, 1893; rpt. 2 vols. New York: Norr\u0153na Skovgaard-Pedersen, Inge. \u201cThe Way to Byzantium: A Study Society, 1905. in the First Three Books of Saxo\u2019s History of Denmark\u201d In Saxo-Culture, pp. 121\u201333. Ellis Davidson, Hilda, ed., and Peter Fisher, trans. Saxo Gram- maticus. The History of the Danes. Books I\u2013IX. 2 vols. Cam- Strand, Birgit. \u201cWomen in Gesta Danorum.\u201d In Saxo-Culture, bridge: Brewer Totowa: Rowman and Littlefield, 1979\u201380. pp. 135\u201367. Fisher, Peter. \u201cOn Translating Saxo into English.\u201d In Friis-Jensen, (b) History and Ideology Karsten, ed. Saxo Grammaticus: A Medieval Author Between Norse and Latin Culture. Copenhagen: Museum Tusculanum, Skovgaard-Petersen, Inge. \u201cSaxo, Historian of the Patria.\u201d Me- 1981, pp. 53\u201364. diaeval Scandinavia 2 (1969), 54\u201377. Christiansen, Eric, trans. Saxo Grammaticus: Danorum Regum Damsholt, Nanna. \u201cKongeopfattelse og kongeideologi hos Saxo.\u201d Heroumque Historia. Books X\u2013XVI: The Text of the First In Saxostudier, pp. 148\u201355. Edition with Translation and Commentary. 3 vols. British Archaeological Reports, International Series, vols. 84 and Riis, Thomas. \u201cBruddet mellem Valdemar den Store og Eskil 118 (in two parts). Oxford: B.A.R., 1980\u201381 1161. S\u00f8borg, diplomerne og Saxo.\u201d In Saxostudier, pp. 156\u201366. Bibliographies Skyum-Nielsen, Niets. \u201cSaxo som kilde til et par centrale insti- A survey of the most important work done to 1930 was given by tutioner i samtiden.\u201d In Saxostudier, pp. 175\u201392. J\u00f8rgen Olrik in the Latin and Danish Prolegomena to his edi- tion. See further: Skovgaard-Petersen, Inge. \u201cSaxo.\u201d KLNM15 Weibull, Curt. \u201cVem var Saxo?\u201d Historisk tidsskrift (Denmark) (1970), 49\u201350, and \u201cSaxo\u201d in Dansk Biografisk Lexicon 12 78 (1978) 87\u201396. (1982), 641\u20133. Riis, Thomas. Les institutions politiques centrales du Danemark Laugesen, Anker Teilgaard. Introduktion til Saxo. Copenhagen: 1100\u20131332. Odense University Studies in History and Social Gyldendal, 1972, pp. 86\u20137 [meager]. Sciences, 46. Odense: Odense University Press, 1977, pp. 14\u201331, 86\u2013150. Literature Johannesson, Kurt. Saxo Grammaticus. Komposition och v\u00e4rlds- Two collections of articles contain much recent work: Boserup, bildi Gesta Danorum. Stockholm: Almqvist & Wiksell, 1978 Ivan, ed. Saxostudier. Saxo-kollokvierne ved K\u00f8benhavns [in Swedish, but for an English summary see his \u201cOrder in universitet. Copenhagen: Museum Tusculanum, 1975. Gesta Danorum and Order in the Creation,\u201d in Saxo-Culture, pp. 95\u2013104]. Friis-Jensen, Karsten, ed. Saxo Grammaticus: A Medieval Author Between Norse and Latin Culture [see above]. These are Malmros, Rikke. \u201cBlodgildet i Roskilde historiografisk belyst.\u201d referred to below as Saxostudier and Saxo-Culture. Scandia 45 (1979), 46\u201366 [English summary]. Weibull, Curt. \u201cSaxos ber\u00e4ttelser om de danske vendert\u00e5gen 1158\u20131185.\u201d Historisk tidsskrift (Denmark) 83 (1983), 35\u201370. Sawyer, Birgit. \u201cSaxo-Valdemar-Absalon.\u201d Scandia 51 (1985), 33\u201360 [English summary]. Sawyer, Birgit. \u201cValdemar, Absalon and Saxo: Historiography and Politics in Medieval Denmark.\u201d Revue Belge de philologie et d\u2019histoire 63 (1985), 685\u2013705 595","SAXO GRAMMATICUS of the Rose Arbor (Colmar, church of St. Martin), dated 1473 on the reverse. The figure types and detailed, Skovgaard-Pedersen, Inge. Da Tidernes Herre var n\u00e6r. Studier naturalistic rendering of plants and birds are inspired i Saxos historiesyn. Copenhagen: Den danske historiske by Netherlandish art. This work\u2019s date has been used Forening, 1987. to establish Schongauer\u2019s chronology. (c) Latinity, Verse, and Manuscripts: Blatt, Franz Scholars agree that the earliest preserved works by [Indledning and Pr\u00e6fatio to the Index (vol. 2) of Schongauer are two wings from the altarpiece com- Olrik and R\u00e6der\u2019s 1931 edition] missioned by Jean d\u2019Orlier, preceptor of the Antonite monastery of Isenheim, about 1470 (Colmar, Mus\u00e9e Saxostudier, pp. 1\u2013114, contains thirteen articles in Danish on the d\u2019Unterlinden). They feature an Annunciation on the language, construction, and analogues of Saxo\u2019s work exterior, and on the interior, an Adoration and Jean d\u2019Orlier presented by St. Anthony. Schongauer painted Friis-Jensen, Karsten. Saxo og Vergil. Copenhagen: Museum several small devotional paintings in the 1480s: two Tusculanum, 1975 [French summary]. Holy Families (Munich, Alte Pinakothek; Vienna, Kun- sthistorisches Museum), an Adoration of the Shepherds Boserup, Ivan. \u201cThe Angers Fragment and the Archetype of Gesta (Berlin, Gem\u00e4ldegalerie), and two versions of the Virgin Danorum.\u201d Saxo-Culture, pp. 9\u201326. and Child at a Window (private collections). His last painting, a Last Judgment fresco in Breisach Minster, is Friis-Jensen, Karsten. \u201cThe Lay of Ingellus and Its Classical based on Roger van der Weyden\u2019s Last Judgment Altar- Models.\u201d Saxo-Culture, pp. 65\u201378. piece of about 1445 (Beaune, Mus\u00e9e de l\u2019H\u00f4tel Dieu). Friis-Jensen, Karsten. Saxo Grammaticus as Latin Poet: Studies in One-hundred sixteen monogrammed engravings sur- the Verse Passages of the Gesta Danorum. Analecta Romana; vive, which include both religious and secular subjects. Instituti Danici, Supplementum 14. Rome: Bretschneider, Schongauer\u2019s great contributions to the medium were his 1987. innovative use of stipling (dots), hatching (fine lines), and crosshatching to create tonal effects like those in Friis-Jensen, Karsten. \u201cWas Saxo a Canon of Lund?\u201d Cahiers de paintings, and his adoption of complex compositions I\u2019institut du moyen-ge grec et latin 59 (1989), 331\u201357. derived from paintings. The works are divided into two periods. The early engravings date to the early 1470s. Eric Christiansen Compositions, as in Christ Carrying the Cross, tend to be intricate and crowded with figures, and the system SCHONGAUER, MARTIN (ca. 1450\u20131491) of modeling inconsistent. Mature works, from the late 1470s until his death, contain smaller groups, or single Known today primarily as an engraver, this artist, active figures, and the modeling is more controlled and logical, in Colmar and the Upper Rhine area from circa 1470 as in the Wise and Foolish Virgins. until about 1491, was nicknamed H\u00fcbsch Martin (Fair Martin) by his contemporaries in praise of his abilities A number of drawings attributed to Schongauer also as a painter. He is important as an assimilator of Nether- survive. The recent attribution of a watercolor Study of landish art. His work was influential in Germany, and he Peonies (private collection) provides insight into Schon- attracted many followers, including Albrecht D\u00fcrer. gauer\u2019s working methods (Koreny 1991: 591\u2013596). It was probably executed as a preparatory study from Martin Schongauer was probably born circa 1450 nature for the 1473 Madonna of the Rose Arbor. in Colmar, a town south of Strasbourg. Although some have proposed a birth date of about 1430, this view has Further Reading not found widespread acceptance. His father, Caspar, was a goldsmith, and Martin probably first trained in his Baum, Julius. Martin Schongauer. Vienna: A. Schroll, 1948. shop. His rather apparently wanted his son to become Le beau Martin: Gravures et dessins de Martin Schongauer vers a cleric, for Schongauer\u2019s name appears in the 1465 matriculation records of the University of Leipzig. After 1450\u20131491. Colmar: Mus\u00e9e d\u2019Unterlinden, 1991. only one semester, however, he returned to Colmar and Ch\u00e2telet, Albert. \u201cMartin Schongauer et les primitifs flamands.