Key Figures in Medieval Europe - An Encyclopedia

["Duecento are infused with a similar pursuit of monu- GIOVANNI DEL VIRGILIO mentality, a natural outcome in the medium of sculpture. But the works of Nicola Pisano and, especially, Giovanni Further Reading Pisano also indicate an interest in narrative legibility, dramatic focus, and distinct psychological states that Baccheschi, Edi, and Andrew Martindale. The Complete Paintings presage Giotto\u2019s narrative studies. Certain painters of of Giotto. New York: Abrams, 1966. the Roman school, particularly Pietro Cavallini, point toward the volumetric buildup of forms in Giotto\u2019s Basile, Giuseppe, ed. Giotto: La cappella degli Scrovegni. Milan: painting. In addition, Giotto was influenced by artists Electa, 1992. who had previously absorbed his lessons. The complex architectural skyline that serves as the backdrop for the Battisri, Eugenio. Giotto: Biographical and Critical Study, trans. Raising of Drusiana in the Peruzzi Chapel, for example, J. Emmons. Lausanne: Skira, 1966. is preceded by the intricate cityscape of the Entry into Jerusalem from the rear of Duccio\u2019s Maest\u00e0. The leg- Bellosi, Luciano. La pecora di Giotto. Turin: Giulio Enaudi, end of Giotto\u2019s tutelage under Cimabue, first set down 1985. in a late Trecento commentary on the Divine Comedy and picked up by Lorenzo Ghiberti (Commentarii, c. \u2014\u2014. Giotto at Assisi. Assisi: DACA, 1989. 1450), is difficult to comprehend as a logical stylistic Bistoletti, Sandrina Bandera. Giotto: Catalogo completo dei progression. Especially controversial is Giotto\u2019s pre- sumed authorship as a young master of a great portion dipinti. Florence: Cantini, 1989. of the frescoes in the nave of the upper basilica at As- Brandi, Cesare. Giotto. Milan: Mondadori, 1983. sisi, particularly two well-preserved Old Testament Cole, Bruce. Giotto and Florentine Painting, 1280\u20131375. New scenes\u2014Isaac Blessing Jacob and Isaac Rejecting Esau\u2014and the bulk of Scenes of the Life of Saints York: Harper and Row, 1976. Francis, probably painted in the 1280s\u20131290s. Through Gnudi, Cesare. Giotto. Milan: Martello, 1959. the nineteenth century, these frescoes were considered Ladis, Andrew, ed. Franciscanism, the Papacy, and Art in the Age Giotto\u2019s, virtually without question; but later a growing coterie of scholars, including Richard Offner and Mil- of Giotto: Assisi and Rome. Giotto and the World of Early lard Meiss, found it difficult to see them as congruent Italian Art, 4. New York: Garland, 1998a. with the body of Giotto\u2019s work\u2014although it should be \u2014\u2014. Giotto as a Historical and Literary Figure: Miscellaneous noted that other scholars (such as Cesare Gnudi and Specialized Studies. Giotto and the World of Early Italian Art, Luciano Bellosi) believe that no comprehension of 1. New York: Garland, 1998b. Giotto\u2019s style is possible without them. The frescoes \u2014\u2014. Giotto, Master Painter and Architect: Florence. Giotto in Assisi serve as a fascinating test case for paradigms and the World of Early Italian Art, 3. New York: Garland, of artistic formation and development, since different 1998c. attributions and chronologies lead naturally to wholly \u2014\u2014. ed. The Arena Chapel and the Genius of Giotto: Padua. different conclusions about the artist. Giotto and the World of Early Italian Art, 2. New York: Garland, 1998. Giotto\u2019s style was so persuasive that, once it had been Offner, Richard. \u201cGiotto, Non-Giotto.\u201d Burlington Magazine, 74, introduced, it spread like wildfire in any center which 1939, pp. 259\u2013268; 75, 1939, pp. 96\u2013113. was exposed to his idiom. Thus Padua, Rimini, Rome, Previtali, Giovanni. Giotto e la sua bottega. Milan: Fabbri, Naples, and especially Florence had successive genera- 1967. tions of Giottesque painters. Despite the popularity of Salvini, Roberto. Giotto: Bibliografia. Rome: Palombi, 1938. his approach, however, only a few artists, including Sir\u00e9n, Osvald. Giotto and Some of His Followers, trans. F. Maso di Banco and the Lorenzetti brothers, understood Schenck. Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, the profound implications of his spatial narratives. Partly 1917. as a result of a change in outlook and patronage brought Smart, Alastair. The Assisi Problem and the Art of Giotto. New about by the black death, it took the greater part of a York: Hacker Art, 1983. century for another artist to appear who comprehended Stubblebine, James. Assisi and the Rise of Vernacular Art. New the real potential of Giotto\u2019s vision. It was Masaccio, in York: Harper and Row, 1985. the 1420s in Florence, who effected a return once and for all to the grave and monumental sobriety of Giotto\u2019s Gustav Medicus approach in painting. GIOVANNI DEL VIRGILIO See also Arnolfo di Cambio; Cimabue; (fourteenth century) Dante Alighieri; Duccio di Buoninsegna Giovanni del Virgilio became famous as a professor of classical poetry at Bologna in the 1320s. His life and career were connected with those of two of his contem- poraries, the Paduan protohumanist Albertino Mussato (1261\u20131329) and the Florentine poet Dante Alighieri (1265\u20131321). Giovanni was given the name Virgilio in reference to his pedagogical and scholarly devotion to the Roman poet Virgil. He was formally hired by the University of Bologna in 1321 to lecture on Virgil, Sta- tius, Ovid, and Lucan, but he had already been teaching there in some capacity before that date. He appears to have spent the years 1324\u20131325 in Cesena, where he probably composed an eclogue to Mussato. After 1327 we lose all record of him. Giovanni\u2019s fame rests primarily on his correspon- dence in Latin hexameters with Dante in 1319\u20131320 257","GIOVANNI DEL VIRGILIO sings his love for the beautiful young boy Alexis. At the end of Virgil\u2019s poem, Corydon threatens to find himself and the epitaph he composed for Dante\u2019s tomb that \u201canother Alexis\u201d (alienum Alexim) should his affections was recorded by Boccaccio in his life of Dante. The continue to be scorned. Giovanni\u2019s eclogue professes his correspondence has come down to us in the Laurentian admiration and love for Dante, sympathizes with Dante\u2019s Library manuscript 29.8, which was owned and possibly desire to be celebrated in Florence, but implores him copied by Boccaccio. This manuscript also contains the nonetheless to visit Bologna, where an alluring pastoral longer eclogue to Mussato, two other verse epistles, idyll awaits (\u201cAlexis shall spread wild thyme to be thy and part of an epic poem about a besieged city and the couch ...\u201d). Finally, Giovanni warns that should Dante conquered queen\u2019s pleas for mercy. This last fragment scorn him, he will \u201cquench his thirst at the Phrygian reflects Giovanni\u2019s protohumanist Virgilian mind-set, Musone,\u201d a reference to Padua\u2019s river and to Mussato, which rather pedantically deemed great literature the Dante\u2019s poetic rival. Curiously (for us), Giovanni ap- eloquent account in Latin hexameters of a contem- pears to have considered Mussato the greater poet: porary political or military event. This is the source Mussato had, after all, composed his epic Ecerinis on of Giovanni\u2019s dismay at Dante\u2019s choice of argument the cruel tyranny of Ezzelino in Padua and had accord- and vernacular expression\u2014a dismay that prompted ingly been crowned poet laureate in 1315, a distinction Giovanni to initiate the Latin correspondence. In the first which neither Dante nor Giovanni had achieved and epistle, Giovanni suggests worthy matter from contem- which inspired awe in Giovanni at least. porary Italian history for a proper Latin opus: the tragic drama of the late Holy Roman emperor Henry VII in his The response from Dante apparently reached struggles in Italy; the recent aggression by Uguccione Giovanni in Bologna only after Dante\u2019s death. In this della Faggiuola in Tuscany; the victories of the imperial enigmatic final eclogue, Dante relates that he would visit vicar Cangrande della Scala (Dante\u2019s esteemed patron Bologna were it not for his fear of a certain \u201cPolyphe- and the dedicatee of Paradiso, and Mussato\u2019s nemesis) mus,\u201d whose precise identity remains a mystery. In his against Padua. Giovanni chastises Dante for wasting his (never inscribed) epitaph for Dante\u2019s tomb, Giovanni talent by trying to bring serious themes to the vulgar lauds him as theologian, philosopher, and \u201cglory of herd (seria vulgo). Ever the professor, Giovanni begs of the muses, most-loved author of the common people\u201d Dante something worthy of academic study. He offers (gloria musarum, vulgo gratissitnus auctor), who wrote to place the coveted laurel crown, the ancient sign of in both Latin and the vernacular (laicis rhetoricisque literary glory, on Dante\u2019s brow in triumphant celebration modis). Of Dante\u2019s works, Giovanni singles out for amid the scholars of Bologna. mention the Comedy, Monarchia, and, appropriately, the series of eclogues interrupted by his death. Dante satisfies his request, though not without some degree of ironic\u2014perhaps even affectionately mock- Giovanni was also the author of a verse epistle ing\u2014play. Dante had already been resident for some known as Diaffonus and several pedagogical works: years in Ravenna at the court of Guido Novello da commentaries on Virgil\u2019s Georgics and Ovid and a brief Polenta when he received the missive from Bologna. ars dictaminis. He takes up Giovanni\u2019s classical challenge by reviv- ing the highly stylized conventions of the eclogue or See also Albertino Mussato; Dante Alighieri pastoral poem, usually a dialogue among shepherds in a prelapsarian fantasy land. Virgil had written ten. Further Reading Thus Dante casts himself as Tityrus, his friend and fel- low exile Dino Parini as Meliboeus, and Giovanni as Alessio, Gian Carlo. \u201cI trattati grammaticali di Giovanni del Mopsus. Within this elaborate code, Dante explains that Virgilio.\u201d Italia Medioevale e Umanistica, 24, 1981, pp. he should defer the poetic coronation until he has com- 159\u2013212. pleted Paradiso and hopes even then to be celebrated in his native Florence. Hoping to improve Giovanni\u2019s Cestaro, Gary P. \u201cVirgilio, Giovanni del.\u201d In The Dante Encyclo- opinion of his vernacular verse, Dante announces that pedia, ed. Richard Lansing. New York and London: Garland, he will send along \u201cten bottles\u201d (decem vascula) of milk 2000, pp. 865\u2013866. from a segregated, much-loved sheep of his flock (ovis gratissima), as yet unmilked and on the verge of burst- \u201cEgloge.\u201d In Dante Alighieri, Opere Minori, Vol. 2, ed. Enzo ing (ubera vix quae ferre potest, tam lactis abundans). Cecchini. Milan and Naples: Ricciardi, 1979, pp. 645\u2013689. Some critics take this as a reference to ten cantos of Paradiso, a significant confirmation that the poem was Kristeller, Paul Oskar. \u201cUn\u2019 Ars dictaminis di Giovanni del circulating in part before its completion. Virgilio.\u201d Italia Medioevale e Umanistica, 4, 1961, pp. 181\u2013200. In response, Giovanni delights in taking up the pas- toral fiction and returns a work strongly dependent on Martellotti, Guido. \u201cEgloghe. In Enciclopedia dantesca, Vol. Virgil\u2019s second eclogue, in which the shepherd Corydon 2. Rome: Istituto della Enciclopedia Italiana, 1970a, pp. 644\u2013646. \u2014\u2014. \u201cGiovanni del Virgilio.\u201d In Enciclopedia dantesca, Vol. 3. Rome: Istituto della Enciclopedia Italiana, 1970b, pp. 193\u2013194. Raffit, Guy P. \u201cDante\u2019s Mocking Pastoral Muse.\u201d Dante Studies, 114, 1996, pp. 271\u2013291. 258","Wicksteed, Philip H., and Edmund G. Gardner. Dante and GIUSTO DE\u2019 MENABUOI Giovanni del Virgilio. Westminster: A. Constable, 1902. (Reprint, New York: Haskell House, 1970.) (parts of this polyptych are now in the Kress Collection at the University of Georgia at Athens). A signed and Gary P. Cestaro dated tabernacle of 1367 (now in the National Gallery, London) was also painted in Milan, according to its GIOVANNI DI PIANO CARPINI inscription. Some frescoes in and near Milan may be (c. 1180\u20131252) attributed to Giusto on the basis of their style. The most significant of these are in the tribune of the Abbazia di Giovanni was born at Pian di Carpini (Piano delia Ma- San Pietro at Viboldone. A Madonna and Child with gione) in Umbria and was a first-generation Franciscan, saints and donor bears the date 1349; if the attribution from c. 1220. He served as a provincial official in Ger- is correct, this would be the artist\u2019s earliest surviving many, Spain, and possibly Barbary. His fame, however, work. The Last Judgment on the three other walls of the rests on his mission to the court of the Mongol khan. tribune was done by Giusto after an interval of at least five years. No documents mentioning Giusto have been Pope Innocent IV chose Giovanni and two other found in the Milanese archives, and none dealing with friars to act as emissaries to protest against the Mon- his origins in Florence has yet come to light. gols\u2019 expansion into Christian Europe, perhaps to gain aid against militant Islam, and to observe the Mongols That Giusto was born and trained in Florence is evi- closely. The party departed from Lyon in April 1245 dent from his style and from documents in the Paduan and arrived at Karakorum on 22 July 1246. The new archives. He is first documented in Padua in September khan, Kuyuk (enthroned on 24 August) promised noth- 1373, but some frescoes in the church of the Eremitani ing and made no concessions, dismissing the envoys in in that city may be attributed to him and dated c. 1370. November. After a hard winter\u2019s journey they arrived in Sometime after 1367, when he painted the tabernacle Kiev in June 1247, and they were with the pope in Lyon that is now in London, Giusto transferred his activities seventeen months later. The pope made Giovanni bishop to Padua. From the time of his arrival there until the of Antivari (Dalmatia) in 1248; but after a dispute over end of his career, he worked for the powerful and ambi- the see Giovanni returned to Italy, where he died, near tious lord of Padua, Francesco da Carrara the Elder, and Perugia, on 1 August 1252. Francesco\u2019s court. Giusto was probably called to fill the vacancy left by the death of the most important earlier Giovanni\u2019s Historic Mongolorum (Mongol History), local painter, Guariento di Arpo, who had enjoyed the or Liber Tatarorum (Book of the Tartars), constitutes his patronage of the house of Carrara. From 1373 to 1382, official report on the mission. It is a generally reliable Giusto is mentioned in Paduan documents at regular discussion of the territories traversed and the peoples intervals. He became a citizen of Padua in April 1375. encountered. Although it was not published in full until After 1382, there is no mention of Giusto in the Paduan the nineteenth century, it circulated in Europe and was archives until July 1387. He died in Padua sometime used by, among others, Vincent of Beauvais (Speculum between then and May 1391. His name is inscribed in Historiale, c. 1260) and Roger Bacon (Opus mains, c. 1387 in the register of the painters\u2019 guild in Florence, 1266). but there is no evidence that he was there at the time. Further Reading The most important works by Giusto in Padua are not strictly documented, but they are strongly supported by Dawson, Christopher, ed. The Mission to Asia. Toronto: Univer- local tradition and by comparison with signed paintings sity of Toronto Press, 1986. from his Lombard period. They are the votive fresco of the Coronation of the Virgin in the basilica of Saint Saunders, J. J. \u201cJohn of Plan Carpini: The Papal Envoy to the Anthony (c.1380); the heavily repainted frescoes in the Mongol Conquerors Who Traveled through Russia to Eastern Belludi (or Conti) Chapel of the same church, depicting Asia in 1245\u20131247.\u201d History Today, 22, 1972, pp. 547\u2013555. scenes from the legends of the Blessed Luca Belludi, Saint James the Less, and Saint Philip, probably newly Spuler, Benold. History of the Mongols, Based on Eastern and completed for the consecration of the chapel in Septem- Western Accounts of the Thirteenth and Fourteenth Centuries, ber 1382; and the decoration of the cathedral baptistery. trans. Helga and Stuart Drummond. Berkeley: University of California Press, 1972. The Romanesque baptistery was redecorated by Gi- usto to serve as the mausoleum of Francesco da Carrara Joseph P. Byrne the Elder and his wife, Fina Buzzacarina. Work probably had been completed by October 1378, when Fina was GIUSTO DE\u2019 MENABUOI buried in her wall tomb (later destroyed). Francesco, (fl. 14th century) who died in a Visconti prison at Monza, was interred in November 1393 in a freestanding sepulchre (also later Giusto de\u2019 Menabuoi was a northern Italian painter. The destroyed). The fresco decoration covers every available earliest secure record of him is a dismembered polyptych signed and dated March 1363, of Milanese provenance 259","GIUSTO DE\u2019 MENABUOI second son of Count Eustache II of Boulogne and of Ide, daughter of Duke Godefroi II of Lower Lorraine. surface and is encyclopedic in scope. It reflects the dual In 1076, the emperor Henry IV refused him the suc- nature of the building as baptistery and mausoleum\u2014 cession to his grandfather\u2019s duchy, but Godefroi finally functions that were closely linked since early times. In acceded in 1089. the principal dome is a representation of Paradise; the Pantocrator and Virgin Orante are Byzantine elements He participated in the First Crusade in 1096 along explicable by the proximity of Venice. On the drum is an with his brothers Eustache III of Boulogne and Baud- extensive series from Genesis; and stories of the Virgin, ouin, choosing the land route via Hungary. On arriving Christ, and John the Baptist cover the walls. The exhaus- at Constantinople, he at first refused the requested oath tive Apocalypse cycle in the apse seems to depend, either to the emperor Alexios I Comnenos but consented fi- directly or indirectly, on an illuminated manuscript of nally after an attack on the suburbs of the city when the the twelfth or thirteenth century. The polyptych is also emperor cut off provisions for his forces. Though he did richly embellished with narrative scenes from the legend not figure as prominently as the other crusading leaders of John the Baptist. prior to their arrival at Jerusalem, his forces were the first to break in, and he became the compromise candidate The identity of Giusto\u2019s master is a subject of debate. for ruler of the Holy City. Refusing the title king, he Giusto\u2019s early works suggest that he was trained in became the Advocate of the Holy Sepulcher and secured Florence in the work shop of Bernardo Daddi. Giusto the Latin position in Palestine by defeating an invading turned to Daddi\u2019s master, Giotto, for the fundamentals relief army from Fatimid Egypt at Ascalon. of his style. Direct borrowings from Giotto\u2019s work in the Arena Chapel may be seen as early as Giusto\u2019s Godefroi\u2019s rule was brief and made difficult by the Viboldone Last Judgment and in the London taber- ambitions of the other crusading leaders, He also had to nacle. Giusto\u2019s Lombard work also reflects Giovanni deal with the pretensions to rule of Daimbert of Pisa, the da Milano; and throughout his career Giusto utilized first Latin patriarch of Jerusalem. On his death (July 18, recent Florentine sources. Giusto influenced Lombard 1100), he was succeeded by his younger brother, Baud- fresco painting in its most advanced Tuscan phase of ouin, who had founded the first of the Crusading States the 1360s and slightly later manuscript illumination in at Edessa and who took the title king of Jerusalem. the region, although Giovanni da Milano, a native, had a more profound impact. Similarly, Giusto\u2019s presence Godefroi\u2019s life almost immediately became the stuff helped invigorate Paduan painting at a time when art of legends. He was one of the three medieval members, in Florence had stagnated through a relaxation of Giot- with Charlemagne and Arthur, of the Nine Worthies and tesque principles. Again, although Giusto influenced is the principal hero of the Crusade epics, including the monumental painting and manuscript illumination in 35,000-line Chevalier au cygne et Godefroid de Bouillon Padua until about the turn of the century, the style of (1356), the final reworking of the cycle. a local artist, Altichiero, was dominant. Despite some concessions to indigenous naturalism, particularly an See also Henry IV, Emperor expansion of the number of figures and their spatial setting, Giusto\u2019s art was fundamentally Florentine and Further Reading hence less accessible to local taste. Andressohn, John Carl. The Ancestry and Life of Godfrey of See also Daddi, Bernardo; Giotto di Bondone Bouillon. Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1947. Further Reading R. Thomas McDonald Bettini, Sergio. Giusto de\u2019Menabuoi e l\u2019arte del Trecento. Padua: GODFREY OF VITERBO Le Tre Venezie, 1944. (c. 1125\u2013after 1202) \u2014\u2014. Le pitture di Giusto de\u2019Menabuoi nel Battistero del Duomo The poet-historian Godfrey of Viterbo was Italian by di Padova. Venice: Neri Pozza, 1960. birth but of recent German ancestry. He was taken to Germany at an early age and was educated in the ca- Delaney, Bradley Joseph. Giusto de\u2019Menabuoi: Iconography and thedral school of Bamberg. Returning to Italy, probably Style. Ann Arbor, Mich.: University Microfilms, 1972. shortly after 1140, he entered the papal chancery; but within a decade he was back in Germany as a member \u2014\u2014. \u201cGiusto de\u2019 Menabuoi in Lombardy.\u201d Art Bulletin, 58, of the royal chapel under Conrad III (d. 1151). Godfrey 1976, pp. 19\u201335. served the emperors Frederick I Barbarossa and Henry VI as court chaplain and notary, taking part in their Ital- Bradley J. Delaney ian expeditions until at least 1186, when he witnessed a document for Henry during the siege of Orvieto. His GODEFROI DE BOUILLON official travels also took him to France many times and (ca. 1061\u20131100) Duke of Lower Lorraine, leader of the First Crusade, and first Latin ruler of Jerusalem, Godefroi was the 260","less often to Provence, Sicily, and Spain. After he had GOTTFRIED VON STRASSBURG retired to his native Viterbo, he revised and in 1191 completed his selective world history in Latin verse and Other minor writings have, with varying degrees of prose, Pantheon. A note at the end of a later poem, Gesta probability, also been assigned to him. Henrici sexti (Deeds of Henry VI), mentions the death in Sicily of the imperial steward Markward of Anweiler See also Frederick I Barbarossa; Henry VI (September 1202). The aged Godfrey is unlikely to have long survived Markward. Further Reading Pantheon, Godfrey\u2019s major literary accomplish- Editions ment, is in concept a pro-Staufen imperial chronicle from biblical and early pagan times to his own day. Its Delisle, L\u00e9opold, ed. Denumeratio regnorum imperio subiec- title\u2014a Greek compound meaning \u201call-divine\u201d\u2014sug- torum. In Litt\u00e9rature latine et histoire du moyen \u00e2ge. Paris: gests the universality of its scope and the divine origin Ernest Leroux, 1890, pp. 41\u201350. of the political and theological wisdom it expounds. This work took shape in several stages, of which the Waltz, Georg, ed. Gotofridi Viterbiensis opera. Monumenta first was the largely verse Speculum regum (Mirror of Germaniae Historica, Scriptores, 22. Hannover: Hahn, 1872, Kings), dedicated to Henry VI and completed in 1183. pp. 1\u2013376. Speculum regum was replaced in 1185 by Memoria seculorum (Memory of the Ages), subsequently renamed Critical Studies Liber memorialis (Book of Memory). That in turn was expanded into the more encyclopedic Liber universalis Archibald, Elizabeth. Apolionius of Tyre: Medieval and Renais- (Book of All), itself the basis for three successive ver- sance Themes and Variations, Including the Text of the Historia sions of the final Pantheon. Supplementary writings Apollonii Regis Tyri with an English Translation. Cambridge: include Gesta Friderici (Deeds of Frederick), in verse; Brewer, 1991. and the aforementioned Gesta Henrid sexti. Godfrey\u2019s Pantheon entertains as well as instructs and presents as Dorninger, Maria E. Gottfried von Viterbo: Ein Autor in der fact, or at least neutrally, a significant amount of popular, Umgebung der fr\u00fchen Staufer. Stuttgarter Arbeiten zur Ger- legendary, or otherwise fictional material in fulfilment of manistik, 345. Stuttgart: Hans-Dieter Heinz, 1997. its political objectives. Especially notable are an influ- ential account of the Trojan origins of various European Hausmann, Friedrich. \u201cGottfried von Viterbo: Kapellan und No- peoples and versions of the medieval Prophecy of the tar, Magister, Geschichtsschreiber, und Dichter.\u201d In Friedrich Tiburtine Sibyl and of the Latin romance of Apollonius Barbarossa: Handlungsspielraume und Wirkungsiveise des of Tyre. Godfrey\u2019s preferred verse form, an uncommon staufischen Kaisers, ed. Alfred Haverkamp. Vortr\u00e4ge und strophe consisting of two rhyming hexameters followed Forschungen Herausgegeben vom Konstanzer Arbeitskreis f\u00fcr by a single pentameter, may be thought of as an ennobled Mittelalterliche Geschichte, 40. Sigmaringen: Jan Thorbecke, elegiac distich. 1992, pp. 603\u2013621. Godfrey\u2019s history, ostensibly aimed at young people Meyer, Lucienne. Les l\u00e9gendes des mati\u00e8res de Rome, de France, but well suited for many adults, was widely read in the et de Bretagne dans le \u201cPanth\u00e9on\u201dde Godefroi de Viterbe. later Middle Ages. It survives in at least thirty-three Paris: E. de Boccard, 1933. (Reprint, Geneva: Slatkine, 1981.) more or less complete manuscripts (including the author\u2019s original for most of Liber universalis) and in Mulder-Bakker, A. M. \u201cA Pantheon Full of Examples: The World fragments of many others. Resonances can be discerned Chronicle of Godfrey of Viterbo.\u201d In Exemplum et Similitudo: in the writings of Brunetto Latini, Giovanni Villani, Alexander the Great and Other Heroes as Points of Reference Quilichino of Spoleto, Orfino of Lodi, Riccobaldo of in Medieval Literature. Mediaevalia Groningana, fasc. 8, Ferrara, Tolomeo (\u201cPtolemy\u201d) of Lucca, Benzo of Ales- ed. W. J. Aerts and M. Gosman. Groningen: Egbert Forsten, sandria, James of Acqui, Galvano Fiamma, and William 1988, pp. 85\u201398. of Pastrengo, to say nothing of the very considerable reception of Pantheon among non-Italians. The one John B. Dillon modern attempt at a critical edition is incomplete and otherwise unsatisfactory. GOTTFRIED VON STRASSBURG (fl. 1210) Godfrey is also the apparent author of a 186-line political-geographical poem with autobiographical The greatest poet of the German Middle Ages, Gottfried content, Denumeratio regnorum imperio subiectorum is known for his Middle High German Tristan romance, (\u201cList of Kingdoms Subject to the Empire\u201d), whose a fragment of just under twenty thousand lines com- focus shifts toward the end to German-speaking cities. posed in rhymed couplets. Gottfried may also be the author of two poems in the famous Manesse manuscript (University of Heidelberg library) under Ulrich von Liechtenstein\u2019s name. Falsely attributed to him are three other poems that are found in various manuscripts. The contours of his biography remain vague owing to lack of historical evidence. Ulrich von T\u00fcrheim and Heinrich von Freiberg, two thirteenth-century writers of continu- ations of his fragment, name Gottfried explicitly as its author. That the majority of the earliest manuscripts were probably produced in Alsace or even directly in Strasbourg (he is known by the German form Stra\u00dfburg) locates Gottfried in this medieval cultural center. 261","GOTTFRIED VON STRASSBURG and the TI stands for Tristan and Isolde. The plot opens with an account of Tristan\u2019s parents, Our clearest picture of him is provided by the ro- mance itself. Its date of composition\u2014generally put Riwalin and Blancheflur. Riwalin of Parmenie journeys at around 1210\u2014is based mainly on mention in its to Cornwall, where he intends to refine his manners and so-called literary excursus of the poets Heinrich von his knightly skills at the court of the highly reputable Veldeke and Reinmar von Hagenau as being deceased, King Marke. He and Marke\u2019s sister Blancheflur fall and of Hartmann von Aue, Bligger von Steinach, and in love and conceive a child. Blanscheflur steals away Walther von der Vogelweide as still living. Gottfried\u2019s with Riwalin to Parmenie, where they marry. Riwalin\u2019s remarkable erudition\u2014so evident throughout the death in battle at the hand of his overlord Morgan causes romance\u2014in French, German, and classical Latin lit- Blanscheflur to die of grief on giving birth to Tristan. erature; rhetoric and poetics; theology; law; and music To protect Tristan from Morgan, Riwalin\u2019s loyal mar- as well as the elegance and artistry of his language shal Rual has Tristan grow up as his child, though he and style are a sure indication of a humanist cathedral sees to it that Tristan receives an education befitting a school education. future ruler. Though familiar with several versions of the Tristan At age fourteen Tristan is kidnapped by Norwegian story, Gottfried claims allegiance to only one: Thomas ship merchants but is later released on the shores of of Britain, of whose work only the latter part, which Cornwall. He meets King Marke, who takes Tristan into Gottfried did not get to, has survived. Until recently, close favor on the basis of his dazzling accomplishments only two small fragments overlapped with Gottfried\u2019s in hunting, musical performance, and foreign languages. version, thus hampering a precise determination of Not until Rual arrives after a three-and-a-half-year Gottfried\u2019s reliance on Thomas. In 1995, however, a new search are Marke and Tristan enlightened as to their fragment of Thomas\u2019s work surfaced that coincides with relationship as uncle and nephew. key-scenes in Gottfried, namely, Tristan\u2019s and Isolde\u2019s reactions to the love potion, their arrival in Cornwall, and Tristan is knighted in a ceremony whose portrayal is the wedding night. Initial assessments have led scholars extraordinary for its literary value and its contravention to revise the prevalent (though not unanimous) assump- of reader expectations. Initially dispensing with literal tion of Gottfried\u2019s fairly high degree of faithfulness to depiction, Gottfried cloaks events in allegory instead. Thomas. For one thing, Gottfried innovated more than From here he shifts to a metapoetic level, where his was previously thought; for another, it is now supposed narrator persona expresses (ironically) an inability to that Gottfried drew on a greater number of sources. prepare Tristan appropriately for the ceremony. A eulo- Among these, Eilhart von Oberge has gained particular gistic critique of style follows of the five contemporary significance because of common elements not found in German poets and minnesingers mentioned above; one the new Thomas fragment. unnamed poet (in all likelihood Wolfram von Eschen- bach) receives scathing criticism. Now thoroughly Though it shares numerous features with chivalric \u201ctongue-tied,\u201d however, the poet requests inspiration to Arthurian romance, Gottfried\u2019s Tristan has more ac- complete his task in a two-part invocation: first to Apollo curately been termed a courtier romance, since its hero and the Muses, then to the supernal Christian God. acts more often in the capacity of courtier and artist than Only after distinguishing Tristan from his compatriots of knight, and since the narrative action tends to occur by delineating his special inborn virtues does Gottfried in the worldly, political arena of the court, rather than descend to the literal level and describe the presentation to depict knights on marvelous quests for adventure. of sword, spurs, and shield. In disdaining to tell of the Not only is Gottfried thoroughly acquainted with, he tournament that concludes the ceremony, Gottfried both also details and explores various facets of the decorum, distances himself from and gets in a sly dig at contempo- mores, and material culture of the court. raries who go on and on about such spectacles in great detail. The literary excursus is significant for its unique What follows is a highly condensed summary of the vernacular contribution to literary criticism. romance. It begins with a prologue in which Gottfried\u2019s narrator persona sets a discriminating tone by describing The next episodes involve Tristan in trials of battle, in the audience of \u201cnoble hearts\u201d to whom he specifically politics, and at court. His journey to Parmenie includes addresses his work. This elite group distinguishes itself an attempt to legitimize his right to hold his fathers fief. by seeking not merely joy but by accepting both joy The encounter between Tristan and his would-be over- and sorrow, sweetness and bitterness into their lives. lord, Morgan, goes awry, however, and Tristan ends up Gottfried offers them his love story as a palliative for the killing Morgan and acquiring his lands by force. pain they suffer from love, and introduces his hero and heroine as the epitome of true lovers. The first strophes Upon Tristan\u2019s return to Cornwall, he learns that of the prologue create the acrostic GDIET\u00caRICHTI. Di- Marke is not an autonomous ruler but has been obliged et\u00earich is assumed to be Gottfried\u2019s patron (an otherwise since childhood to pay tribute to King Gurmun of Ire- unknown Dietrich), the G may be short for \u201cGottfried,\u201d land. Taking up their cause, Tristan delivers Marke\u2019s 262","kingdoms from further subjection by killing Gur- GOTTFRIED VON STRASSBURG muns envoy, Morolt. During their judicial duel, one of Tristan\u2019s blows leaves a piece of his sword lodged that the iron does not burn her when she carries it. Thus in Morolt\u2019s skull. By his turn, Morolt has wounded she restores both her own and the king\u2019s honor. Tristan with his poisoned sword, informing him that only his sister, Queen Isolde of Ireland, can cure him At court the lovers, unable to restrain their display of of its fatal effect. Tristan sets off for Ireland disguised mutual affection, provoke Marke to banish them. They as the minstrel\/merchant \u201cTantris,\u201d and gains access to take refuge in a cave of lovers whose qualities bear men- the queen by means of his sweetly compelling musical tion. Each of the architectural elements of the cave is performance. She cures him in exchange for tutoring allegorically appropriate to a true lover\u2019s environment: her daughter, the princess Isolde, whom he educates in the white, smooth wall means love\u2019s integrity, the cave\u2019s letters, music, and courteous manners. After his return to width is love\u2019s strength, its green floor love\u2019s constancy, Cornwall, intrigues brew against him by barons envious and the crystal bed love\u2019s purity. Moreover, the door to of his position as Marke\u2019s heir. To appease them, Marke the cave is constructed so as to admit only true lovers. reluctantly agrees to marry Princess Isolde, hoping this Miraculously, the lovers need not eat, but subsist solely venture will fail because of the hostility between the two on love and love\u2019s gazes. One day, Marke happens upon countries. But Tristan, who heads the bridal quest, suc- the cave while hunting. Anticipating detection, Tristan ceeds. First he kills the dragon who has been terrorizing places a sword between Isolde and himself before they the Irish countryside, a prerequisite to winning Isolde\u2019s fall asleep together. The sword\u2019s position convinces hand. The dragon\u2019s tongue, however, which Tristan has Marke of their innocence, and he has them fetched cut out as proof, is poisonous, and causes Tristan to sink, back to court. unconscious, into a bog. Meanwhile, the cowardly Irish steward, having found and appropriated the carcass of There Isolde plans a rendezvous with Tristan in the the dragon, has claimed Isolde as his reward, much to garden in the face of increased surveillance by her hus- the dismay of the royal family. Through concerted ef- band. Marke discovers them while they are sleeping, forts, the queen and her daughter find \u201cTantris,\u201d and the but Tristan awakens in time to see him depart. Realizing queen cures him anew. that they must part company, Tristan and Isolde say a tender farewell, and Tristan flees Cornwall before Marke A combination of events leads to Princess Isolde\u2019s returns with his councillors. discovery of Tristan\u2019s identity, and she almost slays him in revenge for Morolt. Spared, Tristan conveys Tristan seeks combat in an attempt to divert himself Marke\u2019s offer of marriage and, after assisting the queen (albeit unsuccessfully) from the pain of separation from in thwarting the steward with his testimony, Tristan Isolde. He travels to Arundel, a coastal duchy, where he sails for Cornwall with Princess Isolde and Brangaene, assists the inhabitants to a victory. On meeting its ruler\u2019s her maid, in tow. Brangaene is in possession of a love daughter, Isolde of the White Hands, Tristan spirals potion given her by the queen, who wishes to ensure into confusion; her beauty and her name remind him of her daughter\u2019s happiness with her new husband, King his Isolde. Isolde of the White Hands meanwhile falls Marke. But Tristan and Isolde inadvertently drink the in love with Tristan. Their proximity to each other at potion together on their voyage, sealing their eternal court causes Tristan to waver in his original love, and love for each other. Though they consummate their love the romance breaks off as he laments the unfairness of on the ship, loyalty forces Tristan to deliver Isolde to his situation. Marke, whom she weds. On the wedding night, Bran- gaene stands in for Isolde in order to conceal Isolde\u2019s The dialectic and the nature of Gottfried\u2019s concept loss of virginity. Fearing treason, Isolde attempts to have of love, his unorthodox relationship to Christianity, his Brangaene murdered, but Brangaene demonstrates her attitude toward courtliness, and the interplay between discretion and trustworthiness, and continues to help narrator excursuses and narrative action are only some of the lovers carry on their clandestine affair. the many aspects of the romance that have served both to stimulate and to vex scholarly attempts at interpretation. When the Cornish steward Marjodo chances to dis- And yet, despite the obstacles caused by the abundant cover their adulterous relationship, he relates \u201crumors\u201d ambivalences and ironies and, quite simply, the alterity of it to Marke, who embarks on a series of attempts (uniqueness) of the work, Gottfried continues to delight designed to catch the lovers out. Finally, the growing and seduce his readership, leaving the impression of a threat to the king\u2019s reputation and authority by the ru- brilliant poet, an aesthete of aloof yet discerning eye, mors induces Marke to force Isolde to undergo an ordeal and a superb master in absolute control of his art. of the hot iron. In this famous episode, the king desires the queen to destroy the rumors. She performs this feat See also Hartmann von Aue; with such calculating ingenuity and winning courtesy Ulrich von Liechtenstein Further Reading Batts, Michael. Gottfried von Strassburg. New York: Twayne, 1971. 