\u201d began training as a painter. Caspar Isenmann, active in Colmar circa 1435\u20131472, is often cited as his teacher, Cahiers alsaciens d\u2019arch\u00e9ologie, d\u2019art et d\u2019histoire 22 (1979): but no evidence, documentary or stylistic, supports this 117\u2013142. assumption. As a journeyman, Schongauer likely trav- Dvorak, Max. \u201cSchongauer und die niederl\u00e4ndische Malerei,\u201d eled to Cologne, then to the Netherlands. His experience in Kunstgeschichte als Geitstesgeschichte: Studien zur of works by the major Netherlandish masters\u2014Roger abendl\u00e4ndischen Kunstentwicklung. Munich: Piper, 1924, van der Weyden, Robert Campin, Dieric Bouts, and pp. 151\u2013189. Hugo van der Goes\u2014is evident in his overall style and Koreny, Fritz. \u201cA Coloured Flower Study by Martin Schongauer in his appropriation of Netherlandish compositions, and the Development of the Depiction of Nature from van motifs, and figure types. After his travels, Schongauer der Weyden to D\u00fcrer,\u201d Burlington Magazine 133 (1991): settled in Colmar, where he purchased a house in 1469 588\u2013597. and again in 1477. He remained there until 1489, when he became a citizen of nearby Breisach. He died there in 1491. None of Martin Schongauer\u2019s paintings are signed. The only dated work attributed to him is the Madonna 596","Rosenberg, Jakob. Martin Schongauer Handzeichnungen. Mu- SERCAMBI, GIOVANNI nich: Piper, 1923. Sercambi\u2019s style is rough, and his tales were rarely Shestack, Alan. The Complete Engravings of Martin Schongauer. mentioned before the late 1700s, when one of the two New York: Dover, 1969. fifteenth-century manuscripts was found. However, since its first printing in Venice in 1816, the Novelle has Susanne Reece been reprinted many times. SERCAMBI, GIOVANNI See also Boccaccio, Giovanni (1348\u201327 May 1424) Further Reading Giovanni Sercambi was born in Lucca, where his father ran a book and paper store; he thus grew up with a good Editions and Translation library at hand. He was educated by private tutors for a government career, and he prospered by supporting the Le croniche, ed. Salvatore Bongi. Rome: Fonti per la Storia rise to power of the Guinigi family. After 1400, however, d\u2019Italia Pubblicate dall\u2019Istituto Storico Italiano, 1892. feeling neglected by the Guinigi, he withdrew from politics and began to write. Sercambi\u2019s works include A Italian Renaissance Tales, trans. Janet Smarr. Rochester, N.Y.: Chronicle of the Affairs of Lucca (from 1164\u20131424, in- Solaris, 1983, pp. 49\u201368. cluding events in which he had participated); the Monito, a compendium of advice on finance and administration Novelle, ed. Giovanni Sinicropi. Scrittori d\u2019ltalia, 250\u2013251. Bari: based on his own experiences in public service; and, in Laterza, 1972. his final years, the Novelle, a collection of 155 tales. Novelle, ed. Luciano Rossi, 3 vols. Rome: Salerno, 1974. The book of advice, dedicated to the Guinigi, advo- cates practical measures for maintaining control: taking Critical Studies a census of the citizens, forbidding them to possess arms, and ensuring that the legislative council is filled with Alexanders, James W. \u201cA Preparatory Study for an Edition of one\u2019s own friends and relatives. The novelle, which draw the Novelle of Giovanni Sercambi.\u201d Dissertation, University in part on Sercambi\u2019s history of Lucca, are similarly of Virginia, 1940. hard-boiled; the collection is filled with tales of deceit, fraud, theft, clerical misbehavior, and the self-serving Di Francia, Letterio. Novellistica, Vol. 1. Milan: Vallardi, 1924, manipulations of lovers, parents, children, dealers, and pp. 223\u2013260. clients. A few of the tales are about Sercambi himself, e.g., how he escaped an attack by highway robbers. Di Scipio, Giuseppe Carlo. \u201cGiovanni Sercambi\u2019s Novelle: Sources and Popular Traditions.\u201d Merveilles et Contes, 2, The tales are framed by an account of a plague in 1988, pp. 25\u201336. 1374, during which a group of men and women travel around Italy to avoid the disease. As on some of the The Italian Novella: A Book of Essays, ed. Gloria Allaire. New actual penitential pilgrimages occasioned by recurring York: Routledge, 2003. plagues, the travelers agree to pool their money, hear mass every morning, and refrain from sexual activity Marietti, Marina. \u201cImitation et transposition du D\u00e9cam\u00e9ron chez during the journey. Boccaccio\u2019s influence is clear in Sercambi et Sermini: R\u00e9\u00e9criture et contexte culturelle.\u201d In the setting (the plague), in the inclusion of occasional R\u00e9\u00e9critures, Vols. 1\u20132, Commentaires, parodies, variations poems, and in more than twenty of the tales; but instead dans la litt\u00e9rature italienne de la Renaissance. Paris: Univer- of having various members of the group narrate in turn, sit\u00e9 de la Sorbonne Nouvelle, 1984, Vol. 2, 9\u201368. Sercambi\u2019s travelers appoint one storyteller to keep them entertained. This character often tells stories ap- Nicholson, Peter. \u201cThe Two Versions of Sercambi\u2019s Novelle.\u201d propriate to the places they are visiting: stories of theft Italica, 53, 1976, pp. 210\u2013213. near Naples, of Roman history at Rome, of Venetian customs at Venice. Many of the stories are drawn from Petrocchi, Giorgio. \u201cIl novelliere medievale del Sercambi.\u201d contemporary or recent events, as well as from Roman Convivium, 17, 1949. myth and history, popular fabliaux, and other medieval collections of tales, such as the Disciplina clericalis Plaisance, Michel. \u201cLes rapports ville campagne dans les and the Decameron. The titles of the stories suggest nouvelles de Sacchetti, Sercambi, et Sermini.\u201d In Culture the moral categories of preachers\u2019 exempla: \u201cOn Great et soci\u00e9t\u00e9 en Italie du Moyen Age \u00e0 la Renaissance. Paris: Prudence,\u201d \u201cOn Supreme Avarice,\u201d \u201cOn Supreme Jus- Universit\u00e9 de la Sorbonne Nouvelle, 1985, pp. 61\u201373. tice,\u201d \u201cOn Vain Lust,\u201d and so forth. Pratt, Robert A. \u201cChaucer\u2019s Shipman\u2019s Tale and Sercambi.\u201d Modern Language Notes, 55, 1940, pp. 142\u2013145. Salgarolo, David. \u201cThe Jews and Conversion in the Medieval and Renaissance Italian Novella.\u201d NEMLA Italian Studies, 11\u201312, 1987\u20131988, pp. 27\u201340. Salwa, Piotr. \u201cIl novelliere sercambiano e il suo contesto lucchese.\u201d Kwartalnik Neofilologiczny, 33(2), 1986, pp. 207\u2013225. \u2013\u2013\u2013\u2013. Narrazione, persuasione, ideologia: Una lettura del \u201cNovelliere\u201ddi Giovanni Sercambi, lucchese. Lucca: Maria Paccini Fazzi Editore, 1991. Swennen Ruthenberg, Myriam. \u201cThe Revenge of the Text: The Real-Ideal Relationship between Giovanni Sercambi\u2019s Croniche and Novelliere.\u201d Dissertation, NewYork University, 1994. Vivarelli, Ann W. \u201cGiovanni Sercambi\u2019s Novelle and the Legacy of Boccaccio.\u201d Modern Language Notes, 90, 1975, pp. 109\u2013127. Janet Levarie Smarr 597","SEUSE, HEINRICH are accepted as authentic works of the Dominican friar, but neither is included in the Exemplar. The Horologium SEUSE, HEINRICH (1295\/1297\u20131366) sapientiae (Clock of Wisdom) is the only extant work of the Dominican in Latin; it is an expanded version of This Dominican priest served as a confessor, preacher, the B\u00fcchlein der ewigen Weisheit. and teacher to religious men and women in the German south. His poetic works in the mystical tradition served The religious content of Seuse\u2019s work, which draws to inspire those in his care. on the Bernhardian tradition, stands in marked contrast to the speculative mystical theology of his teacher Born into a patrician family in or near Constance, Eckhart. Because of his poetic style and the preemi- Seuse did not seek out ministerial service but followed nence of love imagery in his writings, Seuse often is in the footsteps of his religiously oriented mother, characterized as the Minnes\u00e4nger among the medieval whose name he chose to use. At thirteen he entered the German mystics. monastery at Constance. Following a general course of study there, he may have studied briefly in Strasbourg See also Meister Eckhart before attending the studium generate (early form of university education) in Cologne around 1324 or 1325, Further Reading where he studied with Meister Eckhart. Seuse probably remained in Cologne until the master\u2019s death in 1327, Bihlmeyer, Karl, ed. Heinrich Seuse. Deutsche Schrifien. 1907; when he returned to Constance and was appointed lector rpt. Frankfurt am Main: Minerva, 1961. at the monastery. At the age of forty, around 1335, Seuse was told by God to abandon the ascetic practices he had Boesch, Bruno. \u201cZur Minneauffassung Seuses.\u201d Festschrift Josef followed for twenty-two years. This turning point in his Quint anl\u00e4\u00dflich seines 65. Geburtstages \u00fcbefreicht, ed. Hugo personal life also marked a change in his professional Moser, Rudolf Schutzeichel, and Karl Stackmann. Bonn: career: Seuse became an itinerant preacher and spiritual Semmel, 1964, pp. 57\u201368. adviser, concentrating his activities in Switzerland, the Alsace, and along the Upper Rhine. Because he sup- Clark, James M. The Great German Mystics: Eckhart, Tauler ported the pope in a power struggle with Ludwig of and Suso. Oxford: Blackwell, 1949. Bavaria, Seuse was forced to leave Constance in 1338 or 1339; some eight years later he probably returned. Colledge, Edmund, and J. C. Marler. \u2018Mystical\u2019 Pictures in the Around 1348 he was transferred to the Dominican mon- Suso \u2018Exemplar\u2019 Ms Strasbourg 2929.\u201d Archivum Fratrurn astery in Ulm, where he remained until his death more Praedicatorum 54 (1984): 293\u2013354. than fifteen years later. He was canonized in 1831. Filthaut, Ephrem M., ed. Heinrich Seuse. Studien zum 600. Tod- In his last years, Seuse undertook the editing of his estag, 1366\u20131966. Cologne: Albertus Magnus, 1966. works for publication, his Ansgabe letzter Hand; the works he chose make up the Exemplar. Included are his Haas, Alois M., and Kurt Ruh. \u201cSeuse, Heinrich OP,\u201d in Die life (Vita), which chronicles in third-person narrative deutsche Literatur des Mittelalters: Verfasserlexikon, 2d ed., the life of the Diener der ewigen Weisheit (Servant of ed. Kurt Ruh et al. Berlin: de Gruyter, 1992, vol. 8, cols. Eternal Wisdom), Seuse himself. The authorship of the 1127\u20131129. Vita is disputed; the T\u00f6\u00df sister Elsbeth Stagel, one of Seuse\u2019s spiritual charges, probably played a role in the Hamburger, Jeffrey E. \u201cThe Use of Images in the Pastoral Care editing, if not the writing of the work. Following are of Nuns: The Case of Heinrich Suso and the Dominicans\u201d Art Seuse\u2019s earliest works, the B\u00fcchlein der ewigen Weisheit Bulletin 71 (1989): 20\u201346. (Little Book of Eternal Wisdom) and the B\u00fcchlein der Wahrheit (Little Book of Truth), two of the most popular K\u00fcnzle, Pius. Heinrich Seuses Horologium sapientiae. Spici- devotional tracts in the late medieval mystical tradition. legium Friburgense 23. Freiburg im Breisgau: Universit\u00e4ts- Both are written as dialogues between the Servant and verlag, 1977. the personification of eternal wisdom and truth, respec- tively. The Exemplar concludes with the Briefb\u00fcchlein Stoudt, Debra L. \u201cThe Structure and Style of the Letters of (Little Book of Letters), an edited version of Seuse\u2019s Seuses Gro\u00dfes Briefbuch.\u201d Neuphilologische Mitteilungen correspondence with the Dominican sisters in his charge, 90 (1989): 359\u2013367. primarily those at the convent of T\u00f6\u00df. The Little Book of Love (Minneb\u00fcchlein), whose authenticity is doubtful, Tobin, Frank. \u201cComing to Terms with Meister Eckhart: Suso\u2019s and a larger collection of letters, the Gro\u00dfes Briefbuch Buch der Wahrheit.\u201d Semper idem et novus. Festschrift for (Great Book of Letters), also survive. Both sets of letters Frank Banta, ed. Francis G. Gentry. G\u00f6ppingen: K\u00fcmmerle, by Seuse are more characteristic of the homiletic rather 1988, 321\u2013344. than the epistolary genre. Indeed, few of his homiletic works are extant, although he was charged with the Tobin, Frank. Henry Suso: The Exemplar, with Two German responsibility of preaching; only two German sermons Sermons. Mahwah, N.J.: Paulist, 1989. Walz, Angelus. \u201cBibliographiae susonianae conatus.\u201d Angelicum 46 (1969): 430\u2013491. Debra L. Stoudt SHEM TOV OF CARRI\u00d3N (ca. 1290\u20131360) Shem Tov Yiz.h.aq ben Arduti\u2019el, Castilian rabbi and poet whose Proverbios morales, addressed to Pedro I and quoted in the Marqu\u00e9s de Santillana\u2019s Prohemio e carta, synthesizes Semitic poetics with the Spanish idiom in a permutation of a literary formula: the get- ting of wisdom. Its relative success has eclipsed Shem 598","Tov\u2019s Hebrew compositions Ma\u2018aseh ha-rav, a maq\u00e1ma SHUSHTAR\u00afI, AL-, ABU\u00af AL-H. ASAN featuring a debate between pen and scissors; Vam qo- helet, a baqashah consisting of two thousand words a third records 219 stanzas written from memory and beginning with the letter mem; and, finally, Ha-vidui entered into evidence during proceedings for the crime ha-gadol, a prayer of confession for Yom Kippur. This of heresy (Cuenca). The first example implies genesis of oeuvre provides a useful frame of reference for gauging the poem\u2019s main body for purposes of Jewish education. the ethical, rhetorical, and philosophical dimensions The latter pair allude to its essentially oral performance of the Proverbios morales. Shem Tov also translated character; the commentator advocates memorizing the Yisra\u2019el ha-Yisra\u2019eli\u2019s liturgical treatise Miz. vot zemani- work, \u201cque todo omne la deuiera decorar. Ca esta fue la yot from Arabic into Hebrew; the authorship of other enten\u00e7io del sabio rraby que las fizo,\u201d [\u201cthat each person titles sometimes attributed to him is dubious. Excluding should memorize. That was the intention of the wise inferences from his work, the scant known biographical rabbi who made it\u201d] and the defendant charged with information is obtained from a d\u00af\u0131w\u00e1n (book of poetry) heresy swears he recorded \u201cquantas a la memoria me written by Shmu\u2019el ben Yosef ben Sason, and places han venido\u201d [\u201cas many as have come to memory\u201d]. him in Carri\u00f3n de los Condes in 1338. That the Proverbios morales were presented to Pedro Drawing on the language of paremiology, medieval I for his edification seems apparent, but the assertion philosophy, the Bible, Talmud, and Arabic wisdom an- that it was written specifically for a Christian audience thologies, Proverbios morales examines the ostensible warrants appraisal. That hypothesis relies upon the dilemma posed to the individual by the unpredictabil- poem\u2019s redaction in Castilian, an opening apostrophe ity of human existence and endorses adherence to the and closing reference to Pedro I, and a captatio be- Aristotelian mean in ethical matters, recognition of nevolentiae summarizing the Jewish poet\u2019s situation circumstances in social conduct, and ultimate faith in the when addressing a Christian audience of superior Creator. Here, all things exist in complementary opposi- social rank. The delivery of medieval Jewish sermons tion\u2014night and day, loss and gain, and so on; therefore in a vernacular places a correlation between language wealth is ephemeral, happiness is momentary, and power choice and intended audience here in doubt. The use mere vanity. For the individual, successful negotiation of of the V(os) form of address, required for addressing such a world requires the perspicacious appraisal of cir- a social superior, is limited to the poem\u2019s introductory cumstance since an action once advantageous may now and concluding passages, the main body prefers the be disadvantageous, as Shem Tov shows in a paradox on T(\u00fa) form suitable for an equal or inferior in status. It speech and silence. For the monarch, God\u2019s representa- may be inferred therefore that Shem Tov composed the tive, duty requires that he vouchsafe truth, justice, and Proverbios morales for a destinatory of equal or inferior peace, the foundations of political order. status\u2014that is, the Jewish community, and redacted oc- cassional material in order to accommodate the poem The poem\u2019s language is consistent in its general for presentation before a different audience. phonetic, morphological, and syntactic features with medieval Castilian. Its distinctive traits include homoio- A subtle poetic composition, Proverbios morales teleuton rhyme, complex hyperbaton, phraseological succeeds in incorporating the complexity of human parallelism, the prevalence of parataxis over hypotaxis, existence into a persuasive discourse on ethics and and the accumulation of grammatical functions in pleo- philosophy that addresses the dynamic of the individual nastic pronouns. in society. The suggestion that the poem may be a vestige of See also Pedro I the Cruel, King of Castile a rabbinical mester de clerec\u00eda (clerical poetry) could ultimately establish its otherwise uncertain generic Further Reading identity. The 725 alexandrine stanzas reveal a sustained tone of self-assurance in Shem Tov\u2019s poetic voice, Alarcos Llorach, E. \u201cLa lengua de los Proverbios morales de equally adept at evoking poignancy, melancholy, or don Sem Tob,\u201d Revis\u00eda de Filolog\u00eda Espa\u00f1ola 35 (1951), whimsy. The antonymic parallelism of his compositional 