263","GOTTFRIED VON STRASSBURG priest in the late 830s, apparently without the approval of the bishop of Soissons, in whose jurisdiction such Chinca, Mark. Gottfried von Strassburg: Tristan. Cambridge: ordination rested. Cambridge University Press, 1997. During a pilgrimage to Rome in the 840s, Gottschalk Dietz, Reiner. Der \u201cTristan\u201d Gottfrieds von Strassburg. Probleme taught and preached about predestination in Italy and the der Forschung (1902\u20131970). G\u00f6ppingen: K\u00fcmmerle, 1974. Balkans and made visits to Count Eberhard of Friuli and Bishop Noting of Brescia. News of Gottschalk\u2019s teach- Draesner, Ulrike. \u201cZeichen\u2014K\u00f6rper\u2014Gesang. Das Lied in der ings provoked Rabanus Maurus, who compelled him to Isolde-Weiss-Hand Episode des \u201cTristans\u201d Got-frits von return to Francia. In 848, Gottschalk was condemned Strassburg,\u201d in Wechselspiele: Kommunikations-formen und twice, at synods at Mainz and Quierzy-sur-Oise. The Gattungsinterferenzen mittelhochdeutscher Lyrik, ed. Michael second synod ordered him whipped and imprisoned at Schilling and Peter Strohschneider. Heidelberg: Winter, 1996, the monastery of Hautvillers. His writings were burned, pp. 77\u2013101. and his ordination to the priesthood was revoked. Gott- schalk continued to write, principally on predestination, Gottfried von Stra\u00dfburg. Tristan, ed. Peter Ganz. Wiesbaden: until his death. A number of influential theologians, Brockhaus, 1978 [text of Reinhold Bechstein\u2019s edition including Florus of Lyon, Prudentius of Troyes, and 1890\u20131891]. Ratramnus of Corbie wrote in support of Gottschalk\u2019s ideas on predestination, although these views were \u2014\u2014. Tristan, ed. and trans. R\u00fcdiger Krohn, 3 vols. Stuttgart: condemned by such important ecclesiastical figures as Reclam, 1984\u20131995 [text of Friedrich Ranke\u2019s edition 1930]. Amalarius of Metz, Hincmar of Reims, Johannes Scot- tus Eriugena, and of course Rabanus Maurus. On an \u2014\u2014. Tristan, ed. Karl Marold and Werner Schr\u00f6der. Berlin: de official level, Gottschalk\u2019s teachings were repeatedly Gruyter, 1906, rpt. 1969. condemned: at the synod of Quierzy-sur-Oise in 853 and at numerous other synods and national councils in \u2014\u2014. \u201cTristan\u201d with the \u201cTristan\u201d of Thomas, trans. A. T. Hatto. the 850s and 860s. An appeal to Rome on Gottschalk\u2019s Harmondsworth: Penguin, 1967. behalf made by Guntbert of Hautvillers in 866 was cut short by the death of Pope Nicholas I. Haug, Walter. \u201cReinterpreting the Tristan Romances of Thomas and Gotfrid: Implications of a Recent Discovery.\u201d Arthuriana The theological position that led to this drama is dif- 7 (1997): 45\u201359. ficult to reconstruct because of the fragmentary nature of Gottschalk\u2019s extant writings. It seems to have been a Jackson, W. T. H. The Anatomy of Love: The \u201cTristan\u201d of logical derivation from the late writings of Augustine, Gottfried von Strassburg. New York: Columbia University stressing the point that God had, from eternity, not only Press, 1971. foreseen but also predestined either the salvation and damnation of every human being. What was absolutely Jaeger, C. Stephen. Medieval Humanism in Gottfried von Strass- unacceptable to his contemporaries was the conclusion burg\u2019s \u201cTristan und Isolde.\u201d Heidelberg: Carl Winter, 1977. that Jesus therefore died only for the saved, and that the sacraments, even baptism, were not efficacious for all. Kucaba, Kelley. \u201cH\u00f6fisch inszenierte Wahrheiten. Zu Isolds Gottesurteil bei Gottfried von Strassburg,\u201d in Fremdes wah- In spite of the condemnation of his contemporaries rnehmen\u2014fremdes Wahrnehmen, ed. Wolfgang Harms and C. and the increasingly harsh treatment he received, Stephen Jaeger in connection with Alexandra Stein. Stuttgart: Gottschalk never renounced his position but continued Hirzel, 1997, pp. 73\u201393. to write, with increasing complexity, until his death. His later works include speculation on the eucharist, Picozzi, Rosemary. A History of Tristan Scholarship. Bern: supporting the position of Ratramnus of Corbie over Lang, 1971. that of Paschasius Radbertus; two works on the Trin- ity, apparently aimed against Hincmar of Reims, and Steinhoff, Hans-Hugo. Bibliographic zu Gottfriedvon Srassburg, lyrical poems that were especially innovative in their 2 vols. Berlin: Schmidt, 1971\u20131986. use of rhyme. Stevens, Adrian, and Roy Wisbey, eds. Gottfried von Strassburg See also Eriugena, Johannes Scottus; and the Medieval Tristan Legend. Papers from an Anglo\u2013North Rabanus Maurus American Symposium. Cambridge: Brewer, 1990. Further Reading Wenzel, Horst. \u201c\u00d6ffentlichkeit und Heimlichkeit in Gottfrieds Tristan\u201d Zeitschrift f\u00fcr deutsche Philologie 107 (1988): Gottschalk. \u0152uvres th\u00e9ologiques et grammaticales de Godescalc 335\u2013361. d\u2019Orbais, ed. Cyril Lambot. Louvain: Spicilegium Sacrum Lovaniense, 1945. Kelley Kucaba GOTTSCHALK (ca. 803\u2013ca. 867\/69) Saxon theologian and poet, author of works on predes- tination that aroused controversy in 9th-century France. Gottschalk was presented by his father, Berno, as an oblate to the Benedictine monastery of Fulda. His boy- hood was spent at Fulda, where Rabanus Maurus was abbot, and at Reichenau. In 829, Gottschalk petitioned a church synod at Mainz to be released from his mo- nastic vows, claiming that his profession had not been voluntary and was not binding since there had been no Saxon witnesses present. The synod agreed that Gottschalk could return to secular life but did not agree to return the inheritance given by his father to Fulda. Rabanus Maurus won a reversal of that decision at a synod at Worms. Gottschalk spent the next ten years at Orbais and Corbie, where he dedicated himself to a study of the writings of Augustine. He was ordained a 264","\u2014\u2014. \u201cLettre in\u00e9dite de Godescalc d\u2019Orbais,\u201d ed. Cyril Lambot. GOWER, JOHN Revue b\u00e9n\u00e9dictine (1958). least a dozen leaves. It seems likely that the complete Duckett, Eleanor Shipley. Carolingian Portraits: A Study in the poem consisted of approximately 31,000 lines. The Ninth Century. Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, Mirour is written in twelve-line stanzas of octosyllabic 1962. verse, rhyming aab aab bba bba. Van Moos, Peter. \u201cGottschalks Gedicht O mi custos\u2014eine confes- The subject of the Mirour de I\u2019Omme is the complete sio.\u201d Fr\u00fchmittelalterliche Studien 4\u20135 (1970\u201371). moral life of man. To describe this Gower created a poem in three parts, unequal in length but seemingly Vielhaber, Klaus. Gottschalk der Sachse. Bonn: Rohrscheid, equivalent in import. The first section\u2014about two- 1956. thirds of the work\u2014 presents a complex but familiar allegory: the begetting of Death by the Devil on Sin, E. Ann Matter his own daughter; the subsequent coupling of Sin and Death to produce seven \u201cdaughters,\u201d the deadly sins or GOWER, JOHN (1330?\u20131408) Vices; the marriage of the World to the seven Vices, as a strategy to beget helpers to seduce Man; their mutual Poet and friend of Chaucer. Gower was probably born assault on Man; the prayer of Conscience and Reason of a Kentish family during the third decade of the 14th to God for assistance; the divinely arranged marriage of century. He may have attended the Inns of Court, per- the seven Virtues to Reason, and the description of their haps with Chaucer, acquiring legal training possibly put daughters; the oppositional pairing of the Virtues and to use in land dealings recorded of a \u201cJohn Gower\u201d in the their offspring against the Vices and their offspring. The Close Rolls ca. 1365\u201374. We have better evidence that second section considers how the battle of good and evil Gower the poet owned lands in Norfolk, Suffolk, and is going in the world. The Three Estates\u2014clergy, knights Kent by 1382 and that he was familiar enough with the or lords, and peasants\u2014 are subdivided and examined, Lancastrian house to be awarded a collar of silver \u201cSS\u201d from pope to parish priest, emperor to laborer; all are links upon the ascension of Henry IV in 1399. found thoroughly corrupt and incapable of reforming themselves without merciful grace. The poem concludes In his later years Gower took an interest in the mon- with a third section describing the source of this ex- astery of St. Mary Overeys in Southwark, apparently re- traordinary succor\u2014the Virgin Mary, whose life, joys, storing several of its buildings with his own and friends\u2019 and sorrows are related in some detail. The final lines money. Sometime after 1377 he took his residence there, of the Mirour as we have them are the poet\u2019s prayer to probably as a lay brother, for he did not join the order. On the Virgin for mercy and a list of her names and titles, 23 January 1398 Gower received a license from the see cut short by the missing manuscript leaves. of Winchester to marry one Agnes Groundolf (probably his nurse) at his house on the priory grounds. Gower\u2019s Gower\u2019s remaining French poetry consists of two will, dated 15 August 1408, divides substantial property sequences of ballades, one generally known as the Cink- among several religious houses and his wife. It gives ante Balades, the other as the Traiti\u00e9 pour Essampler no evidence of an earlier marriage or of children. An les Amantz Marietz, or simply the Traiti\u00e9. Although an elaborate tomb, surmounted by a near-life-sized effigy early date was once assumed for the Cinkante Balades wearing the \u201cSS\u201d collar, representations of his three and a late one for the Traiti\u00e9, in fact no firm evidence major works, and protective angels, rests in the north exists to establish when, or in what context or order, aisle of St. Saviour\u2019s Church, Southwark. Gower composed these poems. Theories connecting the former sequence with a still-flourishing merchant puy (a A prolific and versatile writer, Gower composed bourgeois literary and social organization) in London, or nearly 80,000 lines of poetry in French, Latin, and the latter with Gower\u2019s marriage (whatever might be true English. Although the chronology of individual works of individual ballades), are without firm foundation. The remains imprecise, it is generally thought that his earliest Cinkante Balades (Fifty Ballades), despite the title found compositions were in Anglo-Norman and that his Eng- in its unique manuscript, actually contains 54 poems, lish poems were the product of the last two decades of each in seven- or eight-line stanzas and almost all with his life. He continued to write in Latin and French until standard four-line envois (short dosing stanzas). The the end, however, making him a truly trilingual poet\u2014an poems trace the correspondence of two lovers during an achievement unique among English literary figures. affair, with both a male and female voice represented. The collection is overtly critical of amoral dalliance and French Works seems created to offer alternative images of love and love poetry compatible with Christian marriage. Of the French poems the earliest and longest is common- ly known by the title Mirour de I\u2019Omme. (Alternative The eighteen ballades known as the Traiti\u00e9 repeat the names are Speculum Hominis or Speculum Meditantis, same firm directives concerning the unique propriety but these are used infrequently.) The Mirour exists in of lawful affection and (by extension) poetics. These one manuscript only, copied by a single hand: CUL Add. 3035, presently containing 28,603 lines, but missing at 265","GOWER, JOHN to focus discussion on the sinfullness of man and his precarious mortal circumstances. The Vox ends with a poems, each consisting of three seven-line stanzas with- pointed (and poignant) appeal to the English to follow out envoi, exist in ten manuscripts, never alone. On eight the advice of the dream and make their country a place occasions they follow Gower\u2019s major English work, the of peace and decency. Confessio Amantis, and would seem, if the French prose introduction and the Latin prose sidenotes are authorial, Of next importance after the Vox is the Cronica Trip- to have been intended as a sort of a coda or conclusion ertita, written in leonine hexameters (hexameter lines to the Confessio. Because the Traiti\u00e9 ends with a Latin with internal rhyme). It treats the failed government of poem in which Gower speaks of his own impending Richard II, brought down by treachery and weakness, marriage, the sequence has sometimes been considered and celebrates the new order to come under his succes- a late work, possibly composed in 1398, though some sor, Henry IV. Besides these two longer poems Gower\u2019s of its ballades may have actually been written earlier, Latin poetry includes about twenty short pieces on po- without relation to the marriage. litical, moral, and personal themes, and the Latin verses interposed throughout the Confessio Amantis. Latin Works English Works Gower\u2019s independent extant Latin poetry amounts to somewhat fewer than 13,000 lines, mostly in unrhymed Gower\u2019s ME verse consists of two poems, the Confessio elegiac couplets. By far his most significant Latin poem Amantis, his best-known and most admired work, and is the Vox Clamantis, the tide of which derives from the \u201cTo King Henry IV, In Praise of Peace.\u201d Comprising \u201cvox clamantis in deserto\u201d (\u201ca voice of one crying in the some 33,000 lines, the Confessio was frequently cop- desert\u201d) of John 1:23. Spanning 10,265 lines, it is known ied (over 40 manuscripts survive) and later was among in ten manuscripts, of which four are contemporary the earliest books printed in England, with blackletter with the author and probably show signs of personal editions by Caxton (1483) and Berthelette (1532 and revision. Although dating is uncertain, the Vox seems 1554). The text exists in a variety of versions, the exact motivated by the social unrest resulting in the Peasants\u2019 relationship of which is presently under fresh study. The Revolt of 1381. best manuscript of the poem seems to be Bodl. Fairfax 3, on which the best scholarly edition (Macaulay\u2019s) is The Vox resembles classical models in form, being based. arranged in seven books. This structural neoclassicism is supported by Gower\u2019s incorporation of many lines With the Confessio Gower helps establish his na- borrowed intact from Roman authors, primarily Ovid, tive language as a medium for poetry while displaying and such medieval authorities as Alexander Neckham extraordinary erudition and reaching new levels of (in particular his De vita monachorum) and Peter Riga fiction making and characterization in English poetry. (author of the Aurora, a versified Bible). The poem consists of a prologue and eight books, all in tetrameter couplets except for some twelve rime royal The contents of the Vox may be summarized briefly stanzas in book 8 and occasional Latin verses highlight- as follows. Book 1 (\u201cVisio\u201d) relates a horrific dream of ing the themes of the poem. The framing fiction is, as the author, who witnesses the destruction of \u201cNew Troy\u201d the title indicates, the confession of a lover (\u201cAmans\u201d) by anthropomorphic animals. In fear for his life the to Genius, the priest of Venus. Each of the books is dreamer flees, first on foot and then by ship; after storms concerned with one of the seven cardinal sins and its and attacks by monsters the ship eventually regains port, branches, except book 7, which rehearses the education on the island of \u201cBrute,\u201d from which the journey began. given Prince Alexander by Aristotle. In the process The dream is usually read as a thinly disguised allegory of the lover\u2019s confession Amans and Genius grow as of major figures and events in the Peasants\u2019 Revolt. characters, becoming multidimensional by the end; in Book 2 describes human misery, condemns Fortune and addition many stories are told, primarily by Genius, her misperceived power, and concludes by reaffirming who uses them to illustrate his moral points to Amans. the Christian view of the order of things and urging its readers to hold fast to their Christian faith. While the sources of the Confessio Amantis are un- derstandably too numerous to list completely, its broad In the next three books the degeneracies of the Three outline suggests major debts to the Roman de la Rose, Estates are enumerated (somewhat in the manner of the manuals of the penitential tradition, such as the Somme Mirour), beginning with the clergy (books 3 and 4), then le roi, Lucretius\u2019s De rerum natura, and Boethius\u2019s treating the knights and peasants (5). Book 6 addresses Consolation of Philosophy. To these may be added a the failures of the \u201cministers of law\u201d; it concludes with thorough acquaintance with the works of Ovid, Statius, extensive advice to the king, as chief guardian of the na- the Aeneid, the Ovide moralis\u00e9, the Legenda aurea, and tion and its legal tradition. Finally, in book 7, the statue Brunetto Latini\u2019s Tr\u00e9sor. of Nebuchadnezzar\u2019s dream from the second chapter of Daniel (one of Gower\u2019s favorite metaphors) is used 266","The Confessio Amantis opens with a prologue in GOWER, JOHN which the author attributes the anarchy of his times to corrupt leadership and division within society. Central to peace.