249\u2013309. technique, derived from Arabic and Hebrew poetics, sometimes interpreted as indicative of moral relativ- Perry, T. A. The \u201cMoral Proverbs\u201d of Santob de Carrion: Jewish ism, serves to enunciate extremes that define a center Wisdom in Christian Spain, Princeton, N.J., 1987. of equilibrium. Zemke, J. Critical Approaches to the \u201cProverbios Morales\u201d of Each of the six extant manuscripts preserves mul- Shem Tov de Carri\u00f3n. Newark, Del., 1997. tiple variants and stanza sequences, several suggest the complex social profile a single work may possess. One John Zemke is redacted in Hebrew aljam\u00eda (Cambridge), another includes an anonymous prose prologue (Madrid), and SHUSHTAR\u00afI, AL-, ABU\u00af AL-H. ASAN (b. 1212) The medieval Hispano-Arabic mystical poet Abu\u00af al- H. asan al-Shushtar\u00af\u0131, who was born and who lived most 599","SHUSHTAR\u00afI, AL-, ABU\u00af AL-H. ASAN songs. Hence, this literary self-consciousness ultimately reflects a mystical self-consciousness as well, while the of his life in Muslim Spain, introduced the colloquial S. u\u00affi principle of Qur\u2019a\u00afnic exegesis shaped the way S. u\u00affi zajal to the field of S. u\u00affi (Islamic mystical) poetry. The poets, such as Al-Shushtar\u00af\u0131, composed poetry and the zajal is the well-known strophic poem that uses the way they expected it to be interpreted. colloquial as its medium\u2014in this case, the Andalu- sian medieval dialect\u2014and particularly originated in Al-Shushtar\u00af\u0131 utilized the means provided by this Muslim Spain during the Middle Ages. As a \u201cpopular\u201d mystical tradition for symbolic expression, but his in- art form that had not been used before or thought ap- novation in the use of the zajal for such marks his con- propriate for sublime S. u\u00af fi expression, the Hispano- tribution in the field. He could not merely depend on the Arabic zajal that existed at the time was especially techniques provided by traditional rhetoric to achieve a perfected by another Andalusian poet, Ibn Quzma\u00af n, combination of artistry and mysticism. In al-Shushtar\u00af\u0131, who mainly wrote satirical and courtly love zajals. the concept of \u201cinterpretation\u201d in itself becomes the There is today enough evidence that this type of zajal main concern, and the poetry comes to express the in- was performed, sometimes by means of choral singing. terrelation between critical perceptiveness of text and In the East, S. u\u00affi poets like Ibn al-Far\u00af\u0131d of Egypt (d. mystical views. It is this integration that Al-Shushtar\u00af\u0131\u2019s 577) had been using the classical form of the Arabic strophic poetry fully realizes. qas.\u00af\u0131da, with its traditional framework of monorhyme and monorhythm and with classical Arabic language This relationship between the lyrical and the mysti- to express thoughts. In Spain, however, strophic po- cal manifests itself in three main features that act as etry\u2014namely the muwashshah. a and the zajal\u2014evolved systems of reference and regulation that afford the audi- inAndalusianArabic verse, demonstrating the influence of ence effective ways of responding spiritually as well as Romance popular literature. In other words, the muwash- aesthetically to the lyrics. These reference systems are shah.a and the zajal in their inception in Arabic litera- regarded from the standpoint of their mystico-aesthetic ture became uniquely associated with al-Andalus. But correspondence to convey Al-Shushtar\u00af\u0131\u2019s mystical and it was Al-Shushtar\u00af\u0131 who first chose the zajal for S. u\u00affi aesthetical philosophy simultaneously. purposes. The first aspect is the idea of the multiple levels of Therefore, most important about Al-Shushtar\u00af\u0131 in meaning existing within the poems\u2014that is, the sym- this context is that his strophic poetry forms a link be- bolism. This feature directly translates into two areas tween two areas of interest in the literature of Muslim of interest: the network of S. u\u00affi doctrines and symbolic Spain: the formal and esoteric, on the one hand (repre- terminology as well as the literary self-conscious mode sented by the mystical philosophy of Ibn \u2018Arab\u00af\u0131 and Ibn characterized by direct textual references. The major Sab\u2018\u00af\u0131n, two S. u\u00affi whom Al-Shushtar\u00af\u0131 followed), and the reference is that of ramz (symbol), hence underlying the \u201cpopular\u201d aspect of the Hispano-Arabic literary world symbolic composition of the poems and suggesting the (represented by the informal zajal and its master, Ibn application of symbolic interpretation in order to discern Quzma\u00afn) on the other. Through the unity of these two the text\u2019s binary dimension. In other words, Al-Shushtar\u00af\u0131 strands, Al-Shushtar\u00af\u0131 sought to interpret and make ac- does not merely use symbols but calls attention to this cessible mystical ideas and to propound an understand- use and to symbolic critical reading. ing of S. u\u00af fism virtually synonymous with a vibrant, aesthetic perceptiveness. He therefore represents an The second major area that also displays literary important melding of the esoteric spirituality of S. u\u00affism self-consciousness is structure\u2014specifically ring com- and a kind of emerging lay spirituality. position and its relation to the theme of the \u201creflexive.\u201d The ring structure embodies a circular principle of This yoking of a theological and an aesthetic per- interpretation, which is most appropriate to the S. u\u00af fi spective significantly illuminates the act and art of mode of perception and to the tradition of composing interpretation, which is the main area of concern in strophic poetry. S. u\u00affi exegesis, called ta\u2019w\u00af\u0131, is the inter- Al-Shushtar\u00af\u0131\u2019s poetry. S. u\u00af fi scriptural (i.e., Qur\u2019a\u00af nic) nal interpretation of the Qur\u2019a\u00afn and seeks the inner level exegesis plays a fundamental role in this literary or primary meaning through returning the outward, self-awareness that permeates the poetry. Consistent literal plane of scripture to its original, hidden spiritual textual references such as \u201cunderstanding\u201d and \u201cgrasp- essence\u2014hence a circular, reflexive movement. And in ing allusions,\u201d \u201cwords,\u201d \u201cterms,\u201d \u201csymbols,\u201d or \u201csigns\u201d strophic poetry, the nature thereof allows the poet to underline the concept of critical interpretation. Like all utilize his strophes as movable structural units, which is S. u\u00affis, Al-Shushtar\u00af\u0131 did not deal with texts\u2014scripture more feasible than dealing with single lines in the more or otherwise\u2014superficially. He constantly asked his restrictive form of a classical qasida. Al-Shushtar\u00af\u0131 could audience to \u201cuntie symbols\u201d and to \u201cgrasp ultimate also use the interplay between the different parts of the meanings,\u201d urging them to think, to analyze, and to put zajal or muwashshah. a (such as the matla, the qufl, parts of a poem together in the service of the whole, as and the kharja) to solidify the ring composition. More- if inviting them to join his S. u\u00affi path by interpreting his over, the phenomena of borrowing and of composing a 600","poem based on an already established kharja (the last SIGER OF BRABANT line in the song)\u2014that is, starting from the end\u2014or trates his characteristic blend of appealing and melodic simplicity, on the one hand, and sophisticated and even based on an established prosodic pattern (contrafaction) enigmatic complexity on the other. He was able to make \u201cperfect form\u201d (i.e., (zajals and muwashshah. as) in art are all typical compositional techniques that enhance the indistinguishable from mystical pursuit. circular effect. Thus, Al-Shushtar\u00af\u0131 was very conscious See also Ibn Quzmn of specific structural patterns and their significance to Further Reading the art of critical interpretation. Corbin, H. Creative Imagination in the Sufism of Ibn \u2018Arab\u00af\u0131. Trans. R. Manheim. Princeton, N.J., 1969. The third manifestation of that general literary con- Monroe, J. Hispano-Ambic Poetry. Berkeley, 1974. cern lies in the element of performance itself, which \u201cProlegomena to the Study of Ibn Quzma\u00afn: The Poet as Jongleur.\u201d is naturally realized with the pioneering use of the In The Hispanic Ballad Today: History, Comparativism, Criti- cal Bibliography. Ed. S. G. Armistead, A. Sanchez-Romeralo, zajal. Because this is a poem composed to be sung or and D. Catal\u00e1n. Madrid, 1979. 77\u2013129. Shushtar\u00af\u0131, al-, A. al-H. asan. D\u00af\u0131wa\u00afn. Ed. A. S. al-Nashshar. Cairo, performed in public (sometimes in a choral manner), it 1960. Stern, S. M. Hispano-Arabic Strophic Poetry. Ed. L. P. Harvey. affords the audience or recipients interaction with the Oxford, 1974. art presented. The active participation involved here Omaima Abou-Bakr is what distinguishes Al-Shushtar\u00af\u0131\u2019s mystical work, SIGER OF BRABANT (ca. 1240\u2013November 10 1284) adding a new dimension to S. u\u00affi poetry in general, and invigorating the whole mystical experience. S. u\u00affi poetry This scholastic philosopher, an important representative here is thus no longer intellectually exclusive or highly of thirteenth-century heterodox Aristotelianism, played a prominent role in the debate on the proper place of phi- theoretical and unreached, but a living part of the mys- losophy with respect to theology and Christian faith. tical existence. Al-Shushtar\u00af\u0131 even included within the The details of Siger\u2019s biography are largely unknown. He was born around 1240 or shortly thereafter in Bra- lyrics themselves, and among his other created person- bant and started his academic career circa 1255\u20131260 alities, the persona of the zajjal (the zajal\u2019s composer) in Paris, where he received an M.A. in 1260\u20131265. On November 10, 1284, he died in Orvieto, killed by his or singer\u2014that is, the persona of the poet\/artist. secretary. The two other personae are the ascetic, pious faqir His oeuvre includes commentaries on Aristotle\u2019s (epithet for S. u\u00affi) and its symbolic counterpart, a wanton Physics, Metaphysics, and On the Soul, and a number drunk. The first persona, the wandering, \u201cecstatic\u201d S. u\u00affi, of separate questions dealing with logic, philosophy of seems to embody the character of Al-Shushtar\u00af\u0131 himself, nature, metaphysics, and ethics. Most of his writings resulted from his teaching as a master of arts at Paris. a S. u\u00affi faqir who wandered in various lands and took his His published work probably dates from around 1270 zajal singing in the streets and marketplaces. At times, and thereafter. however, Al-Shushtar\u00af\u0131 adopts the Quzma\u00afni wanton In his early writings, Siger professes the ideal of the pure philosopher searching for truth unaided by Chris- persona; as he says in his \u201cZajal 99,\u201d he literally puts on tian revelation and trying to reveal the exact teachings of Aristotle, the philosopher par excellence. This attitude his defiant and unorthodox hat (exchanging his turban was seen as a serious threat to theology by a number of theologians, whose reaction was reflected in the famous for a monk\u2019s hood). Of course, this device of putting Parisian Articles of 1270 and 1277, issued by Bishop Stephen Tempier. In his later work, however, Siger is less on literary masks serves an important artistic purpose: radical and steers a middle course between philosophy and Christian faith. the personalities ultimately join to form an underlying Of central importance was Siger\u2019s theory of the hu- unity between literature and S. u\u00af fism. man intellect. In line with the teachings of Averr\u00f6es, As has been shown, the use of symbols and circular Siger holds that humans receive intellectual knowledge from a single, pure intellectual substance, which is the structure are ways of enhancing the concept of S. u\u00af fi exegesis and establishing the necessity of critical in- terpretation. In the same manner, drawing attention to performance and to various personae or voices further proves how Al-Shushtar\u00af\u0131 was aware that he presented a new art\u2014not merely a S. u\u00af fi philosophical treatise or didactic poetry\u2014and that he was interested in the intricate artistry of composition. In the final analysis, the novel aesthetic position of Al-Shushtar\u00af\u0131 is that critical interpretation, from the S. u\u00affi perspective, is a \u201ccircular\u201d process in which an \u201cessen- tial,\u201d spiritual truth becomes a poem: then by means of interaction with an interpreting audience (through public performance) the poem is returned to its origins. The correspondence between the theological dimension and the aesthetic dimension has one purpose: to illuminate the nature of the process of interpretation when linked to religious hermeneutics. Al-Shushtar\u00af\u0131\u2019s poetry illus- 601","SIGER OF BRABANT is described in Austrfararv\u00edsur (\u201cVerses on a Journey to the East\u201d). This collection of verses gives vivid, last of the hierarchy of intellectual substances and which humorous, almost chatty impressions of a difficult consists of an active and a potential part. Only this pure route, inhospitable heathen people, and a favorable intellectual substance is immortal; final personal respon- diplomatic outcome, although its exact documentary sibility therefore has no place. The theory evoked a sharp significance remains controversial. Subsequently, with and detailed criticism of Thomas Aquinas. Toward the the high rank of stallari (\u201cmarshall\u201d), Sighvatr went to end of his career, Siger no longer defended it, mainly England to gather intelligence about Knud (Cnut) the because of the attack of Thomas Aquinas, which seems Great\u2019s designs in Norway. He described this mission to have convinced him that he was wrong. in a sparsely preserved sequence entitled Vestrfararv\u00ed- sur (\u201cVerses on a Journey to the West\u201d; 1025\u20131026). See also Aquinas, Thomas Sighvatr\u2019s close relationship with \u00d3l\u00e1fr, richly docu- mented in the lausav\u00edsur and other compositions, Further Reading brought him landed property and also benefited other Icelanders, including his nephew \u00d3ttarr. Tradition has Philosophes M\u00e9di\u00e9vaux 3 (1954): 12\u201314; (1972\u20131974): 24\u201325; it that he was instrumental in the naming of \u00d3l\u00e1fr\u2019s son (1981\u20131983) [editions of most of Siger\u2019s works]. Magn\u00fas, and in return the king sponsored Sighvatr\u2019s daughter at baptism. A pilgrimage to Rome (1029\u20131030) Gauthier, R. A. \u201cNotes sur Siger de Brabant.\u201d Revue des sci- precluded his participation in the king\u2019s final battle at ences philosophiques et th\u00e9ologiques 67 (1983): 201\u2013232; Stiklasta\u00f0ir. His sorrow is expressed in some very elo- 68 (1984): 3\u201349. quent and touching memorial lausav\u00edsur. His erfidr\u00e1pa (\u201cmemorial lay\u201d), perhaps composed some years later, Hissette, Roland. Enqu\u00eate sur les 219 articles condamn\u00e9s \u00e0 appears to have focused on \u00d3l\u00e1fr\u2019s battles, sainthood, Paris le 7 mars 1277. Louvain: Publications Universitaires and miracles. Spurning an invitation from Sveinn, the de Louvain, 1977. temporary regent of Norway, Sighvatr attached himself to \u00d3l\u00e1fr\u2019s widow, \u00c1stri\u00f0r, in exile in Sweden, and com- Van Steenberghen, Fernand. Ma\u00eftre Siger de Brabant. Louvain: posed verses eulogizing her political efforts on behalf of Publications Universitaires de Louvain, 1977. Magn\u00fas, her stepson. Returning to Norway with Magn\u00fas (1035), he forestalled civil war with the poem entitled \u2014\u2014. \u201cPublications r\u00e9centes sur Siger de Brabant,\u201d in Historia Berso\u02dbglisv\u00edsur, which, by mingling candid admonition Philosophia Medii Aevi, ed. Burkhard Mojsisch and Olaf with sweet persuasion, brought the new king to recog- Plua, vol. 2. Amsterdam: Grumer, 1991, pp. 1003\u20131011 nize the grievances of Sveinn\u2019s erstwhile supporters. He [bibliography]. also mediated between \u00c1stri\u00f0r and \u00c1lfhildr, the mother of Magn\u00fas. Despite his declaration to Knud that he could Maarten J. F. M. Hoenen serve only one lord at a time, Sighvatr was capable of political independence. Most notably, he composed a SIGHVATR \u00de\u00d3R\u00d0ARSON dr\u00e1pa and an affectionate memorial flokkr in honor of Erlingr Skj\u00e1lgsson, \u00d3l\u00e1fr\u2019s brother-in-law and long-time With more than 160 stanzas and half-stanzas, Sighvatr\u2019s foe (d. 1028). Some MSS connect his name with a poorly oeuvre is the most fully attested of all the skalds. Even attested Tryggvaflokkr for Tryggvi \u00d3l\u00e1fsson (son of \u00d3l\u00e1fr so, the original context of many stanzas is uncertain Tryggvason, and an unsuccessful contender against Earl and only one poem, Berso\u02dbglisv\u00edsur (\u201cPlain-speaking Sveinn); poems praising Earl \u00cdvarr and the Swedish king Verses\u201d), approaches complete preservation. Although O\u02db nundr Jakob are also reported. His Kn\u00fatsdr\u00e1pa (\u201cLay no saga centering on Sighvatr exists, his distinguished in Honor of Knud\u201d) was composed after Knud\u2019s death career is documented by numerous episodes, some an- (1035), perhaps on the occasion of Magn\u00fas\u2019s recon- ecdotal and perhaps dubiously reliable, in the various ciliation with Hardacnut (1038). Its coverage included versions of \u00d3l\u00e1fs saga helga. An Icelander born near the Knud\u2019s English campaign, the battle of Helge\u00e5, and the turn of the 11th century, Sighvatr belonged to a skaldic king\u2019s pilgrimage to Rome. It is distinctive formally kindred, being the son of \u00de\u00f3r\u00f0r Sigvaldask\u00e1ld and the for its klofastef (\u201cbroken refrain\u201d) and very restrictive uncle of \u00d3ttarr svarti (\u201cthe black\u201d). His childhood was t\u00f8glag versification. Sighvatr\u2019s death probably occurred spent independently of his father, who seems to have around 1043. His verse distinguishes itself by sincer- been attached to the J\u00f3msv\u00edkingar, and in a non-Snorri ity, loyalty, humor, and general strength of personality. anecdote his legendary fluency in poetic improvisation Such is the air of spontaneity that his poems appear to is attributed to his having caught and eaten a miracu- be retrospective assemblages of occasional or anecdotal lous fish. Following a successful petition to St. \u00d3l\u00e1fr to verses. Colloquial and proverbial touches sit side by accept him as a court poet, his adult career began with his V\u00edkingarv\u00edsur (\u201cVerses on the Viking Expedition\u201d; the title is editorial). Here, Sighvatr used information from eyewitnesses (including his father?) to enumerate \u00d3l\u00e1fr\u2019s battles in the Baltic, England, France, and Spain. Nesjavisur (\u201cNesjar Verses\u201d), by contrast, is based on Sighvatr\u2019s own participation in \u00d3l\u00e1fr\u2019s victorious sea- battle against Earl Sveinn H\u00e1konarson (1016). Sighvatr also became personally involved in peace missions. His embassy (ca. 1017) to Earl Rognvaldr of V\u00e4sterg\u00f6tland 602","side with foreign words, which, combined with the SIMON DE MONTFORT, EARL OF LEICESTER breadth of geographical references, give his verse a somewhat cosmopolitan feel. Mythological kennings Lund: Gleerup, 1941 [historical account of Sighvatr\u2019s occur seldom, except in Erlingsflokkr, perhaps because verses]. they were out of keeping with the newly Christian ethos. Campbell, Alistair. Encomium Emmae reginae. Camden Society Also scarce are obscure, neologistic compound nouns Third Series, 72. London: Royal Historical Society, 1949 and kennings, of the sort so often found in other skalds\u2019 [historical value of Sighvatr\u2019s verses on English topics]. work. The general effect is simplicity, commonly off- Holtsmark, Anne. \u201cUppreistarsaga.\u201d Maal og minne (1958), 93\u20137 set by a difficult word order or an intricate plaiting of [the theme of betrayal in Erfidr\u00e1pa]. several short sentences within the one helmingr. With Hallberg, Peter. Den fornisl\u00e4ndska poesien. Verdandis skriftse- Sighvatr, then, skaldic discourse seems to be both in rie, 20. Stockholm: Bonnier, 1962 [selections, chiefly from touch with its traditions and also opening itself to inter- Ausufararv\u00edsur]. national contacts, in conformity with the expansion of Vries, Jan de. Altnordische Literaturgeschichte. 2 vols. Grun- Norwegian and Danish hegemony during his lifetime. driss der germanischen Philologie, 15\u20136. Berlin: de Gruyter, 1941\u201342 rpt. 1964\u201367, vol. 1 [general account of Sighvatr\u2019s See also Cnut career and compositions]. B\u00f3\u00f0dvar Gu\u00f0mundsson. \u201cR\u00f6\u00f0in \u00e1 Bers\u00f6glisv\u00edsum.\u201d Mfmir 9.1 Further Reading (1970), 5\u20138 [reply to Vestlund, urging conservative approach to the prose sources]. Editions H\u00f6skuldur \u00derainsson. \u201cHendingar \u00ed dr\u00f3ttkv\u00e6\u00f0um h\u00e6tti hj\u00e1 Sigh- vati \u00de\u00f3r\u00f0arsyni.\u201d M\u00edmir 9.1 (1970), 9\u201329 [Sighvatr\u2019s practice Finnur J\u00f3nsson, ed. Den norsk-islandske skjaldedigtning. Vols. with hendingar]. 1A-2A (tekst efter h\u00e5ndskrifterne) and 1B-2B (rettettekst). Frank, Roberta. Old Norse Court Poetry: The Dr\u00f3ttkv\u00e6tt Stanza. Copenhagen and Christiania [Oslo]: Gyldendal, 1912\u201315; rpt. Islandica, 42. Ithaca and London: Cornell University Press, Copenhagen: Rosenkilde & Bagger, 1967 (A) and 1973 (B). 1978 [detailed analyses of selected stanzas from Austrfara- rv\u00edsur, the memorial lausav\u00edsur, and the Erfidr\u00e1pa]. Kock, Ernst A., ed. Den norsk-isl\u00e4ndska skjaldedikwingen. 2 Fidjest\u00f8l, Bjarne. Det norr\u00f8ne fyrstediket. \u00d8vre Ervik: Alvheim vols. Lund: Gleerup, 1946\u201350 [contains some improvements & Eide, 1982 [discussion of stanza allocation and sequence on Finnur J\u00f3nsson\u2019s edition]. in the known praise poems]. J\u00f3n Skaptason. \u201cMaterial for an Edition and Translation of the Russell Poole Poems of Sigvat \u00de\u00f3r\u00f0arson, sk\u00e1ld.\u201d Diss. State University of New York at Stony Brook, 1983. SIMON DE MONTFORT, EARL OF LEICESTER (ca. 1208\u20131265) Translations A younger son of the Simon de Montfort who led the Hollander, Lee M. The Skalds: A Selection of Their Poems with crusade against the Albigensian heretics in southern Introduction and Notes. Princeton: Princeton University France, he first came to England in 1230 to pursue a ram- Press, 1945; 2nd ed. Ann Arbor: Michigan University Press, ily claim to the earldom of Leicester. Simon quickly won 1968 [brief biography, together with translations of selected King Henry III\u2019s favor, secured the family inheritance, stanzas, with emphasis on Austrfararv\u00edsur, Vestrfararv\u00edsur, and married the king\u2019s sister in 1238. He thus aroused and Bersglisv\u00edsur]. the resentment of established baronial families, who saw him as a self-seeking interloper. But his political Campbell, Alistair. Skaldic Verse and Anglo-Saxon History. Lon- career followed a path different from that of Henry\u2019s don: Lewis, 1971 [translation of Sighvatr\u2019s verses on English other favorites. topics and discussion of their historical value]. Simon was a proud, ambitious, and self-confident Turville-Petre, E. O. G. Scaldic Poetry. Oxford: Clarendon, man who developed strong ecclesiastical friendships. 1976 [brief biography, with small selection of stanzas and Although he was at the center of affairs in the 1240s and translations]. 1250s, he came to despise Henry\u2019s military incapacity and to condemn his conduct of government. In 1258 he Whitelock, Dorothy, ed. English Historical Documents c. 500\u2013 joined other magnates in imposing baronial government 1042. 2nd ed. London and New York: Eyre Methuen Oxford upon the king in the Provisions of Oxford. When Henry University Press, 1979 [English translation of Sighvatr\u2019s plotted to regain his power, Simon emerged as the chief verses on English topics]. advocate of the Provisions and Henry\u2019s implacable en- emy. He rejected the arbitration of Louis IX of France Fell, Christine. \u201cV\u00edkingarv\u00edsur.\u201d In Specvlvm Norroenvm: Norse and, though outnumbered, defeated Henry at the Battle Studies in Memory of Gabriel Turville-Petre. Ed. Ursula of Lewes, 14 May 1264. Dronke et al. Odense: Odense University Press, 1981, pp. 106\u201322 [text, translation, and discussion of Vikingarv\u00edsur]. Simon now virtually ruled England, with the king as his prisoner, but he could not legitimize his author- Literature ity. Faced with, the hostility of the pope and most of the barons, he tried to strengthen his position by Finnur J\u00f3nsson. Den oldnorske og oldislandske Litteraturs His- including representatives of the towns and counties in torie. 3 vols. 2nd ed. Copenhagen: Gad, 1920\u201324 [account of Sighvatr\u2019s career and poems]. Vestlund, Alfred. \u201cOm strofernas ursprungliga ordning i Sigvat Tordarsons Berso\u02dbglisv\u00edsur.