\u201d In the poem\u2019s closing lines we are returned to the opening is Nebuchadnezzar\u2019s dream from the book the universal themes of the prologue, including the evils of Daniel (2:31\u201345), concerning the giant statue of gold, of division and the hope for good kingship and loving silver, brass, steel, and clay, symbolizing the decline of harmony in society. civilization. The prologue concludes with a prayer that a new Arion (a legendary harper of classical mythology) \u201cTo King Henry IV, In Praise of Peace\u201d is Gower\u2019s might be found to bring back the golden age of peace and only other extant English poem. Containing 55 rime roy- harmony with his musicianship. Book 1 sets the frame al stanzas, it occurs in one manuscript version (BL Add. for the poem itself. The poet, lovesick and seeking sol- 59495, the Trentham Manuscript) and was printed by ace, goes one May morning into the woods. He prays to Thynne in his 1532 edition of Chaucer\u2019s Works. As in the Cupid and Venus, the king and queen of love, who then Confessio Gower\u2019s pacifistic concern for an end to do- appear to him; Cupid pierces his heart with a fiery dart, mestic and international strife receives a prominent place. and Venus commands him to confess his sins to Genius, the priest of love. Genius presents his method: he will Although Gower has been slighted by modern critical question Amans concerning his sins, after the manner opinion (usually, indeed, dismissed as \u201cmoral Gower,\u201d as of a confessor; but since he is a priest only of love, he Chaucer calls him, albeit with no denigrating intent, at will speak of sin only as it affects love. The remainder the conclusion of Troilus), recent scholarship is return- of book 1 is devoted to describing several \u201cbranches\u201d of ing his work to its earlier prominence. Clearly Chaucer\u2019s Pride (Hypocrisy, Disobedience, Presumption, Boast- most significant poetic confidant, Gower appears to ing, and Vain Glory), each made memorable by one or have influenced his friend at least in the tales they more illustrative stories, or exempla, of varied length tell in common, notably those of \u201cConstance\u201d (MLT), and complexity. The last section of book 1 offers a de- \u201cFlorent\u201d (WBT), \u201cPhebus and Cornide\u201d (MancT), and scription of Humility, Pride\u2019s opposing virtue, and an \u201cTereus\u201d (\u201cPhilomela\u201d in LGW). For \u201cConstance\u201d and exemplum of humble behavior. the Man of Law\u2019s Tale it is thought that the two friends exchanged drafts of their work, with Gower\u2019s assumed This pattern\u2014the subdivision of a sin into its branch- to be the earlier version. es, the use of exempla to illustrate these branch sins, and (usually) the presentation and illustration of a major op- Gowers reputation remained high during the 15th posing virtue\u2014 recurs in books 2 through 6, which cover century, his name appearing in paeans by Lydgate, Envy, Wrath, Sloth, Avarice, and Gluttony. Book 3 also Hoccleve, Henryson, Dunbar, and others as a co- includes a digression in which Amans inquires about founder, with Chaucer, of the national poetic language. the morality of war, a question of great importance to In the 16th and 17th centuries his work was praised Gower. Book 7, on the education of Alexander, devotes and plundered by Spenser, Milton, and Shakespeare most of its space to a speculum principum, or \u201cmirror (whose Pericles adapts the \u201cApollonius of Tyre\u201d story for princes,\u201d in which five \u201cpoints of policy\u201d (Truth, and brings \u201cAncient Gower\u201d onto the stage as chorus). Largesse, Justice, Pity, and Chastity) are identified as A moralist and scholar, Gower is often lauded for the the central elements of good kingship. Again exempla spare, no-nonsense approach he takes to narration\u2014a of varying length illustrate the points under discussion. quality especially visible in the Confessio Amantis\u2014and Book 8 turns to Lechery, the remaining cardinal sin, he is increasingly perceived as an independent literary focusing almost entirely on a single branch sin, Incest. theorist with strong views as to the role poetry might For most of the book Genius tells the tale of Apollonius play in making a just, peaceful society. of tyre, which illustrates not merely the commission and avoidance of incest and lechery but also the other six See also Brunetto Latini; Caxton, William; sins and their opposing virtues. Book 8 thus simultane- Chaucer, Geoffrey; Henry IV; Richard II ously explores the worst kind of lechery and effectively recapitulates the themes of the first seven books. Further Reading Following his confession Amans again meets the Primary Sources Queen of Love and identifies himself at last as \u201cJohn Gower.\u201d Surprisingly Venus now holds up a mirror so Echard, Si\u00e2n, and Claire Fanger, trans. The Latin Verses in the that the lover can see that he is old, and unfit for the kind Confessio Amantis: An Annotated Translation. East Lansing: of dalliance he pursues. She also removes the fiery dart Colleagues, 1991. from Amans\u2019s heart, releasing him from his passion. Fi- nally Genius absolves Amans and Venus gives the cured Macaulay, G.C., ed. The Complete Works of John Gower. 4 vols. lover a set of beads and the admonition to \u201cpray for the Oxford: Clarendon, 1899-1902. Vols. 2 and 3 repr. as The English Works of John Gower, EETS e.s. 81\u201382. London: Kegan Paul, Trench, Tr\u00fcbner, 1900\u201301. Peck, Russell A., ed, Confessio Amantis. New York: Holt, Rine- hart & Winston, 1968. Stockton, Eric W., trans. The Major Latin Works of John Gower. Seattle: University of Washington Press, 1962. Wilson, William B., trans. John Gower\u2019s Mirour de I\u2019Omme. East Lansing: Colleagues, 1992. 267","GOWER, JOHN the office of head of the painter\u2019s guild, and occupied an especially privileged position at the court of the dukes Secondary Sources of Bavaria. The strength of his sensual temperament is apparent in the peculiar style of his early wood sculpture, New CBEL 1:553\u201356, 804. suggesting almost grotesque movements, which gives Manual 7:2195\u20132210, 2399\u20132418. way to calmer forms only in his late works. The series Beidler, Peter G., ed. John Gower\u2019s Literary Transformations in of preserved architectural and sculptural works, of which only the epitaph of Ulrich Aresinger from 1482 (Munich, the Confessio Amantis: Original Articles and Translations. St. Peter\u2019s) is signed and dated, allows the conclusion Washington, D.C.: University Press of America, 1982. that Grasser completed at least a six-year apprentice- Bennett, J.A.W. \u201cGower\u2019s \u2018Honeste Love.\u2019\u201d In Patterns of Love ship as a builder and stonecutter before the \u201cquarrel- and Courtesy: Essays in Memory of C.S. Lewis, ed. John some, confused, and deceitful\u201d journeyman appeared Lawlor. London: Arnold, 1966, pp. 107\u201321. unexpectedly in Munich about 1474 (Frankl 1942: 257). Burrow, John A. Ricardian Poetry: Chaucer, Gower, Langland and the Gawain-Poet. London: Routledge & Kegan Paul, Only one of Grasser\u2019s architectural projects still 1971. stands\u2014the ingenious extension added to the church of Burrow, John A. \u201cThe Poet As Petitioner.\u201d SAC 3 (1981): the Virgin in Schwaz in Tyrol between 1490 and 1502. 61\u201375. Three other monuments are known through documents: Fisher, John H. John Gower: Moral Philosopher and Friend of the cloister Mariaberg near Rorschach from 1487, the Chaucer. New York: New York University Press, 1964. tabernacle for the host at Freising Cathedral from 1489, Middleton, Anne. \u201cThe Idea of Public Poetry in the Reign of and the well-room with accompanying chapel at the Richard II.\u201d Speculum 53 (1978): 94\u2013114. salt works at Reichenhall. Likewise four sculptures Minnis, Alastair J. \u201cThe Influence of Academic Prologues on the or groups are documented from the oeuvre of maister Prologues and Literary Attitudes of Late Medieval English Erasem schnitzer (Master Erasmus wood-carver). Of Writers.\u201d MS43 (1981): 342\u201383. the original sixteen Morris Dancers carved for the Altes Minnis, Alastair J.,ed. Gower\u2019s Confessio Amantis: Responses Rathaus (old town hall) in Munich about 1480, ten are and Reassessments. Cambridge: Brewer, 1983. preserved today in the city museum. Seven mourners Nicholson, Peter, An Annotated Index to the Commentary on from a Lamentation group in limestone dated 1492 Gower\u2019s Confessio Amantis. MRTS 62. Binghamton: MRTS, are preserved in Freising Cathedral. Wood figures of 1989. the Virgin and Saints Leonhard and Eligius, carved Olsson, Kurt. \u201cNatural Law and John Gower\u2019s Confessio Aman- between 1502 and 1505, and the altar of St. Achatius tis:\u201d M&H n.s. 11 (1982): 229\u201361. (1503\u20131506) are to be found in the church at Reichers- Pearsall, Derek. \u201cGower\u2019s Narrative Art.\u201d PMLA 81 (1966): dorf in Upper Bavaria (Otto 1988:31\u201337). 475\u201384. Peck, Russell A. Kingship and Common Profit in Gower\u2019s Con- The attributed works are more numerous. A multi- fessio Amantis, Carbondale: Southern Illinois University figured altar of the Holy Cross from about 1482 at the Press, 1978. church of the Assumption at Ramersdorf and a similar Pickles, J.D., and J.L. Dawson, eds. A Concordance to John small-scale monstrance altar from about 1483, now in Gower\u2019s Confessio Amantis. Cambridge: Brewer, 1987. the Bavarian National Museum in Munich, reveal a Scanlon, Larry. Narrative, Authority and Power: The Medieval knowledge of Netherlandish carved altarpieces. The Exemplum and the Chaucerian Tradition. Cambridge: Cam- often-cited influence of Nicolaus Gerhaert von Leyden bridge University Press, 1993. on Grasser\u2019s style is visible in three groups representing Schueler, Donald G. \u201cGower\u2019s Characterization of Genius in the the Virgin and John the Evangelist under the cross: at Confessio Amantis.\u201d MLQ 33 (1972): 240\u201356. the church of St. Leonhard at Traidendorf in the Ober- Simpson, James. Sciences and the Self in Medieval Poetry: Alan of pfalz (after 1470), from the church of St. Wolfgang in Lille\u2019s Anticlaudianus and John Gower\u2019s Confessio Amantis. Munich (now Bavarian National Museum, 1485\u20131490), Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1995. and at St. Arsatius in Ilmm\u00fcnster (about 1500). The Strohm, Paul. \u201cForm and Social Statement in Confessio Amantis high-quality wood figure of a Throne of Grace (Gnaden- and The Canterbury Tales.\u201d SAC 1 (1979): 17\u201340. stuhl) in Schliersee, from about 1480, depends closely Wickert, Maria. Studies in John Gower. Trans. Robert J. Meindl. on an engraving of the same subject by the anonymous Washington, D.C.: University Press of America, 1981 [only Master E. S. book-length study of Vox Clamantis]. Yeager, R.F. John Gower Materials: A Bibliography through See also Nicolaus Gerhaert von Leyden 1979. New York: Garland, 1981. Yeager, R.F. \u201cPax Poetica: On the Pacifism of Chaucer and Further Reading Gower.\u201d SAC 9 (1987): 97\u2013121. Yeager, R.F., ed. John Goiver: Recent Readings. Kalamazoo: Frankl, Paul. \u201cEarly Works of Erasmus Grasser.\u201d Art Quarterly Medieval Institute, 1989. 5 (1942): 242\u2013258. Yeager, R.F. John Gower\u2019s Poetic: The Search for a New Arion. Cambridge: Brewer, 1990. R.F. Yeager GRASSER, ERASMUS (1445\/1450\u20131518) Born between 1445 and 1450 in Schmidm\u00fchlen near Regensburg, this master builder and sculptor in both stone and wood spent his career in Munich. Here he acquired the status of master in 1477, repeatedly held 268","Fuhrmann, Franz. \u201cDie Stadtpfarrkirche zu Unserer Lieben Frau GRATIAN in Schwaz,\u201d in Festschrift Heinz Mackowitz, ed. Sybille-Karin Moser and Christoph Bertsch. Lustenau: Neufeld-Verlag, many kinds of sources, including general and provincial 1985, pp. 87\u201394. councils, papal decretals, the writings of the church fathers, the Pseudo-Isidorian decretals, penitentials, and Halm, Philipp Maria. Erasmus Grasser. Augsburg: Benno Filser secular law. In most cases, the authors of the Decretum Verlag, 1928. took these texts not from the original sources but from earlier canonical collections. M\u00fcller-Meiningen, Johanna. Die Moriskent\u00e4nzer und andere Ar- beiten des Erasmus Grasser f\u00fcr das Alte Rathaus in M\u00fcnchen. Gratian 1 used a larger set of sources than his succes- Munich: Schnell und Steiner, 1984. sor; these sources included, notably, Ivo of Chartres\u2019s Panormia, Anselm of Lucca\u2019s collection, Gregory of Otto, Komelius. Erasmus Grasser und der Meister des Bluten- Saint Grisogono\u2019s Polycarpus, Alger of Li\u00e8ge\u2019s De burger Apostelzyklus. Miscellanea Bavarica Monacensia 150; misericordia et iustitia, and Collectio tripartite. Gra- Neue Schriftenreihe des Stadtarchivs M\u00fcnchen. Munich: tian 2 based much of his work on only three sources: UNI-Druck, 1988. Tripartita, Collection in Three Books, and Justinian\u2019s Corpus iuris civilis. Ramisch, Hans. \u201cFunde und Bemerkungen zu Erasmus Grasser und seinem Umkreis.\u201d Bayerische Landesamt f\u00fcrDenkmalp- The third part of the Decretum, De consecrathne, was flege, Berichte 26 (1968): 83\u201395. added, complete, in the second recension. The structure of the work is otherwise similar in both recensions. Rorimer, James J. \u201cThree Kings from Lichtenthal.\u201d The Metro- In the first recension, the first part was a long treatise politan Museum of Art Bulletin 12 (1953): 81\u201391. without any internal divisions; in the second recension it was divided into 101 distinctiones. The second part was Brigitte Schliewen divided into thirty-six causae, outlining thirty-six more or less complicated legal cases. In each case, Gratian iso- GRATIAN (mid-12th century) lated two to eleven questions and treated them separately in questiones. The subjects treated include the nature The Bolognese jurist Gratian is famous as the author of of law, the hierarchy of the church, clerical ordination, Concordia discordantium canonum, better-known as the legal procedure, the power and duties of bishops and Decretum. This collection of church laws remained in the clergy, ecclesiastical censure, monasticism, heresy, use in law schools and courts for the rest of the Middle marriage, and penance. The only major subject added in Ages and beyond, until 1917. the second recension was law concerning the remaining sacraments (in De consecratione). Very little is known about Gratian\u2019s life. He was perhaps the Gratian who in 1143 in Venice, together In collecting a mass of law, Gratians 1 and 2 fol- with two other Bolognese jurists, advised a papal leg- lowed in the footsteps of earlier canonists. Gratian 1\u2019s ate on a legal issue. Assertions that he was a monk or a innovation was to apply the dialectic methods of early bishop rest on precarious evidence. From the form and scholasticism to the body of law that he had collected. contents of the Decretum, it seems clear that he was a Foremost among his methods of reconciling seemingly teacher of canon law. contradictory statements is the distinction between dif- ferent meanings of the same word. Elsewhere, he points The Decretum first circulated in a short version pre- out that a specific law concerns a special case, place, served in four manuscripts and a fragment (not edited, or time. The methods were probably inspired by Ivo of but for lists of its contents see Winroth 2000). This first Chartres\u2019s Prologue and Alger of Li\u00e8ge\u2019s De miseri- recension was finished in 1139 or somewhat later; the cordia et iustitia. There is no evidence that Gratian 1\u2019s second recension was completed by the early 1150s (see methods were influenced by Aristotle, Peter Abelard, Friedberg 1879). It has been argued that Gratian was the or Roman law. author of only the first recension and that a student of his who had also studied Roman law was responsible Gratian 1 shows very little knowledge of Roman for the second recension; for convenience, the two law from Justinian\u2019s codifications; instead he made use supposed authors are called, respectively, Gratian 1 of pre-Justinian Roman law transmitted, for example, and Gratian 2. through Lex Romdna Visigothorum and the Pseudo- Isidorian decretals. His reliance on so-called vulgar The first recension contained approximately 1,900 Roman law meant that his concept of many legal issues excerpts of ecclesiastical law, or canons. The canons appeared disturbingly primitive to Gratian 2, who in were accompanied by brief comments (dicta) in which such cases supplemented the first recension with skillful Gratian interpreted the legal texts and attempted to compilations of excerpts from Corpus iuris civilis. harmonize contradictions among them. The first recen- sion was included, practically complete, in the second Also, in purely canonical matters the work of Gratian recension, which added further canons so that the total 2 is characterized by more sophisticated jurispruden- amounted to some 3,800. Only a few new dicta were tial thinking than the work of Gratian 1. For example, composed for this recension. The second recension became accepted as the definitive collection of earlier legislation (the ius antiquum), and later canonists only rarely went back to earlier sources. The legal texts quoted in the Decretum derive from 269","GRATIAN scenes), the play exhibits a strong unity. Greban employs many poetic forms and punctuates the action throughout Gratian 2 introduced the important distinction between with music. The life of Jesus is presented against the \u201cexcommunication\u201d and \u201canathema\u201d as technical terms. background of a cosmic struggle between the forces Gratian 1 had used the two terms interchangeably for of good and evil. This conflict is introduced in the first rhetorical variation. Since Gratian 2 seldom changed or scenes, where Lucifer rebels against God then out of deleted the original text of Gratian 1, the resulting text envy tempts Adam and Eve to fall from grace. Greban\u2019s often seems confused. Passion was played three times in Paris before 1473. It served as the basis for Jean Michel\u2019s Passion play and An enormous number of glosses and commentaries was adapted for production in a number of other cities. on Gratian\u2019s Decretum are preserved. Important com- mentaries were composed by Johannes Faventinus, Further Reading Huguccio, and Johannes Teutonicus, who c. 1215 pub- lished what would become the standard gloss, called the Greban, Amoul. Le myst\u00e8re de la Passion, ed. Omer Jodogne. 2 Glossa ordinaria. Gratian\u2019s enduring fame is endorsed vols. Brussels: Palais des Acad\u00e9mies, 1965\u201383. by Dante, who places him among philosophers in Canto 10 of Paradiso. Champion, Pierre. Histoire po\u00e9tique du quinzi\u00e8me si\u00e8cle. 2 vols. Paris: Champion, 1923, Vol. 2, pp. 133\u201388. Further Reading Alan E. Knight Friedberg, Emil, ed. Decretum magistri Gratiani. Corpus Iuris Canonici, 1. Leipzig: Bernhardi Tauchnitz, 1879. GREGORY I, POPE (c. 540\u2013604) Kuttner, Stephan. Gratian and the Schools of Law, 1140\u20131234. Pope Gregory I (Gregory the Great) is one of the most London: Variorum Reprints, 1983. notable personalities in the early church. The defining characteristics and organization of the medieval papacy, Landau, Peter. Kanones und Dekretalen: Beitr\u00e4ge zur Geschichte and indeed of modern Catholicism, owe their founda- der Quellen des kanonischen Rechts. Goldbach, 1997. tions to Gregory. His legacy includes associations with major liturgical and musical developments, so much Noonan, John T. \u201cGratian Slept Here: The Changing Identity of so that the music of the Catholic church is named for the Father of the Systematic Study of Canon Law.\u201d Traditio, him\u2014Gregorian chant. He is also remembered, among 35, 1979, pp. 145\u2013172. numerous other accomplishments, for sending Saint Au- gustine of Canterbury to evangelize the British Isles. Rambaud, Jacqueline. \u201cLe legs du droit ancien: Gratien.\u201d In L\u2019\u00e2ge classique, 1140\u20141378: Sources et th\u00e9orie du droit. Histoire Early Life du Droit et des Institutions de l\u2019\u00c9glise en Occident, 7. Paris: Sirey, 1965, pp. 52\u2013119. Gregory was descended from the senatorial nobility in Rome. His father, Gordianus, was a wealthy patrician Southern, R. W. Scholastic Humanism and the Unification of of the famous gens Amicia and owned large estates Europe. Oxford: Blackwell, 1995. in Sicily and a mansion on the Caelian Hill in Rome. Gregory\u2019s mother, Silvia, also was of good family; she is Vemlani, Adam. Sur Gratien et les d\u00e9cr\u00e9tales. Aldershot, Hamp- celebrated as a saint on 3 November, and her two sisters shire: Variorum, 1990. were canonized as well. Little is known of Gregory\u2019s early education, but he was, according to Gregory of Weigand, Rudolf. Die Glossen zum Dekret Gratians: Studien Tours (538\u2013594), unsurpassed in Rome in grammar, zu den fr\u00fchen Glossen und Glossenkompositionen. Rome: dialectic, and rhetoric. The religious atmosphere of n.p., 1991. his childhood\u2014a time when, John the Deacon tells us, he was like a saint among saints\u2014gave him an solid Winroth, Anders. \u201cThe Two Recensions of Gratian\u2019s Decretum.