\u201d Arkiv f\u00f6r nordisk filologi 46 (1929), 281\u201393 [analysis and rearrangement of stanza order in Berso\u02dbglisv\u00edsur]. Moberg, Ove. Olav Haraldsson, Knut den Store och Sverige. 603","SIMON DE MONTFORT, EARL OF LEICESTER SNORRI STURLUSON (1178\/9\u20131241) the parliament of January 1265, the first time they had Snorri Sturluson was outstanding as a man of letters, and been convened together, Simon\u2019s position weakened as a man of the world. More is known about him than as some of his supporters deserted him, complaining about most authors of his time. He figures prominently of his arrogance and use of power to enrich his family; in the major events of his day as recorded by his nephew he was defeated and killed at the Battle of Evesham, 4 Sturla \u00de\u00f3r\u00f0arson in his \u00cdslendinga saga, the chief item August 1265. in the Sturlunga saga collection. We also gain glimpses of Snorri from other sagas of the Sturlunga collection, For some years he was popularly venerated as a from Sturla \u00de\u00f3r\u00f0arson\u2019s H\u00e1konar saga H\u00e1konarsonar, saint who had died for the liberties of the realm. It was, and from sagas of contemporary Icelandic bishops, in reality, the kings need for taxation that ensured the especially Gu\u00f0mundr Arason, as well as from annals, development of the medieval parliament, not Simon\u2019s genealogies, letters, and verses by Snorri and his con- novel expedient of convening all the interested parties, temporaries. simultaneously, in 1265. Snorri\u2019s intelligence and driving ambition made him Further Reading exceptional, but, at the same time, his life reflects his age and its contradictions, not least that between political Bemont, Charles. Simon de Montfort, Earl of Leicester, 1208- turbulence and intellectual achievement. 1265. New ed. Trans. Ernest F. Jacob. Oxford: Clarendon, 1930. Snorri is named in a near-contemporary source among the eight most powerful laymen in Iceland while Carpenter, DA. \u201cSimon de Montfort: The First Leader of a Politi- still in his twenties. In 1215\u20131218 and 1222\u20131231\/5, cal Movement in English History.\u201d History76 (1991): 3\u201323. he held the almost presidential position of lawspeaker (Igso\u02dbguma\u00f0r) to the Al\u00feingi, and he became the richest Knowles, C.H. Simon de Montfort, 1265\u20131965. London: His- man in the land. torical Association, 1965 [covers Simon\u2019s changing reputa- tion]. Snorri owed his worldly success to a combination of luck and shrewd management. He was born into the clan Labarge, Margaret Wade. Simon de Montfort. London: Eyre & of the Sturlungar, who took their name from his father, Spottiswoode, 1962. the chieftain Sturla \u00deor\u00f0arson of Hvammr (d. 1183), and gave their name to one of the most tempestuous Maddicott, J.R. Simon de Montfort. .Cambridge: Cambridge ages in Iceland\u2019s history, the \u201cAge of the Sturlungs.\u201d University Press, 1994 [the best account of his life]. Snorri\u2019s relations with his brothers \u00de\u00f3r\u00f0r and Sighvatr and nephew Sturla Sighvatsson varied throughout their C.H. Knowles lives, but at their worst were tragically destructive. In 1227\u20131228, for instance, Snorri and \u00de\u00f3r\u00f0r ousted Sturla SLUTER, CLAUS (ca. 1345\u20131405\/06) Sighvatsson from the family chieftainship (go\u00f0or\u00f0) in Dalir. In 1236, Sturla attacked Snorri\u2019s farm at Reykja- Artist who also achieved prominence as one of Philip holt and had his son \u00d3r\u00e6kja mutilated. the Bold of Burgundy\u2019s valets de chambre, a position he acquired after the death of his master, Jehan de Marville, Although born into the Sturlungar, Snorri was Sluter was born in Haarlem in Holland; after working brought up among the Oddaverjar, being fostered at in Brussels from 1379 to 1385, he became an assistant Oddi, a prime center of learning, by the great chieftain to Marville, then valet de chambre to Philip, in Dijon. J\u00f3n Loptsson (d. 1197). Partly through the agency of The Chartreuse de Champmol in Dijon, a project begun his foster-kinsman S\u00e6rmmdr J\u00f3nsson, Snorri married by Marville and his workshop, features one of Sluter\u2019s Herdis, daughter of Bersi inn au\u00f0gi (\u201cthe wealthy\u201d) in and the workshop\u2019s finest accomplishments, the Well of 1199. He inherited Bersi\u2019s estate at Borg two years later. Moses (ca. 1395\u20131406). Sluter also finished the tomb In 1206, Snorri moved to Reykjaholt, his main home for of Philip the Bold, now in the Mus\u00e9e des Beaux-Arts the rest of his life, and took over the go\u00f0or\u00f0 there, later in Dijon, which had been begun by his predecessor. His extending his influence (often by a shared or temporar- primary achievement in his art was to free sculpture ily entrusted go\u00f0or\u00f0) still farther throughout the west of from its purely structural function, enabling the figures the country and into the northern and southern quarters. to dominate the architectural setting. Sluter infused his Herdis remained in Borg until her death in 1233, but work with energy and an emotive quality unsurpassed before that, in 1224, Snorri had found another partner, by his contemporaries. Hallveig Ormsd\u00f3ttir, a member of the Oddaverjar and the richest woman in Iceland. See also Philip the Bold Snorri also allied himself with other chieftainly fami- Further Reading lies through his daughters\u2019 marriages: Hallbera\u2019s to \u00c1rni Magn\u00fasson \u00f3rei\u00f0a (\u201cthe unready\u201d) of the \u00c1munda\u00e6ett Morand, Kathleen. Claus Sluter: Artist at the Court of Burgundy. Austin: University of Texas Press, 1991. Snyder, James. Northern Renaissance Art. New York: Abrams, 1985. Michelle I. Lapine 604","and then to Kolbe\u00ednn ungi (\u201cthe young\u201d) of the \u00c1sbirn- SPINELLO ARETINO ingar; Ingibjg\u2019s to Gizurr \u00deorvaldsson of the Haukd\u0153lir; and \u00de\u00f3rd\u00eds\u2019s to \u00deorvaldr Vatnsfir\u00f0ingr. But \u00deorvaldr was alienated and ambitious son-in-law. Acting in delayed burned to death at the instigation of Sturla Sighvatsson response to a letter from the king that had been brought in 1228, and the other three marriages turned sour, and to him by \u00c1rni \u00f3rei\u00f0a, another former son-in-law, Gizurr, with them the alliances, which proved to be the death led the force of seventy men that attacked Reykjaholt on of Snorri, because Gizurr and Kolbeinn were leaders of September 22, 1241. Kolbeinn ungi and one of Hallveig the expedition that killed him. Ormsd\u00f3ttir\u2019s sons were also in the company. A party of five warriors discovered Snorri hiding in the cellar and, Snorri\u2019s dealings with his fellow Icelanders, as law- despite his injunction \u201cdo not strike\u201d (eigi skal hggva), speaker, chieftain, and neighbor, and the personality that killed him there. emerges from them, are far too intricate even to outline here. In essence, Snorri shunned violence and cherished To posterity, Snorri\u2019s role as a man of letters, a pre- an ideal of peace, which, however, could not prevail server of poetic, mythological, and historical traditions, against the violence of the times or his own greed for a composer of technically ingenious verse, and a writer power and ostentatious wealth. He figures variously as of at times superb prose far exceeds his importance a reconciler, an equivocator, or a coward. His practical as magnate and statesman. Yet Sturla \u00de\u00f3r\u00f0arson only sense and legal expertise were often put to the service of rarely refers to this side of his life, calling him a good his friends, but often used in deviously self-promoting sk\u00e1ld, and reporting spiteful comments about Snorri\u2019s ways; and where legal means failed, he did not flinch poetic attempts to ingratiate himself with the Norwegian from inciting others to violence. monarchy and about his tendency to compose verses rather than act. He also tells how Snorri\u2019s nephew Sturla Snorri began early to court the favor of Scandinavian Sighvatsson spent a winter at Reykjaholt in 1230\u201331, rulers by sending youthful praise poems to the Norwe- and had copies of Snorri\u2019s so\u02dbgub\u00e6skr made. What saga gian kings Sverrir Sigur\u00f0arson and Ingi B\u00e1r\u00f0arson, and books these were is not clear, but Snorri probably wrote the earl H\u00e1kon galinn (\u201cthe mad\u201d). H\u00e1kon sent lavish his Prose Edda, his separate \u00d3l\u00e1fs saga helga, and gifts in return and an invitation to Norway, but died most of Heimskringla in the relatively peaceful decade before Snorri was able to take up this offer. Snorri did, 1220\u20131230. That he also composed Egils saga has been however, make the journey to see H\u00e1kon\u2019s widow, Kris- argued often and persuasively, if not conclusively. tin, now remarried in Gautland, during his Scandinavian visit of 1218\u20131220. The main focus of the visit was the See also Sturla \u00de\u00f3r\u00f0arson Norwegian court, and Snorri spent the two winters with Earl Sk\u00fali, regent to the young King H\u00e1kon H\u00e1konarson, Further Reading becoming a royal retainer and receiving titles from them culminating in lendr ma\u00f0r (\u201cbaron,\u201d literally \u201clanded- Literature man\u201d) as well as magnificent gifts. The glory and generosity of these rulers were celebrated in Snorri\u2019s Sigur\u00f0ur Nordal. Snorri Sturluson. Reykjavik: Porl\u00e1ksson, 1920; grand metrical sampler H\u00e1ttatal, and Snorri is credited rpt. Reykjavik: Helgafell, 1973 with two panegyrics for Sk\u00fali alone, from which only a refrain survives. Snorri also cut a political deal in Paasche, Fredrik. Snorre Sturlason og Sturlungeme. Oslo: As- Norway, making a promise (which he kept little or not chehoug, 1922; 2nd ed. 1948 at all) to persuade the Icelanders to accept Norwegian rule, while Sk\u00fali in return gave up his intention to punish Einar \u00d31. Sveinsson. The Age of the Sturlungs: Icelandic Civiliza- a fracas between the Oddaverjar and Norwegian traders tion in the Thirteenth Century. Trans, J\u00f3hann S. Hannesson. by invading Iceland. Islandica, 36. Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1953; rpt. New York: Kraus, 1966 Snorri again sailed to Norway in 1237, thus escaping from the tightening web of hostility between Icelandic Simon, John. \u201cSnorri Sturluson: His Life and Times.\u201d Parergon clans and within his own, and there he learned of the 15 (1976), 3\u201315 deaths of Sighvatr Sturluson and Sturla Sighvatsson in the battle of O\u02db rlygssta\u00f0ir (1238). Snorri stayed with Ciklamini, Marlene. Snorri Sturluson. Twayne\u2019s World Authors Earl Sk\u00fali and his son P\u00e9tr, thus taking the wrong side in Series, 493. Boston: Twayne, 1978. what became a fatal rift between Sk\u00fali and King H\u00e1kon. It was later rumored in Iceland that Sk\u00fali had secretly Diana Edwards Whaley granted Snorri the title of \u201cjarl,\u201d but certainly Snorri gave H\u00e1kon grounds enough for anger and a charge of SPINELLO ARETINO (c. 1350\u20131410) treason by leaving Norway in defiance of his ban. The king\u2019s anger joined that of Gizurr \u00deorvaldsson, Snorri\u2019s The painter Spinello Aretino (Spinello di Luca Spinelli) was born into a family of goldsmiths. Spinello was ac- tive in the principal towns of Tuscany, and his art, like that of his contemporaries Agnolo Gaddi and Antonio Veneziano, is characterized by profound insight into Giottesque concerns with light, space, and form. To this should be added his highly expressive treatment of line and, in certain works, an interest in richly wrought sur- face textures and luminous color. His skills in narrative 605","SPINELLO ARETINO as can be seen in his next project, frescoes depicting scenes from the Lives of Saints Ephysius and Potitus composition and design were cleverly applied in the (1390\u20131391) in the Camposanto of Pisa. Here, Spinello many important monumental fresco commissions that emphasizes the calligraphic forms of the undulating punctuate his career. drapery and also exhibits an interest in antique models, for his great battle scenes rely on reliefs from Roman 1370s\u20131385: Arezzo and Lucca sarcophagi for their effects. Following this commission in Pisa, Spinello returned to Florence, where he prob- It would appear that Spineilo spent his formative years ably completed the cycle in Antella, as well as executing in Arezzo, and it is likely that he trained under the lo- frescoes of episodes in the Life of Saint John the Baptist cal painter Andrea di Nerio, whose influence can be (now destroyed) in the Manetti Chapel in Santa Maria detected in the austere and powerfully modeled forms del Carmine. Spinello is again documented in Arezzo of Spinello\u2019s fresco Virgin and Child with Saints and in 1395\u20131397. a Donor (1377; Arezzo, Museo Diocesano). By the early 1380s, Spinello had moved to Lucca, where the 1399\u20131411: Florence, Siena, and Arezzo measured style of his earlier Aretine phase had evolved to take greater account of the decorative qualities of Between 1399 and 1401, Spinello was once again line and color; these developments suggest that he was working in Florence, where he collaborated with Nic- responding to the sumptuous aspects of contemporary col\u00f2 di Pietro Gerini and Lorenzo di Niccol\u00f2 on the Lucchese artistic culture, especially the art of Angelo high altarpiece of Santa Felicita (1401; Accademia, Puccinelli. In 1384, it is documented that Spinello had Florence). Spinello\u2019s austerely designed saints from recently executed an altarpiece for the Olivetan order the right wing are in marked contrast to his dancing in Lucca; today, its principal components are generally angels in the central panel, whose furious movements identified as a central Virgin and Child with Angels and fully activated drapery forms are remarkable for (Fogg Collection, Cambridge, Massachusetts), two their expressive force. In the following years Spinello flanking panels of Saint Pontianus and Saint Benedict was mostly occupied with commissions in Arezzo, but (both in the Hermitage, Saint Petersburg), and three by late 1404 he was in Siena to paint frescoes for the predella scenes (Galleria Nazionale, Parma). The pre- Sant\u2019Ansano Chapel (now destroyed) in the cathedral. della scenes were designed with a remarkable degree of His years in Siena culminated in a commission, on which spirited narrative detail, and some of the motifs indicate his son Parri Spinelli assisted him, to decorate the Sala that Spinello was familiar with the monumental fresco di Balia in the Palazzo Pubblico with frescoed scenes cycles of the Camposanto in nearby Pisa. Spinello\u2019s from the Life of Pope Alexander III (1407\u20131408); these sojourn in Lucca culminated in another commission are remarkable for their engaging anecdotal elements from the Olivetan order: a grand polyptych for the high, and expressively characterized human figures. altar of Santa Maria Nuova in Rome. Its central panel (now missing) was signed and dated 1385. Spinello occupies an important position in the devel- opment of Tuscan painting. His interest in the principles 1386\u20131398: Arezzo, Florence, and Pisa of Giotto\u2019s art and his competence in monumental mural painting were to influence Masaccio and others; at the same Spinello is documented in Arezzo in 1386. He was in time, his lavish effects of color and pattern, decorative Florence the following year, by which point he had use of line, and freshness of narrative anticipated the late joined the Arte dei Medici e degli Speziali and had re- Gothic style of Lorenzo Monaco and Lorenzo Ghiberti. ceived payment for two designs of statues intended for the cathedral facade. In this same period, he was com- See also Giotto di Bondone missioned by the Alberti family to work on two great fresco cycles: scenes from the Life of Saint Benedict (c. Further Reading 1387\u20131388) for the sacristy of the Olivetan foundation of San Miniato al Monte, and episodes from the Life of Bellosi, Luciano. \u201cDa Spinello Aretino a Lorenzo Monaco.\u201d Saint Catherine of Alexandria (c. 1390) for the private Paragone, 187, 1965, pp. 18\u201343. chapel of the Alberti, the Oratorio di Santa Caterina in Antella (outside Florence). Spinello\u2019s powers of nar- Boggi, Flavio. \u201cPainting in Lucca from the Libert\u00e0 to the Si- rative composition, which were already evident in the gnoria of Paolo Guinigi: Observations, Proposals, and New predella scenes of the Lucchese altarpieces, are fully Documents.\u201d Arte Cristiana, 87, March-April 1999, pp. developed in both fresco cycles, in which the facial 105\u2013116. expressions and individual gestures of the robustly modeled figures have been intelligently selected. In Boskovits, Miklos. Pittura fiorentina alila vigilia del rinasci- these years, Spinello\u2019s use of rhythmic line intensified, mento, 1370\u20131400. Florence: Edam, 1975, pp. 141\u2013147, 430\u2013432. Calderoni Masetti, Anna Rosa. Spinello Aretino giovane. Flor- ence: Centro Di, 1973. 606"]