\u201d grounding in the scriptures. His rank and position cer- Zeitschrifi der Savigny-Stiftung f\u00fcr Rechtsgeschichte, Kanon- tainly indicated that he should embark on a public career. istische Abteilung, 83, 1996, pp. 22\u201331. Our first record of him is in 573, when he became prefect of Rome at age thirty. Though this office was not then \u2014\u2014. The Making of Gratian\u2019s Decretum. Cambridge Studies as prestigious as it had formerly been, it was still the in Medieval Life and Thought, Series 4(49). Cambridge: highest civil dignity in the city. Soon after achieving Cambridge University Press, 2000. this honor, however, Gregory gave up his office and the tenor of life and became a monk, c. 574. His estates were Anders Winroth donated to the church, and his mansion on the Caelian Hill became a monastery devoted to Saint Andrew. GREBAN, ARNOUL (d. before 1473) Author of a well-known Myst\u00e8re de la Passion, Greban was born in Le Mans and studied theology at the Univer- sity of Paris. From 1450 to 1455, he lived in the cloister of the cathedral of Notre-Dame in Paris, where he was organist and master of the choirboys. It was here that he wrote his Passion play, probably in 1450\u201352. This work is set in the framework of the Proc\u00e8s de Paradis, first introduced by Eustache Marcad\u00e9, and its 35,000 lines are divided into four playing days. Despite its variety of styles (sermons, debates, lamentations) and moods (solemn in Heaven, comic in Hell, pathetic in torture 270","Monastic Life GREGORY I, POPE From 574 to 578, Gregory lived as a monk in Saint infirmities. The short work Liber pastoralis curae (Book Andrew\u2019s, probably following the rule of Saint Benedict. on the Office of a Bishop) was published by Gregory In his own writings he describes this as the happiest at the beginning of his pontificate, and he adhered to it time of his life. In 578, Gregory\u2014against his will\u2014was closely. One of his first acts was to replace the laypeople ordained by the pope and was sent as the pope\u2019s ambas- in the Lateran palace with clerics; and since no magister sador to the court of Byzantium. Since the Lombards militum lived in Rome, he also assumed command of all were advancing toward Rome, the pope needed the help military matters in the city. He instituted the \u201cstations\u201d of Emperor Tiberius, and this crisis required Gregory\u2019s still observed today and recorded in the missal. political acumen. For six years, Gregory endured the worldly court at Byzantium, adhering as much as pos- There is some disagreement on the extent of Grego- sible to his monastic regimen. It was during this time ry\u2019s reforms of the Roman liturgy, but he did make the that he wrote his Morals on the book of Job, after meet- following modifications: ing Saint Leander of Seville. A dispute arose between Gregory and Eutychius, the patriarch of Constantinople, 1. He ordered the paternoster (Lord\u2019s prayer) to on certain aspects of the resurrection. Gregory\u2019s mission be recited in the canon before the breaking of was a failure, and he learned from it that Rome could no the host. longer count on help from the eastern church. Gregory\u2019s subsequent course of action as pope would determine 2. He prohibited the use of the chasuble by subdea- the policy of the western papacy toward Constantinople cons assisting at mass. throughout the Middle Ages. 3. He inserted the words diesque nostros in tua Around 585\u2013586, Gregory returned to Rome and pace disponas, atque ab aeterna damnatione Saint Andrew\u2019s monastery, where he was elected ab- nos eripi, et in electorum tuorum jubras grege bot soon afterward. During this time, his Morals was numerari in the canon of the mass. published and distributed. Gregory\u2019s famous encounter with English slaves in the Roman Forum also happened 4. He provided that the alleluia should be chanted during this period. As a result of his renown, he advanced after the gradual except during paschaltide (the to become chief adviser, assistant, and secretary to Pope period following Easter). Pelagius II. A letter by Gregory to the schismatic bishops of Istria still survives from this time; as a treatise, it gives 5. He forbade deacons to perform any of the musi- hints of his skill as a writer and theologian. cal portions of the mass other than singing the gospel. The year 589 brought disasters throughout Italy. The Tiber overflowed its banks, and indeed there were floods Gregory was a peerless manager of the vast estates in the entire peninsula. A plague swept through Rome, owned by the church: the yearly income from its leaving the city full of corpses and virtually deserted landholdings in Africa, Sicily, and Campania\u2014well by the living. When Pope Pelagius II died in February over 1,300 square miles (3,380 square kilometers) all 590, the clergy and people of Rome were unanimous in together\u2014has been estimated at more than $1.5 million their choice of Gregory as his successor; but Gregory, by today\u2019s standards. He appointed clerics as his rectors, who did not want to be pope, wrote to Emperor Maurice teaching them how to provide detailed accounts and asking him not to confirm the election. While waiting reports concerning their districts. for a reply, Gregory was called on to lead a sevenfold procession through Rome, praying to God to end the Even though much of Italian territory was in the plague. The legend that the archangel Michael himself hands of the Lombards and their Arian clergy, Gregory was seen stopping the plague reinforced the belief tried to care for the needs of the faithful in these dio- among the Romans that Gregory was God\u2019s elect, and ceses whenever an opportunity arose. On the islands when the emperor confirmed their choice Gregory near Italy, of which Sicily was the largest and most was consecrated pope on 3 September 590, despite his important, he maintained and strengthened the existing protests. church structure. Local synods on a regular basis were strictly enforced, and Gregory\u2019s many letters attest to Gregory\u2019s Pontificate (590\u2013604) his concern for this practice. He approached the filling of bishoprics in a disciplined way, enforced the celibacy The papacy proved to be a considerable strain on Greg- of the clergy, maintained the exemption of clerics from ory\u2019s health; he suffered constantly from indigestion, lay tribunals, and did not hesitate to deprive clerics of fever, and also from gout during the later years of his life. their holdings and offices if they were guilty of criminal It is remarkable how much he accomplished despite his or scandalous offenses. It is well documented that Gregory maintained, strengthened, and extended the powers, privileges, and jurisdiction of the head of the Roman see over all other Christian churches. In fact, Gregory\u2019s claim that the Roman see had supreme authority over the church universal was the basis for the primacy of the papacy 271","GREGORY I, POPE Gregory\u2019s firm opinions on discipline, order, austerity, and obedience among monks, abbots, and bishops are in the medieval period and in modern times. The title extensively recorded in his numerous letters and were of ecumenical bishop assumed by the patriarch of Con- applied by many monastic orders during the Middle stantinople was brought up for debate by Gregory at a Ages. synod held in 588. His manner toward all bishops and patriarchs, western or eastern, was cordial, despite his The last years of Gregory\u2019s life were filled with suf- differences with the eastern church. fering, both mental and physical. He died on 12 March 604, and his body was displayed in the portico of Saint In his relations with the Lombards, Gregory worked Peter\u2019s basilica. His relics were moved several times hard to achieve a lasting peace. Authari, king of the during the medieval period and later, most recently by Lombards, died a few days after Gregory\u2019s consecration Pope Paul V in 1606. He was canonized immediately by as pope and was succeeded by Agilulf, duke of Turin. popular acclaim. In art, the dove is his special emblem, Gregory attempted to negotiate a separate peace for because of a story, recorded by Peter the Deacon, that a Rome with the Lombards, using Queen Theodolinda, dove placed the word of God on Gregory\u2019s lips while he who was a Catholic and a close friend, as an interme- was dictating his homilies on Ezekiel to his secretary. diary with King Agilulf and other Lombard chiefs. He exercised his temporal authority in response to the Lom- Gregory the Great was not a philosopher or a man of bard threat by appointing governors to cities, providing profound learning; but he was a trained Roman lawyer, a munitions, counseling generals, sending ambassadors, monk and missionary, a highly regarded preacher, and a and negotiating, often without imperial authorization leader of men. His two major contributions to the papacy from Constantinople. were his intense focus on convincing the world that the see of Peter was the one supreme, decisive, authority Gregory\u2019s connections with the Franks were perhaps in the Catholic church, and his mission to the British the most important legacy of his papacy, because they Isles. He enabled the papacy, eventually, to become a resulted directly in his major diplomatic and spiritual power stronger than king, emperor, or patriarch. In his accomplishment\u2014the missionary effort in the British writings, Gregory summed up the teachings of the early Isles. The Kentish queen, Bertha, was a Catholic Frank fathers in a harmonious whole, so that they became a who wrote to Gregory often and at length, asking him textbook for laymen and clerics alike throughout the to send spiritual ambassadors to the Kentish court and medieval period. Writings confidently attributed to eventually to the entire island. The story of the mission Gregory are Moralium libri XXXV, Regulae pastoralis to England of Saint Augustine of Canterbury in 597 was liber, Dialogorum libri IV, Homiliarum in evangelia libri recorded in Gregory\u2019s letters and was also recounted by II, Homiliarum in eqechielem prophetam libri II, and an anonymous monk of the English abbey at Whitby in Epistolarum libri XIV. Gregory\u2019s extensive contributions the early eighth century. The English mission eventually to the standardization of the liturgy and liturgical music brought together the Celtic and the Roman churches include several hymns, the Gregorian sacramentary, and that had been torn apart by the breakup of the Roman the antiphonary. empire two centuries earlier. After settling ecclesiasti- cal and liturgical practices, English monasticism would See also Augustine of Canterbury reach its full flowering in the early ninth century, when Alcuin, a monk of York, became chief spiritual adviser Further Reading to Charlemagne. Gregory\u2019s accomplishment earned him the title \u201capostle to the English.\u201d Editions In his relations with the imperial government, Epistolae, ed. P. Ewald and L. M. Hartmann. Monumenta Ger- Gregory again trod new ground. He believed that church maniae Historica, Epist., 1, 2. Berlin, 1891\u20131899. and state should form a united whole, yet be as distinct and independent from each other as possible in their Opera Sancti Gregorii Magni. Editio princeps, Paris, 1518; ed. P. respective spheres, the ecclesiastical and the secular. Tossianensis, 6 vols., Rome, 1588\u20131603; ed. P. Goussainville, The records of the imperial government centered in 3 vols., Paris, 1675; ed. Cong. S. Mauri (Saint-Marthe, 4 vols., Constantinople under Emperor Maurice and eventually Paris, 1705; reedited with additions by J. B. Gallicioli, 17 Emperor Phocus are a source for the interaction between vols., Venice, 1768\u20131776, reprinted in Jacques-Paul Migne, it and the Roman church, as is Gregory\u2019s immense cor- Patrologia Latina, 75\u201379. respondence. Translations Besides his missionary effort to the Angles, Gregory also made efforts to root out paganism in Gaul, Africa, The Book of Pastoral Care, trans. J. Barmby. In Nicene and Post- northern Italy, and Istria. His policy toward schismatics, Nicene Fathers, Series 2(12). Oxford and New York, 1895. pagans, and heretics was to use persuasion first and force only as a last resort. His contribution to monasticism King Alfred\u2019s West Saxon Version of Gregory\u2019s Pastoral Care, ed. followed naturally from his own background as a monk. H. Sweet. London, 1871. Studies Barmby, J. Gregory the Great. London, 1879. (Reissue, 1892.) 272","Dudden, F. Gregory the Great: His Place in History and in GREGORY VII, POPE Thought, 2 vols. London, 1905. or structure. Scholars have tried to present Gregory as Marcus, R. Gregory the Great and His World. Cambridge, a beguiling storyteller, or as an advocate for the earlier 1997. and sterner rule the Franks had enjoyed under Clovis, or as a provider of a cure for the disorder of his times, or Snow, T. Saint Gregory the Great: His Work and His Spirit. as the sincere author of an artless reflection of the chaos London, 1892. of Merovingian society in general. A more charitable assessment sees Gregory as intentionally presenting Straw, C. Gregory the Great. Aldershot, 1996. history as chaotic: the very nature of secular history, \u2014\u2014. Gregory the Great: Perfection in Imperfection. Berkeley: that is, the story of fallen humanity, is chaos; true order and structure are divine. University of California Press, 1988. Gregory\u2019s other works treat the divine. Here, critics Bradford Lee Eden have viewed him as a credulous hagiographer, devoid of the analytical intellect obvious in the Histories. For GREGORY OF TOURS (ca. 538\u2013594) Gregory, however, there could be nothing more concrete than God\u2019s power evidenced in a miracle. Particularly Born Georgius Florentius, the man known as Gregory revealing of Gregory, and of the 6th-century Gallic pursued many careers during his fifty-five years of episcopacy generally, is his attitude toward St. Martin. life: monk, author, builder, administrator, ambassador, Martin had been bishop of Tours two centuries before, propagandist, politician, and bishop of Tours. He was and that city guarded his relics. Gregory saw himself descended from rich and influential families on both as Martin\u2019s successor; Martin was his present guide. his father\u2019s and his mother\u2019s side. Senators and bish- Gregory protected Martin\u2019s interests and Martin pro- ops, especially the bishops of Langres and Tours, hung tected Gregory\u2019s city. His relationship to the saint is a thick on the branches of his family tree. Destined for poignant reminder that, though remembered largely for the episcopacy, he spent his youth in the care of uncles having been a historian, Gregory was first and foremost and cousins, all of whom were important churchmen. a Christian bishop. In 573, he was elected bishop of Tours, one of the most powerful of all the Prankish sees, holding its episcopal See also Clovis I throne until his death in 594. Further Reading Gregory vigorously performed his ecclesiastical du- ties and played an active role in both local and national Gregory of Tours. Monumenta Germaniae Historica, Scriptores politics, as he himself tells us. His position often de- Rerum Merovingicarum, ed. Bruno Krusch and Wilhelm Levi- manded that he stand up for Tours against the Frankish son. Hanover: Hahn, 1951; and II\u20132, Hanover: Hahn, 1885. kings, especially Chilperic I (r. 561\u201384) of Neustria. He seems to have found ample time to write. At one point, \u2014\u2014. The History of the Franks, trans. Lewis Thorpe. Harmond- he grouped his massive literary output into five major sworth: Penguin, 1974. works: ten books of Histories, seven books of Miracles (which include four books on the miracles of St. Martin), Goffart, Walter. \u201cGregory of Tours and \u2018The Triumph of Super- one on the Life of the Fathers, a Commentary on the stition.\u2019\u201d In The Narrators of Barbarian History. Princeton: Psalms, and a tract On the Office of the Church. Princeton University Press, 1988, pp. 112\u2013234. Most famous for his Histories, often improperly Hellmann, Siegmund. \u201cStudien zur mittelalterliche Geschich- called History of the Franks (though now scholars are tsschreibung, I, Gregor von Tours.\u201d Historische Zeitschrift gaining a great deal from his other works as well), 107 (1911): 1\u201343. Gregory is certainly the first writer in medieval France worthy to be called a historian. The Histories were not Wallace-Hadrill, J. M. The Long-Haired Kings. Toronto: Univer- conceived specifically as a \u201cHistory of the Franks,\u201d but sity of Toronto Press, 1982, pp. 49\u201370. within 200 years of their completion this became their most common name. They are by far our most valuable Richard A. Gerberding source for Merovingian Gaul; the Frankish Dark Ages would be even darker without them. GREGORY VII, POPE (c. 1020\u20131085, r. 1073\u20131085) Drawing on the Bible, Eusebius, Jerome, Orosius, Sulpicius Severus, Renatus Profuturus Frigeridus, Sul- Pope Gregory VII (Hildebrand) was the only Italian picius Alexander, and others, Gregory\u2019s first four books among the eleventh-century reforming popes involved cover world history from Adam to his own age. Book in the investiture controversy, apart from Paschal II (r. 5 begins with an elaborate preface and completes the 1099\u20131118). Gregory VII was born in southern Tus- work with accounts of Gregory\u2019s own times. The overall cany (possibly in Soana) into a well-to-do family and result is, especially in the later books, frequently con- came to Rome as a young child. In his letters, Gregory fusing. While perceptive and analytical, Gregory often mentions that he grew up in the bosom of the Roman skips from episode to episode without obvious order church, and he refers to the special guardianship of the apostle Peter, as well as to a Roman palace (perhaps the 273","GREGORY VII, POPE was the power behind the papal throne during his more than twenty years at the curia. Lateran) where he attended school with other upper- class Romans. He spent some time at the monastery of Pontificate Saint Mary on the Aventine Hill, where his uncle was abbot. Saint Mary\u2019s had once been reformed by Abbot During the funeral of Alexander II on 22 April 1073, Hil- Odo of Cluny and had connections with certain local debrand was proclaimed Pope Gregory VII in a tumultu- reformers of the church. ous election by the Roman people\u2014an election that was subsequently formalized by the cardinals, the clergy, The first secure date for Gregory VII\u2014then Hil- and the Roman laity in San Pietro in Vincoli. Gregory\u2019s debrand\u2014is January 1047. He accompanied Pope pontificate is relatively well known. His invaluable Gregory VI (r. 1045\u20131046) into exile in Germany after register, the official papal record containing chiefly his the latter\u2019s deposition by Emperor Henry III at the synod letters but also some synodal protocols, feudal oaths, of Sutri (20 December 1046). In early 1049, Hildebrand etc., is still preserved in the Vatican\u2019s Archivio Segreto. returned to Rome in the entourage of Pope Leo IX (r. It provides a solid basis for an evaluation of Gregory\u2019s 1049\u20131054). He had probably become a monk by then, policies, but it is limited because only a certain number although it remains unclear where and when he made his of letters were registered (the selection criteria are un- vows. Certainly, however, this did not occur at Cluny. known), because many important letters were originally In Rome, he became subdeacon and then rector of the supplemented with oral messages, and not least because Abbey of Saint Paul\u2019s Outside the Walls. He was sent many of Gregory\u2019s declarations are ambiguous and often as papal legate in 1054 to the synod of Tours and in impenetrable for modern readers. 1056 to the synod of Chalon-sur-Sa\u00f4ne. The synod at Tours was concerned with the teachings of Berengar of Gregory interpreted his election as a call by God to Tours on the eucharist (a topic that Hildebrand would continue unhesitatingly, not to say ruthlessly, the fight have to deal with again later, as pope); the synod at for what he considered the proper world order and to Chalon dealt with simony and led to the deposition of restore the church to its original splendor, as envisioned six simoniac bishops by Hildebrand. At least once during by the eleventh-century reformers. He linked the battle these years, Hildebrand must have been at the court of against simony and for celibacy\u2014the chief characteris- Emperor Henry III (d. 5 October 1056); later, as pope, he tics of the Gregorian reform (which took its name from would note that Henry III honored him more than other him)\u2014with a marked emphasis on the primacy of the Italians. Moreover, Hildebrand participated in a court papacy. This primacy did indeed include the subordina- ceremony in which the boy Henry IV (r. 1056\u20131105) tion of all temporal Christian governments to the pope\u2019s was either elected or acclaimed king. In 1057, Pope authority, but it applied first of all to the ecclesiastical Stephen IX (r. 1057\u20131058) once again sent Hildebrand hierarchy. In Gregory\u2019s view, all Christians, including to Germany, together with Anselm of Lucca (later Pope kings and emperors, owed the papacy unquestioned obe- Alexander II, r. 1061\u20131073). Stephen IX demanded a dience because the pope alone, by virtue of his mystic solemn oath from the cardinal bishops and the clergy connection with Saint Peter, would never deviate from and laity of Rome that if he died they would await the Christian faith. According to Gregory, Saint Peter Hildebrand\u2019s return from Germany before electing a himself, through the pope, directed the church. Obedi- successor; this is an indication of Hildebrand\u2019s standing ence to God became obedience to the papacy. in Rome. It is very likely that Hildebrand collaborated actively with Stephen\u2019s successor, Pope Nicholas II Gregory\u2019s attitude had profound political conse- (r. 1059\u20131061) and helped shape Nicholas\u2019s policies quences. He emphasized the territorial claims of the toward the Normans and the Patarenes; but it is dif- papacy and tried to bring several areas of Europe ficult to identify Hildebrand\u2019s influence precisely or to under the overlordship of Saint Peter, i.e., the pope. determine whether he differed from other reformers. The conditions varied; they included the simple oath Apparently, he did not sign the election decree of the of fealty by William of Burgundy and clearly feudal Lateran synod of April\u2014May 1059, but in a speech at relationships involving homage and investiture as well this council he severely condemned the Aachen rule of as fealty. The popes thus became feudal lords. The vas- 816 for regular canons, which had permitted the holding sals\u2019 obligations corresponded to those customary in the of private property. In the autumn of 1059, Nicholas II secular sphere and included military and financial aid. named Hildebrand archdeacon of the Roman church, Examples are the alliances with the Normans (1059), entrusted with financial, judicial, and military tasks. Aragon (1068), Denmark, Hungary, Kiev, Croatia, and Hildebrand would also have been responsible for the Dalmatia. Like his predecessor, Gregory supported the papal states, would have acted as vicar during the pope\u2019s reconquista in Spain by French knights, provided that absence, and would have administered the see of Rome they were willing to take over the conquered lands as during a vacancy. These were heavy responsibilities, but vassals of Saint Peter\u2014since, Gregory argued, Spain it would be an exaggeration to claim that Hildebrand 274","had belonged to Peter from ancient times. Some princes GREGORY VII, POPE of Poland and Bohemia had asked Gregory for support of their claims, and it is not surprising that he expected The effect of the excommunication was tremendous. special links to the papacy in return. He saw the re- Gregory assumed that he had historical precedents on his lationship with England similarly. In 1080, he wrote side, but never before had a pope deposed a king. Greg- to William the Conqueror, reminding William of his ory\u2019s deposition of Henry was then, and has remained, assistance in 1066. As we can gather from William\u2019s his most hotly debated action. Gregory had pursued to negative reply, the messengers who delivered the letter its logical conclusion his conviction that papal primacy had asked him to do homage for England to the pope. was secular as well as spiritual. Church reform now be- The legal premises for the largely unsuccessful papal came a struggle over dominance between priestly power claims are still disputed, but evidently the Donation and royal power. To save his crown, Henry submitted of Constantine played only a subordinate role. These to Gregory at Canossa (28 January 1077), implicitly feudal relationships\u2014which were an innovation as far recognizing the papal claim to universal lordship. as the papacy was concerned\u2014were intended to further church reform and to gain financial and military support The encounter at Canossa interrupted Gregory\u2019s for papal policies. Episcopal oaths also included the journey to Augsburg, where the German princes had promise of troops. Since Gregory also planned to lead intended to elect a new king. After the reconciliation an army to assist Constantinople against the Muslims, of Henry with the church, Gregory returned to Rome, it is not surprising that he has the reputation of being a but the German princes nevertheless proceeded to elect particularly warlike pope. Rudolf of Swabia (15 March 1077). Gregory waited until the Lenten synod of 1080 to grant Rudolf full Gregory never had occasion to intervene in England; recognition as king; at that time he repeated the excom- and Spain largely accommodated the claims of the pa- munication and deposition of Henry IV. However, Henry pacy. In France and Germany, however, direct interven- had reasserted himself after his absolution at Canossa; tion by the papacy in the appointment of bishops and the new excommunication had little effect; and the king the prohibition of their investiture with ring and staff was victorious in a civil war. A royal synod at Brixen (possibly 1077\u20131078) created severe tension. Especially formally deposed Gregory (25 June 1080) and elected serious were Gregory\u2019s clashes with Germany, although, Wibert (Guibert, Guiberto) of Ravenna pope, or anti- despite some initial problems, there was no hint of this pope; he was eventually enthroned in 1084 as Clement at the outset of Gregory\u2019s pontificate. Gregory, who III. Henry\u2019s Italian campaign of 1081 was successfully saw in Henry the future emperor, suggested in a letter concluded when he entered Rome on 21 March 1084; the of December 1074 that Henry was to protect Rome and gates of the city were opened to him by many members the Roman church during the papal crusade. It was the of the Roman clergy who condemned Gregory\u2019s inflex- German episcopacy rather than the king that appeared to ible attitude, and by the Roman populace. Clement III hinder church reform in Germany. Gregory counted on crowned Henry emperor on 31 March 1084. Gregory Henry\u2019s support. But events taught him otherwise, and in VII had fled to Castel Sant\u2019Angelo. He was freed by his a letter of December 1075 to Henry, Gregory can barely Norman vassal Robert Guiscard in May and accompa- contain his anger. It is possible that the oral message nied Robert to Salerno; there, in exile, Gregory died on accompanying the missive was a threat of excommuni- 25 May 1085. Pope Paul V canonized Gregory in 1606, cation. In harsh language, Gregory blamed Henry espe- and his feast day (25 May) was expanded from Salerno cially on account of the customary royal appointments to the entire church in 1728. to the Italian bishoprics of Milan, Fermo, and Spoleto. A second issue was Henry\u2019s continued contact with his Gregory VII was certainly one of the great medi- excommunicated advisers. On 24 January 1076, at the eval popes. The history of papal primacy\u2014especially Diet of Worms, Henry IV and the vast majority of the but not only with regard to secular power\u2014cannot be German bishops replied in even harsher terms. In a let- imagined without him. Gregory attempted to translate ter addressed to \u201cBrother Hildebrand,\u201d they renounced his own religious experience, with its mystical core, into their obedience to Gregory. The king asked Gregory to historical reality. Concepts that he grasped intuitively abdicate and the Romans to elect a new pope. Northern were legally and theoretically elaborated in the twelfth Italian bishops immediately joined in this renunciation and thirteenth centuries, resulting in what is known as of obedience. The letters reached Gregory during the the papal monarchy. Lenten synod (14\u201320 February 1076), and he replied at once, declaring Henry deposed and absolving See also Henry IV, Emperor; Robert Guiscard; all of Henry\u2019s Christian subjects from their oath of William I fealty. Henceforth no one was to serve Henry as king, and Henry was anathematized. Further Reading Sources Cowdrey, H. E. J. The Epistolae vagantes of Pope Gregory VII. Oxford: Clarendon, 1972. 275","GREGORY VII, POPE stantipes are articulated by alternating phrases called puncta (each with first and second endings) with the Epistolae selectae. Monumenta Germaniae Historica, 2(1\u20132). refrain and are best played on the vielle. Das Register Gregors VII, ed. Erich Caspar. Berlin: Weid- For polyphonic music, Grocheio discusses the motet, mannsche Buchhandlung, 1920\u20131923. organum, conductus, and hocket, describing a successive Santifaller, Leo. Quellen u.Forsckungen zum Urkunden-und compositional process in which first the tenor voice is organized and then upper voices are built one at a time Kanzleiwesen Papst Gregors VII. Studi e Testi 190. Vatican over the tenor. City: Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, 1957. Viae Gregorii VII, ed. I. M. Waiterich. In Pontificum romanorum Grocheio peppers his treatise with fascinating com- vitae, Vol. 1. Leipzig: Engelmann, 1862. ments on the social functions of musical forms; for instance, girls and youths in Normandy sing rondeaux Studies at festivals and banquets, stantipes turn the souls of the rich from depraved thinking, motets are not suitable for Benson, Robert L. The Bishop-Elect. Princeton, N.J., Princeton common people, who do not understand their subtleties, University Press, 1968. but should be performed for the learned. Blumenthal, Uta-Renate. \u201cGregor VII., Papst.\u201d In Theologische Further Reading Realenzyklopaedie, 14, pp.145\u2013152. Grocheio, Johannes de. Die Quellenhandschriften zum Musik- \u2014\u2014. The Investiture Controversy. Philadelphia: University of traktat des Johannes de Grocheio, ed. Ernst Rohloff. Leipzig: Pennsylvania Press, 1988. (Translation by the author of Der Deutscher Verlag f\u00fcr Musik, 1972. Investiturstreit. Stuttgart: Kohlhammer, 1982.) \u2014\u2014. Johannes de Grocheo: Concerning Music (De musica), Brooke, Zachary Nugent. The English Church and the Papacy. trans. Albert Seay. 2nd ed. Colorado Springs: Colorado Col- Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1931. (Reprints, lege Music Press, 1973. 1952, 1968.) Page, Christopher. \u201cJohannes de Grocheio on Secular Music: Robinson, Ian S. \u201cPope Gregory VII and Episcopal Authority.\u201d A Corrected Text and a New Translation.\u201d Plainsong and Viator, 9, 1978, pp. 103\u2013131. Medieval Music 2 (1993): 17\u201341. \u2014\u2014. The Papacy. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, \u2014\u2014 Discarding Images: Reflections on Music and Culture in 1990. Medieval France. Oxford: Clarendon, 1993, pp. 65\u2013111. Uta-Renate Blumenthal Stevens, John. Words and Music in the Middle Ages: Song, Narra- tive, Dance and Drama, 1050\u20131350. Cambridge: Cambridge GROCHEIO, JOHANNES DE University Press, 1986, pp. 429\u201334. (fl. ca. 1300) Lawrence Earp French music theorist, whose treatise De musica is our most important source of information on genre GROSSETESTE, ROBERT distinctions between medieval French secular music (ca. 1170\u20131253) with vernacular texts and instrumental music. Grocheio focuses on the musical practice of Paris, distinguishing The great English scholar and bishop of Lincoln broadly between monophonic vernacular music (musica (1235\u201353). Born in Suffolk of humble parentage, he vulgaris), measured, or polyphonic, music (musica men- probably spent his early years as clerk in the episcopal surata), and sacred music (musica ecclesiastica). households at Lincoln and Hereford. While his educa- tion in Oxford or Paris is a matter of conjecture, he was Grocheio divides musica vulgaris into cantus (vo- master of theology in Oxford by the early 1220s and cal music without refrain) and cantilena (popular was subsequently elected chancellor of the university. dance music with refrain). There are three categories In 1229\u201330 he was the first Oxford lecturer to the newly of cantus: gestualis, versualis, and coronatus. Cantus arrived Franciscans. gestualis refers to French medieval epic, the chanson de geste. Grocheio provides more information than any As a scholar Grosseteste was among the early-13th- other source about the performance practice of the epic. century theologians who contributed to the development Cantus versicularis refers to French chansons organized of the western scientific tradition. A scientific observer by syllable count and rhyme scheme, that is, the songs of of causes and predictor of consequences, he urged the the troubadours and trouveres. Cantus coronatus refers use of experiments in natural sciences. In his method- to particularly distinguished and elevated examples of ology he began with individual cases and worked to cantus versualis, the grands chants courtois. formulate general rules. His study of optics, for example, led him to ascribe to light a central role in the production Under the term cantilena, Grocheio provides us with and constitution of the physical world. our best descriptions of popular dance forms, distin- guishing rotundellus (rondeau), stantipes (estampie), Grosseteste\u2019s works, written in Latin, French, and and ductia (carole), the latter two with both vocal and instrumental forms. He provides a useful distinction between dance forms in which all parts of the song are dependent on the refrain (i.e., rondeau) from those that have additional music not dependent on the refrain (i.e., virelai and ballade). The instrumental ductia and 276","English, included scientific, philosophical, theological, GUESCLIN, BERTRAND DU and pastoral treatises. His theological works included the Hexaemeron (1230s) and numerous biblical commentar- 1359, at the bridge of Juigne in 1360, and at Auray in ies and sermons. He wrote important commentaries on 1364. In this last battle, Charles de Blois was killed and Aristotle\u2019s Posterior Analytics and Physics and trans- Montfort became duke of Brittany. lated the Nicomocheon Ethics from Greek into Latin. His scientific interests were reflected in books on astronomy, With Normandy and Brittany now pacified, Du Gues- comets, the tides, mathematics, and the rainbow. clin devoted the rest of the 1360s to service in southern France and Spain. Louis of Anjou, brother of Charles V, As a bishop with a strong sense of pastoral responsi- was royal lieutenant in Languedoc and needed him to bilities Grosseteste was an important figure in the reform lead numerous routiers (unemployed soldiers) outside movement in the 13th-century church; his devotional the realm on campaigns in Provence and Castile. His treatises were influential and widely read. While he successful expedition to Spain in 1365 was followed by supported the doctrine of papal plenitude of power, he his defeat and capture at N\u00e1jera in 1367. In 1369, how- clashed with the papacy over the growing practice of ever, he returned to Spain and reinstalled a pro-French papal provisions (direct papal appointment of ecclesi- king on the Castilian throne. astical personnel) and attacked corrupt papal politics at Rome in 1250. Rarely successful at pitched battles, Du Guesclin was adept at handling bands of routiers and fighting with Robert Grosseteste died on 9 October 1253. His their tactics. In 1370, when a routier chieftain, Robert books and notes were bequeathed to the Franciscan Knolles, was leading an English raid into northwestern library at Oxford, ensuring his continuing scholarly France, Charles V summoned Du Guesclin and made influence on later generations of Oxford scholars. him constable. The latter then made a private alliance with Olivier de Clisson, a wealthy Breton lord who had See also Bacon, Roger fought against him at Auray and N\u00e1jera. Clisson brought powerful contingents of Bretons into the French army, Further Reading and he and Du Guesclin conquered Poitou and Saintonge in 1371\u201372. In 1373, they secured Brittany, whose duke Callus, Daniel A., ed. Robert Grosseteste: Scholar and Bishop. had gone over to the English. Oxford: Clarendon, 1955 For the next five years, the constable led French Crombie, A.C. Robert Grosseteste and the Origins of Experimen- forces against the English in various parts of France. At tal Science, 1100-1700. Oxford: Clarendon, 1953 the end of 1378, Charles V made the political error of trying to confiscate Brittany. Du Guesclin, one of those Southern, R.W. Robert Grosseteste: The Growth of an English charged with implementing this unpopular decision, Mind in Medieval Europe, Oxford: Clarendon, 1986. was reluctant to do so, since many of his old comrades had rallied to the duke. Never popular with the king\u2019s GUESCLIN, BERTRAND DU nonmilitary advisers, he was nearly removed from office (ca. 1320\u20131380) but instead was sent to fight against routiers in Auvergne, where he died from an unknown illness (perhaps dysen- Constable of France. Bertrand du Guesclin, perhaps the tery) in the summer of 1380 while besieging the town most famous French warrior of the HundredYears\u2019 War, of Ch\u00e2teauneuf-de-Randon. was the first of three distinguished Breton noblemen to serve as constable of France during this conflict. Du Admired by his contemporaries for his military prow- Guesclin was born into an old but not very wealthy fam- ess, Du Guesclin earned the titles count of Longueville ily. In 1353, he succeeded his father as lord of Broons and duke of Molina. He was buried at Saint-Denis. and a year later was knighted. He began serving the French crown at Pontorson as early as 1351, and for See also Charles II the Bad; Charles V the Wise the next thirteen years his military career was confined to Normandy, where he fought for the king against the Further Reading supporters of Charles the Bad, king of Navarre, and Brit- tany, where he fought for Charles de Blois against Jean Cazelles, Raymond. \u201cDu Guesclin avant Cocherel.\u201d Actes du de Montfort, the English-backed claimant to the duchy. Colloque International de Cocherel (1964): 33\u201340. In 1357, he led the forces that supplied the besieged city of Rennes. In May 1364, he won a great victory over Dupuy, Micheline. Bertrand du Guesclin: capitaine d\u2019aventure, the Navarrese forces at Cocherel in Normandy after conn\u00e9table de France. Paris: Perrin, 1977. feigning a withdrawal that induced his foes to abandon a superior position. In the same period, he also suffered Hay du Chastelet, Paul. Histoire de Bertrand du Guesclin, con- defeats, as the English captured him at Pas d\u2019\u00c9vran in n\u00e9table de France. Paris: Billaine, 1666. Jacob, Yves. Bertrand du Guesclin, conn\u00e9table de France. Paris: Tallandier, 1992. Luce, Sim\u00e9on. Histoire de Bertrand du Guesclin et de son \u00e9poque. Paris: Hachette, 1876. John Bell Henneman, Jr. 277","GUIBERT DE NOGENT 1023 and 1032, perhaps 1025\u20131026); Prologus in an- tiphonarium (later than Micrologus); Regule rhythmice GUIBERT DE NOGENT (later than Micrologus); and Epistola de ignoto cantu (ca. 1064\u2013ca. 1125) (later than Prologus and Regulae rhythmicae). Perhaps best known for his autobiography, De vita In Micrologus, Guido surveyed, principally, the mu- sua sive monodiarum suarum libri tres, and a treatise sic theory that would be of use to a practicing musician. concerning the veneration of relics, De pignoribus He described a scale extending from G at the bottom sanctorum, this Benedictine monk also wrote a popular of the modern bass-clef staff to C in the third space of history of the First Crusade (Gesta Dei per Francos), a the treble, including all natural notes plus B-flat below moral commentary on Genesis, a handbook for preach- middle C, and presented them in a tuning with all perfect ers (Liber quo ordine sermo fieri debeat), and lesser fifths pure. With the addition of B-flat above middle C works. and of the high D and E, this scale and this tuning (the latter since called Pythagorean) became the standard Born at Clermont-en-Beauvaisis in northern France, of the Middle Ages. Guido enumerated and described Guibert was dedicated by his parents to the monastic life. the six intervals most typically used in plainchant and His father died soon after his birth, and he was raised early medieval polyphony (major and minor seconds by his mother, who isolated him from other children. and thirds, perfect fourths and fifths). He presented the As a young adolescent, he entered the monastery of basics of the theory of melodic modes, first explaining Saint-Germer-de-Fly, where he studied not only the the classification of four modal types on the basis of the Bible and theology but also classical authors, especially location of a central tone within the context of a series of Ovid and Virgil. In 1104, he became abbot of a small major and minor seconds above and below that central Benedictine house at Nogent-sous-Coucy. There, he tone, and then describing the division of each into a pair wrote his history of the First Crusade and, in 1115, his differentiated by relatively high or low register. Similar autobiography. Guibert\u2019s attitudes toward his mother, classifications and differentiations persisted in theories sexuality and sexual sins, cleanliness, and his (and oth- of mode throughout the Middle Ages and beyond. He ers\u2019) visionary experiences are important aspects of the described a procedure for composing a melody by deriv- autobiography, which also offers numerous insights into ing its pitches from the vowels of the text to be sung. daily life, education, and social and political history. He described the traditional practice of polyphonic Guibert\u2019s treatise on relics attacks the veneration of a composition with parallel fourths and fifths as \u201charsh\u201d supposed tooth of Christ at the abbey of Saint-M\u00e9dard, (durus) and appended a set of rudimentary counterpoint Soissons, but it is not a total rejection of either the cult rules for using other intervals, particularly at the ends of the saints or the veneration of relics. of phrases, which produce a result he characterized as \u201csoft\u201d (mollis). To all this he added a speculative chapter Further Reading recounting how Pythagoras discovered the nature of musical harmony by studying the weights of hammers Guibert de Nogent. Opera. PL 166. striking an anvil; this story, in one version or another, \u2014\u2014. Autobiographie, ed. and trans. Edmond-Ren\u00e9 Labande. has since been recounted in dozens of music treatises. Micrologus became one of the most widely copied music Paris: Les Belles Lettres, 1981. treatises of the Middle Ages (almost eighty manuscript \u2014\u2014. How to Make a Sermon, trans. George E. McCracken. In sources survive), and one of the most influential. Early Medieval Theology, ed. George E. McCracken with Two of Guido\u2019s innovations, however, must be reck- Allen Cabaniss. Philadelphia: Westminster, 1957. oned even more influential than anything he described \u2014\u2014. Gesta Dei per Francos, ed. M. Thurot. In Recueil des in Micrologus. He seems to have been the first (in Pro- historiens des croisades. 16 vols. Paris: Imprimerie Royale, logus) to describe the use of the staff in music notation: 1879, Vol. 4: Historiens occidentaux, pp. 115\u2013263. the placement, that is, of notes on or between any of a \u2014\u2014. Self and Society in Medieval France: The Memoirs of set of parallel lines, with the positions of C\u2019s and F\u2019s Abbot Guibert of Nogent, trans. John F. Benton. New York: indicated first by the placement of these letters in the Harper Torchbooks, 1970. [Excellent introduction and bib- appropriate positions at the beginning of the staff (like liography.] modern clef signs); and second by the use of the colors \u2014\u2014. De vita sua sive monodiarum suarum libri tres, ed. Georges yellow and red, respectively, to highlight the positions of Bourgin as Histoire de sa vie. Paris: Picard, 1907. the two letters (much as the C and F strings of a harp are colored today). He also seems to have been the first (in Grover A. Zinn Epistola) to name the ascending degrees of the C scale ut re mi fa sol la, syllables derived from the openings of GUIDO D\u2019AREZZO (c. 991\u20131050) lines of the hymn Ut queant laxis\/Resonare fibris.... Guido d\u2019Arezzo (Guido Aretinus) was an important Italian music theorist. The circumstances Guido de- scribes in the prefaces to his treatises place his activity in Arezzo, Pomposa, and Rome c. 1025\u20131032. Four treatises can be attributed to him: Micrologus (between 278","In Regulae rhythmicae Guido reworked in poetic GUIDO DELLE COLONNE form material he had covered for the most part in Micro- logus; he also included one example in staff notation. Smits van Waesberghe, Joseph. \u201cGuido of Arezzo and Musical Improvisation.\u201d Musica Disciplina, 5, 1951a, pp. 55\u201363. Writers of a much later date transposed the series ut re mi fa sol la to pitches other than C and constructed \u2014\u2014. \u201cThe Musical Notation of Guido of Arezzo.\u201d Musica Dis- an interlocking array of such series spanning the entire ciplina, 5, 1951b, pp. 15\u201353. musical gamut. Although the \u201cGuidonian hand\u201d\u2014a representation of the left hand with the notes of the \u2014\u2014. De musico-paedagogico et theoretico Guidone Aretino musical gamut depicted on the various joints of the eiusque vita et moribus. Florence: Olschki, 1953. fingers\u2014was during the Middle Ages and later often attributed to Guido of Arezzo, it is documented only \u2014\u2014. Musikerziehung: Lehre und Theorie der Musik im Mittelal- from the twelfth century. ter. Musikgeschichte in Bildern, 3(3). Leipzig: VEB Deutscher Verlag f\u00fcr Musik, 1969. Further Reading Jan Herlinger Editions GUIDO DELLE COLONNE (13th century) Amelli, Ambrosio M., ed. Guidonis Monachi Aretini Microlo- gus ad praestantiores codices mss. exactus. Rome: Descl\u00e8e, The thirteenth-century judge Guido de (or da) le Col- Lefebvre, 1904. onne di Messina is referred to by Dante in De vulgari eloquentia as Iudex de Columpnis de Messana or simply Gerbert, Martin, ed. Scriptores ecclesiastici de musica sacra as Iudex de Messana. Guido\u2019s name appears in a total of potissimum, Vol. 2. Includes Micrologus, 2\u201324; Prologus in fifteen documents, some of them bearing his signature, antiphonarium (Alie Guidonis regulae de ignoto cantu iden- issued in Messina between 1243 and 1280. This docu- tidem in antiphonarii sui prologum prolatae), 34\u201337; Regule mentary evidence testifies to his activity as a judge in rhythmice (Musicae Guidonis regulae rhythmicae, 25\u201333 that city. Since he was acting in a professional capacity (34?); Epistota de ignoto cantu , 43\u201350. Saint Blasien, 1784. as early as 1243, he must have been born c. 1210; this (Reprint, Hildesheim: Olms, 1963.) date makes it rather unlikely he could be identical with a Guido de Columna who was the author of a Latin ver- \u2014\u2014, and Schola Palaeographica Amstelodamensis, eds. Tres sion of Historia destructionis Troiae, a prose rendition tractatuli Guidonis Aretini: Guidonis Prologus in antiphonar- of Beno\u00eet de Sainte-Maure\u2019s Roman de Troie, begun in ium. Divitiae Musicae Artis, A(3). Buren: Knuf, 1975. 1272 but not finished until 1287. Bertoni (1947) accepts this identity, however, thereby placing Guido\u2019s poetic \u2014\u2014, and Eddie Vetter, eds. Guidonis Aretini Regulae rhythmicae. activity during the Manfred era. Guido\u2019s birthplace is Divitiae Musicae Artis, A(4). Buren: Knuf, 1985. unknown; there is nothing to support Monaci\u2019s claim (1955) that Guido was descended from the Colonna Pesce, Dolores, ed. Guido d\u2019Arezzo\u2019s Regulae rhythmicae, Pro- family in Rome, nor do we have any firm proof that logus antiphonarii, and Epistola ad Michahelem. Ottawa: he was related to the other poet of the same name in Institute of Mediaeval Music, 1999. (With translation.) Messina, Odo delle Colonne. Nothing is known about Guido\u2019s personal life. His poetic legacy consists of Smits van Waesberghe, Joseph, ed. Guidonis Aretini Micrologus. only five canzoni, of which one\u2014La mia vit\u2019 \u00e8 si fort\u2019 Corpus Scriptorum de Musica, 4. N.p.: American Institute of e dura e fera (\u201cMy life is so harsh and fierce\u201d)\u2014is of Musicology, 1955. uncertain attribution: it is described as anonymous in the Vatican Codex (Vat. Lat. 3793) but is given to Guido Translations in the Palatine Codex (Florence, Biblioteca Nazionale Centrale, Banco Rari 217, formerly Palatino 418). Babb, Warren, trans. Hucbald, Guido, and John on Music: Three Included in this count is the poem Gioiosamente canto Medieval Treatises, ed. Claude V. Palisca. Music Theory (\u201cJoyously I sing\u201d), which scholars almost unanimously Translation Series, 3. New Haven, Conn., and London: Yale assign to Guido on the strength of the attributions pro- University Press, 1978. posed by the most reliable manuscripts (Vatican 3793 and Laurentian Rediano 9); but many other codices, Strunk, Oliver, ed. and trans. Source Readings in Music History among them the Palatine, Chigiano L.VIII.308, and from Classical Antiquity through the Romantic Era. New Vatican 3214, concur in giving it to Mazzeo di Ricco, York: Norton, 1950. (See pp. 117\u2013120 for Prologus in an- who may simply have been the recipient rather than the tiphonarium and 121\u2013125 for Epistola de ignoto cantu; the author of the poem. latter is incomplete.) Although Guido delle Colonne\u2019s lyrical production Critical Studies is thus very modest in scope, his poems rank among the most technically elaborate of the Sicilian school. Guido Brockett, Clyde W. \u201cA Comparison of the Five Monochords treats the traditional amorous themes with exceptional of Guido d\u2019Arezzo.\u201d Current Musicology, 32, 1981, pp. rhetorical skill and has at his disposal an impressive fund 29\u201342. of abstract imagery that enables him to bring variety Kartsovnik, Viarcheslav. \u201cInstitutiones grammaticae and Mensura monochordi: A New Source of Guido of Arezzo\u2019s Microlo- gus.\u201d Musica Disciplina, 42, 1988, pp. 7\u201322. Kiesewetter, Raphael Georg. Guido von Arezzo: Sein Leben und Wirken. Leipzig: Breitkopf and Hartel, 1840. Oesch, Hans. Guido von Arezzo: Biographisches und Theo- retisches unter besonderer Be\u00fccksichtigung der sogenannten odonischen Traktate. Publikationen der Schweizerischen Musikforschenden Gesellschaft. Bern: Haupt, 1954. 279","GUIDO DELLE COLONNE France after the First Crusade (1096\u201399), he success- fully led a crusading army to Spain in 1120. Contem- to even the most conventional motifs. His rhetorical porary anecdotes recall him entertaining crowds with resources and his technical virtuosity drew high praise jokes, verses, and stories; some sources style him a from Dante, who, in De vulgari eloquentia, cites two reckless, violent, sarcastic infidel who earned his ex- of Guido\u2019s poems as particularly elegant: Amor che communication. lungiamente m\u2019hai menato (\u201cLove who has driven me for a long time\u201d) and Ancor che l\u2019aigua per lo foco lassi Eleven songs survive, one of doubtful attribution. (\u201cAlthough water, because of fire, loses\u201d). The second Though often seeming to parody or recast a preexist- of these canzoni is quoted as an example of suprema ing tradition, Guilhem\u2019s work lays the foundation for constructio because of its structural complexity and its later troubadour song, including the love lyric, satire, difficult rhyme scheme. Whereas the Sicilians treat the and pastorela; the figures of warrior and lover, boasting motifs of atmospheric and other natural phenomena and humility, ribaldry and nascent courtliness are all merely as part of a comprehensive repertoire designed to represented. Three songs addressed to his \u201ccompanions\u201d offer an illustration of the prevailing cultural-philosophi- jocularly compare women to property (horses, fishing cal climate, Guido delle Colonne is able to move beyond holes, woodlands), subject to legal disputes; in three loosely connected encyclopedic detail to express subtle more, the poet, disguised as a fool or madman, claims analogies between a variety of natural phenomena, and prowess in both word games and sexual games. Four he skillfully applies these images to the nature of love. meditate more soberly on love, using feudal and natural A prime example of his virtuosity in dealing with these metaphors; these inaugurate in Occitan the vocabulary motifs is the poem Ancor che l\u2019aigua per lo foco lassi, and topoi of fin\u2019amors, among them the nature intro- with its intricate associations of fire and snow. It is from duction, with woods and birdsongs inspiring the poet this canzone that Guido Guinizzelli drew the inspiration and the paradoxical joy that cures the sick and drives for his poem Al cor gentil ripara sempre amore (\u201cLove wise men insane. Natural imagery is not confined to always dwells in the noble heart\u201d). the exordium: in a middle strophe, Guilhem compares fragile love to a hawthorn branch that trembles at night See also Beno\u00eet de Sainte-Maure; Dante Alighieri in the freezing rain, then gleams with sunlight the next day. The same poem includes indoor, domestic scenes. Further Reading Recalling a \u201cbattle\u201d with his lady that ended in mutual desire, he concludes that words are cheap: \u201cLet others Bertoni, Giulio. Il Duecento. Milan: Vallardi, 1947, pp. 117\u2013118. brag of love; we have the bread and the knife.\u201d A final Cesareo, G. A. \u201cLa patria di Guido dalle Colonne.\u201d Giornale farewell song recants his youthful frivolity and impiety; throwing off his furs, he relinquishes Poitiers to the care Dantesco,9, 1901, pp. 81ff. of his old enemy Foulques of Anjou. Chiant\u00e8ra, Raffaele. Guido delle Colonne, poeta e storico latino Researches into Guilhem\u2019s sources of inspiration del secolo XIII. Naples, 1956. involve the origins of troubadour poetry itself. In the Contini, Gianfranco. \u201cLe rime di Guido delle Colonne.\u201d Bollet- pastorela-like \u201cpoem of the red cat\u201d (Farai un vers, pos mi sonelh), whose hero feigns muteness (or foreignness) tino del Centro di Studi Filologici e Linguistici Siciliani, 2, to fool two ladies who abduct him for an eight-day orgy, 1954, pp. 178\u2013200. the words babariol, babarian have suggested to some a \u2014\u2014, ed. Poeti del Duecento. Milan-Naples: Ricciardi, 1960, possible Andalusian-Arabic influence. Guilhem\u2019s range Vol. 1, pp. 95\u2013110. of registers is interpreted sometimes as schizophrenia Dionisotti, Carlo. \u201cProposta per Guido Giudice.\u201d Rivista di Cul- (was he two poets?), sometimes as a progression that tura Classica e Medioevale, 7, 1965, pp. 452\u2013466. invents courtliness in moving from bawdy to idealistic Marti, Mario. \u201cIl giudizio di Dante su Guido delle Colonne.\u201d In views of love. If his Farai un vers de dreit nien mocks Con Dante fra i poeti del suo tempo. Lecce: Milella, 1966, distant love: pp. 29\u201342. Monaci, Ernesto. Crestomazia italiana dei primi secoli, rev. ed., Anc non la vi ez am la fort; . . . ed. Felice Arese. Rome, Naples, and Citt\u00e0 di Castello: Societ\u00e0 Quan no la vei, be m\u2019en deport, Ed. Dante Alighieri, 1955, pp. 258\u2013263. No\u00f8m prez un jau: . . . \/ Pasquini, Emilio, and Antonio Enzo Quaglio. Il Duecento dale No sai lo luec ves on s\u2019esta origini a Dante. Bari: Laterza, 1970, pp. 203\u2013210. Torraca, Francesco. \u201cIl giudice Guido delle Colonne di Mes- (\u201cI\u2019ve never seen her and 1 love her a lot. \/ . . .When sina.\u201d In Studi su la lirica italiana del Duecento. Bologna: I don\u2019t see her, I\u2019m quite happy; \/ 1 don\u2019t care a rooster. Zanichelli, 1902, pp. 379\u2013468. \/ . . . I don\u2019t know where she lives\u201d), then what was its Zacca, E. Vita e opere di Guido delle Colonne, Palermo, 1908. antecedent? This and the \u201cred cat\u201d song were, he claims, composed while sleeping; the two poems thus suggest Frede Jensen GUILHEM IX (William IX, 1071\u20131126) The first troubadour was also the seventh count of Poitiers, ninth duke of Aquitaine, and grandfather of Eleanor of Aquitaine. One of the few who returned to 280","dream visions. Guilhem\u2019s verse often uses long lines GUILLAUME DE LORRIS of eleven, twelve, or fourteen syllables (with internal rhyme)\u2014lines seldom used by later troubadours. Stud- Narcissus, a spring at the center of the garden whose ies of his verse forms suggest connections with Latin two brilliant crystals allow one to see all things in the poetry, the liturgy, the popular round dance, and even garden. While looking into the crystals, the Dreamer epic measures. A fragment of his music is preserved as sees a rose, falls in love, and becomes the Lover. The a contrafactum in the 14th-century Jeu de sainte Agn\u00e8s; God of Love now takes his new vassal in charge and though doubtless adapted, it shows the melody\u2019s filiation instructs him carefully in the art of love. The Lover with monastic music. makes an attempt to approach the Rose but is repulsed by Resistance, the figure in charge of the Rose and the See also Eleanor of Aquitaine precincts within the hedge around her. Dejected by his failure and miserable from the pains of love, the rejected Further Reading Lover is approached by Reason, described in Boethian terms as a lady of such lineage that she must have come Guilhem IX. The Poetry of William VII, Count of Poitiers, IX from Paradise, as Nature would not have been able to Duke of Aquitaine, ed. and trans. Gerald A. Bond. New York: make a work of such dimension. Reason reproaches the Garland, 1982. Lover for his foolishness in becoming acquainted with Idleness and explains that the evil he calls love is really \u2014\u2014. Guglielmo IX: poesie, ed. Nicolo Pasero. Modena: Muc- madness. Is it wise or foolish to follow what causes you chi, 1973. to live in grief, she asks? The Lover reacts angrily to Reason\u2019s advice, arguing that it would not be right for Bezzola, Reto R. \u201cGuillaume IX et les origines de 1\u2019amour him to betray his lord, Love. courtois.\u201d Romania 66 (1940): 145\u2013237. The Lover then seeks consolation from a Friend, Amelia E. Van Vleck who advises him that, though Resistance is angry at the moment, he can be overcome by flattery. With the GUILLAUME DE LORRIS (fl. 1220\u201340) aid of Openness and Pity, who plead for mercy on the Lover\u2019s behalf, the Lover once again gains access to The Roman de la Rose of Guillaume de Lorris, a poem Fair Welcome, who is persuaded to allow him to draw of 4,028 lines thought to have been written ca. 1225\u201340, ever nearer the Rose, finally bestowing a kiss. Outraged, has always been linked to jean de Meun\u2019s Roman de Slander arouses Jealousy; Shame, and Fear go to awaken la Rose, a poem more than four times the length of the sleeping Resistance. Angry that he has been duped, Guillaume\u2019s and written as its continuation. It is in Jean\u2019s Resistance chases the Lover from the Rose, and Jeal- poem that the reader learns the names of the authors of ousy builds a prison to keep Fair Welcome locked up. the two works and the fact that Guillaume died before The Lover laments his misery and stresses that he is completing his roman, which he had written some forty worse off now than he was before. The poet returns to years earlier. the contrasting theme of the brevity of love\u2019s pleasures and the eternity of grief that follows. The Lover evokes Although jean de Meun\u2019s roman became one of the Wheel of Fortune, comparing Love\u2019s treatment of the most popular works of the Middle Ages, read and him to Fortune\u2019s own behavior. In the midst of further cited extensively through the Renaissance and existing lamenting, the poem breaks off. in more than 250 manuscripts, Guillaume de Lorris\u2019s unfinished poem has captured the imagination of the From the beginning, the reader of the Roman de la post-18th-century reading public and remains a source Rose is faced with difficulties in understanding Guillau- of lively critical debate. me\u2019s poem. The dream-allegory setting implies multiple levels of meaning, in the medieval sense of allegory as In a prologue of twenty lines, the author discusses saying one thing and meaning another. Macrobius\u2019s the importance of dreams (with a reference to Macro- Commentary on the Dream of Scipio demonstrates the bius) and establishes the dream narrative of the text medieval concern for the dream and its relationship to itself. In the narrative proper, set in. springtime, the other orders of reality. Moreover, the narrator is not dreamer discovers an enclosed garden. On the wall merely the author but also the Dreamer and Lover, who of the garden are portrayed Hate, Felony, Baseness, operates in an objective world of personifications. Or Covetousness, Avarice, Envy, Sadness, Old Age, Hy- are the personifications merely devices for the psycho- pocrisy, and Poverty\u2014all characters excluded from the logical description of the Lover and the Rose? In this inside of the garden. The Dreamer enters through the question lies one of the most difficult medieval problems only gate, guarded by Idleness, a beautiful lady whose concerning the understanding of character and personal- day is spent fixing her hair and face. Inside the garden, ity. But beyond these questions of form and meaning the Dreamer meets Merriment and his friends Beauty, lie questions raised by the narrative itself. What is this Wealth, Generosity, Nobility, Courtesy, and Youth. As garden the Lover enters\u2014a kind of paradise involving the Dreamer makes a tour of the garden, he is stalked by the God of Love and overcome at the Fountain of 281","GUILLAUME DE LORRIS for the Bolognese commune; his father, Guinizello di Magnano, was appointed to the council of the people and a beautiful, elite society and a new form of love that served as a judge and later as podest\u00e0 at Narni. Guido transcends ordinary morality? Or is it a society obsessed Guinizzelli was evidently the eldest of six children. with its own youth and the pleasures of self-gratification, He married Beatrice della Fratta in 1272, and their son careful to exclude images of Old Age and Poverty from Guiduccio was born the following year. Guinizzelli the inner precincts of its own self-interest? Is this a love led an active professional and political life. He was a beyond Reason\u2019s comprehension, or is it the self-delu- member of the Ghibelline Lambertazzi party and was sion of youth calling something amor that is really folie? banished, with his brothers Giacomo and Uberto and his Is this the meaning of the Fountain of Narcissus for the son Guiduccio, by the victorious Guelf Geremei party Lover? Is it really a dangerous fountain that might lead in 1274. He chose Monselice near Padua as his place ultimately to death, or are the crystals a gateway to a of exile and died there. higher form of love? Guinizzelli\u2019s poetry comprises five canzoni and Because the poem breaks off with no hint of how it fifteen sonnets confidently ascribed to him, two frag- will end, or even how near the end the reader is, schol- mentary poems, and four canzoni whose authenticity ars have often turned to jean de Meun\u2019s continuation is disputed. Most of the authentic poems appear in one and other texts for help in interpreting Guillaume\u2019s or more of three great early (late thirteenth- or early formidable roman. It is a poem shrouded in mystery fourteenth-century) manuscript anthologies of Italian and tantalizingly inconclusive. lyric poetry. Two of these anthologies are in Florence: Rediano 9 (Laurentian Library) and Banco Rari 217 See also Jean de Meun, Macrobius (Biblioteca Nazionale Centrale). The third is in the Vati- can Library (Latino 3793) and in later collections\u2014for Further Reading example, Chigi L.VIII.305 (Vatican Library) and the Raccolta Bartoliniana (Accademia della Crusca, Flor- Guillaume de Lorris and Jean de Meun. Le roman de la Rose, ed. ence). Each poem has a separate, often complex, textual and trans. Armand Strubel. Paris: Livre de Poche, 1992. history, and no reliable chronology can be established. Guinizzelli\u2019s verse techniques are generally conserva- \u2014\u2014. Le roman de la Rose, ed. F\u00e9lix Lecoy. 3 vols. Paris: Cham- tive, and his language incorporates forms from Sicilian, pion, 1965\u201370. Proven\u00e7al, Tuscan, Latin, and French sources. All the poems aim at musical effects, but they vary greatly in \u2014\u2014. The Romance of the Rose, trans. Charles Dahlberg. Princ- style. The opening sententia and moralizing tone of the eton: Princeton University Press, 1971. canzone Tegno di folle \u2018mpres\u2019, a lo ver dire (\u201cI think a man foolish, to tell the truth\u201d) echo contemporary Tus- Arden, Heather. The Romance of the Rose. Boston: Twayne, can poets, especially Guittone d\u2019Arezzo. The themes, 1987. diction, and syntactic complexity of Madonna, il fino amor ched eo vo porto (\u201cMy lady, the perfect love I offer \u2014\u2014. The Roman de la Rose: An Annotated Bibliography. New you\u201d) recall the tradition of Sicilian-Proven\u00e7al poetry. York: Garland, 1993. Sonnets like Pur a pensar mi par gran meraviglia (\u201cIt seems a great wonder to me merely to think\u201d) and Fra Batany, Jean. Approches du \u201cRoman de la Rose.\u201d Paris: Bordas, l\u2019altre pene maggio credo sia (\u201cAmong all evils I believe 1974. the worst\u201d) are examples of didactic lyrics in the middle style, whose subject matter Dante (De vulgari eloquen- Brownlee, Kevin, and Sylvia Huot. Rethinking the \u201cRomance of tia, 2.2.6\u201310) identifies as virtue. Volvol te levi, vecchia the Rose\u201d: Text, Image, Reception. Philadelphia: University rabbiosa (\u201cMay a whirlwind strike you, you vicious old of Pennsylvania Press, 1992. woman\u201d) is lively, satiric, and vituperative. Fleming, John V. \u201cThe Roman de la Rose\u201d: A Study in Allegory The poems associated with the dolce stil nuovo and Iconography. Princeton: Princeton University Press, represent a quarter of Guinizzelli\u2019s extant verse, but 1969. on the strength of them Guinizzelli has been regarded variously as a founder or precursor of the changes that Gunn, Alan M.F. The Mirror of Love: A Reinterpretation of the occurred in Florentine poetry between 1280 and 1310. Romance of the Rose. Lubbock: Texas Tech Press, 1952. His most influential piece is the canzone Al cor gentil rempaira sempre amore (\u201cLove returns always to a noble Lewis, C.S. The Allegory of Love. London: Oxford University heart\u201d), which announces two important concepts\u2014the Press, 1936. coexistence of love and the noble heart and the figure of the donna angelicata (angelic beloved). The first Muscatine, Charles. \u201cThe Emergence of Psychological Allegory in Old French Romance,\u201d PMLA 68 (1953): 1160\u201382. Poirion, Daniel. Le roman de la Rose. Paris: Hatier, 1973. Robertson, D.W. A Preface to Chaucer. Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1962. Spearing, Anthony. Medieval Dream-Poetry. Cambridge: Cam- bridge University Press, 1976. Emanuel J. Mickel GUINIZZELLI, GUIDO (c. 1230\u20131276) The Bolognese poet and jurist Guido Guinizzelli is the first great poetic figure associated with the dolce stil nuovo. Although he was once thought to have been from the de\u2019 Principi family, his family was most likely the Magnani. His grandfather, Magnano, was a prosecutor 282","concept associates love with nobility and nobility with GUINIZZELLI, GUIDO character. It consequently addresses a question, much debated by classical and medieval writers\u2014whether rhymes of love.\u201d Dante\u2019s portrayal consciously makes nobility is determined by one\u2019s lineage or one\u2019s in- Guinizzelli the originating figure in the thirteenth-cen- nate qualities. Unlike his predecessors, who describe tury polemic over the Italian love lyric, and it amplifies a process in which the soul is made noble by love, the break from tradition that Guittone and Bonagiunta Guinizzelli argues for a simultaneous appearance: n\u00e9 fe\u2019 saw. Yet Guinizzelli\u2019s actual position is somewhat dif- amor anti che gentil core,\/ne gentil core anti ch\u2019amor, ferent from either view. A precursor of the new style, natura (\u201cNature did not make love before the noble he was at once connected to traditional poetic practice heart,\/Nor the noble heart before love\u201d). The second and committed to experiment and innovation. Unlike the concept redefines the rhetoric of praise. Earlier poets Florentine poets he influenced, Guinizzelli did sharply had spoken of the angelic beloved by approximation, distinguish the stilnovist elements of his work from addressing her as if she were an angel. Guinizzelli ob- the influence of his Sicilian predecessors or his Tuscan jectifies her as the embodiment of spiritual values who contemporaries. Most scholars emphasize the shifting stands between human experience and the abstract truth dimensions of his work\u2014sometimes prestilnovist, of divine creation. In contrast to Dante\u2019s later formula- sometimes protostilnovist. tion of Beatrice, however, Guinizzelli\u2019s beloved finally remains secular and earthbound; she has, he says, the See also Cavalcanti, Guido; Dante Alighieri; likeness of an angel. Guittone d\u2019Arezzo To express these concepts, Guinizzelli draws on Further Reading medieval science and philosophy, giving the poem a richly allusive texture; and he adopts a style of closely Editions reasoned philosophical argumentation. Love\u2019s existence in the noble heart is explained through the Aristotelian- Contini, Gianfranco, ed. Poeti del Duecento, 2 vols. Milan and scholastic analysis of potency and act and through the Naples: Ricciardi, 1960, Vol. 2, pp. 447\u2013485. imagery of astral influences imbuing a precious stone with its properties. Love, the poet says, is like fire on the Edwards, Robert R., ed. and trans. The Poetry of Guido Guinizelli. tip of a candle or a diamond in a vein of ore, while the New York: Garland, 1987. proud man\u2019s boast of his heritage is like mud unchanged by the sun\u2019s power. The lover\u2019s wish to serve his beau- Marti, Mario, ed. Poeti del dolce stil nuovo. Florence: Le Mon- tiful lady duplicates the movement of the Neoplatonic nier, 1969, pp. 35\u2013114. angelic intelligences who contemplate divine perfection directly and instantly understand its wishes. Guiniz- Translations zelli also brings to the poem a Franciscan-Augustinian metaphysics of light, which also influences the stilnovist Goldin, Frederick, trans. German and Italian Lyrics of the Middle sonnets Vedut\u2019 ho la lucente Stella diana (\u201cI have seen Ages. Garden City, N.Y.: Anchor\/Doubleday, 1973. the bright morning star\u201d) and Io vogl\u2019 del ver la mia donna laudare (\u201cI want to praise my lady truly\u201d). Rossetti, Dante Gabriel, trans. The Early Italian Poets. In The Collected Works of Dante Gabriel Rossetti, ed. William M. Guinizzelli\u2019s innovations in theme and style drew Rossetti, 2 vols. London: Ellis and Elvey, 1888, Vol. 2, pp. criticism from conservative poets like Guittone and 263\u2013270. Bonagiunta of Lucca; but Dante admired these innova- tions, and Guinizzelli\u2019s poetic craftsmanship in general. Wilhelm, James J. Lyrics of the Middle Ages. New York: Gar- Dante echoes Al cor gentil in Vita nuova (19 and 20) land, 1990. and cites it in his discussion of nobility in Convivio (4.20). Francesca\u2019s apology for her adulterous love in Critical Studies Inferno 5 ironically echoes it, too. But Guinizzelli\u2019s position in literary history was established by Dante\u2019s Barolini, Teodolinda. Dante\u2019s Poets: Textuality and Truth in the historical representation of him at several points in the Comedy. Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 1984. Comedy. In Purgatorio 11 Oderisi proposes a literary succession from Guinizzelli to Cavalcanti to perhaps Bertelli, Italo. Poeti del dolce stil nuovo: Guido Guinizzelli e a greater poet, presumably Dante. In Purgatorio 24 Lapo Gianni. Pisa: Nistri-Lischi, 1963. Bonagiunta concedes that he and other Sicilian-Tuscan poets fell short of Dante\u2019s dolce stil novo. In Purgatorio \u2014\u2014. La poesia di Guido Guinizzelli e la poetica del dolce stil 26 Dante greets Guinizzelli as \u201cthe father of me and of nuovo. Florence: Le Monnier, 1983. others my betters who ever used sweet and gracious Folena, Gianfranco, ed. Per Guido Guinizzelli: Il comune de Monselice (1276\u20131976). Padua: Antenore, 1980. Ker, W. P. \u201cDante, Guido Guinizelli, and Arnaut Daniel.\u201d Mod- ern Language Review, 4, 1909, pp. 145\u2013152. (Reprinted in Form and Style in Poetry. London: Macmillan, 1929, pp. 319\u2013328.) Marti, Mario. Storia dello stil nuovo, 2 vols. Lecce: Milella, 1973. Moleta, Vincent. Guinizzelli in Dante. Rome: Edizioni di Storia e Letteratura, 1980. Valency, Maurice. In Praise of Love. New York: Macmillan, 1961. Wilkins, Ernest Hatch. \u201cA Note on Guinizelli\u2019s \u2018Al cor gentil\u2019 \u201d Modern Philology, 12, 1914, pp. 325\u2013330. \u2014\u2014. \u201cGuinizelli Praised and Corrected.\u201d In The Invention of the Sonnet and other Studies in Italian Literature, pp. 111\u2013113. Rome: Edizioni di Storia e Letteratura, 1959. Robert R. Edwards 283","GUITTONE D\u2019AREZZO poetics of moral virtue Guittone added a dimension of political philosophy, moving from a defense of collec- GUITTONE D\u2019AREZZO tive culture in his early invectives against the Aretines (c. 1235\u201321 August 1294) (Gente noiosa e villana\u2014\u201dBothersome and uncourtly people\u201d) and the Ghibelline Florentines after the rout Guittone d\u2019Arezzo was the master of thirteenth-century of the Guelfs at Montaperti (Ahi lasso, or \u00e8 stagion de literary culture in Tuscany and Emilia. Guido Guiniz- doler tanto\u2014\u201dAlas, now is the time of great sorrow\u201d) zelli deferred to his command of style; and Dante, like to his later concentration on individual peace as an other poets, experimented with Guittone\u2019s formal tech- integral part of the Christian collective (Magni baroni niques and elevated tone, striving to surpass his poetic certo e rep quasi\u2014 \u201cGreat barons certainly and kings fame and expressivity. In spite of the anti-Guittonean almost\u201d). Guittone\u2019s fusion of rhetorical skill and civil polemic set in motion by the stilnovists, Guittone\u2019s morality solidified, in Italian letters, the perspective of corpus of fifty Italian epistles, fifty canzoni, and some the involved civic poet writing in the vernacular. 250 sonnets\u2014evincing a vast range of formal experi- mentation, political-moral discourse, and public cor- Guittone\u2019s poetics was equally influential among his respondence\u2014profoundly influenced and altered the contemporaries. It was based on the highly elaborated course of vernacular literature in Italy. rhetorical devices of ars dictandi and the complicated formalism of the Occitan trobar clus (hermetic style). Guittone probably joined the order of the Knights In his poetry and letters, which had a common language of Saint Mary (the so-called Frati Gaudenti, \u201cjovial and syntax, Guittone\u2019s style reflects more than studied friars\u201d) in 1265. This was a turning point in his life and and refurbished borrowings of these two earlier tradi- writing; and it is impossible to ignore the other, albeit tions. In both cases, Guittone not only reexamines these sparse, biographical data available to us, for in few poets two sources of knowledge and self-reflection but also of Guittone\u2019s era was the connection between life and tailors them to the cultural needs of the vernacular of literature more keenly developed. Before his took up his day. Guittone\u2019s vernacular exploitation of conven- his literary career in the 1250s, Guittone had an inside tionally Latin-bound rhetoric and his revision of scuro view of municipal politics\u2014perhaps beginning in 1249, parlare (obscure speech) or trobar clus, taken in part when he helped his father in the Aretine treasury. By form his extensive knowledge of Occitan poets (includ- the late 1250s, Guittone\u2019s conservative Guelf values ing Raimbaut d\u2019Aurenga and Arnaut Daniel), represents and his dissatisfaction with Arezzo\u2019s Ghibelline gov- a commitment to link the honored traditions of the past ernment led him to seek voluntary exile in places such with the language and values of the new power base as Pisa, Bologna, and Florence. Pisa is the provenance of the commune. Guittone\u2019s discursive investment in of the most authoritative manuscripts of his works: literary Tuscan inspired two generations of Tuscan and Rediano 9 (Laurentian Library, Florence) and its lateral Emilian literary circles bent on imitating this new, even Riccardiano 2533 (Riccardian Library, Florence). The overextended, attention to the development of a highly wide circulation of Guittone\u2019s literary work during his articulated poetic language. lifetime probably contributed to his stature as the head of an entire poetic movement. Guittone also led the way in challenging other aspects of literary convention. He helped transform the vernacu- There is no doubt that Guittone was a powerful liter- lar poem from something composed for performance ary model for thirteenth-century Tuscan poets. He suc- by singers to a text of writers and correspondents. His ceeded in converting the detached courtly traditions of refinement of the songbook, or song cycle (conjectured the Sicilians and Occitans into a poetry that reflected the to have been five separate collections), and even its il- political and ethical concerns of the municipal citizen, lustration (in Trattato d\u2019amore, \u201cTreatise on Love\u201d), and the pivot of a new Tuscan power structure founded on the his experimentation with expanded verse forms reveal sometimes contradictory worlds of Christian morality his involvement in literature not simply as a vehicle for and the new commercial order. In his writing, Guittone his formal talents but as a committed redefinition of the established a delicate balance between wisdom and relationship of literature to its public. This new sense of wealth by emphasizing the ethics of their acquisition a public, and of a public sphere, runs throughout Gui- and use: Saver. . . . vale in ben condurlo.... [N]on pec- ttone\u2019s works, reshaping the narcissistic \u201cI\u201d of courdy cato in ricchezze e, ma in male aquistarle e male usarle lyrics into a self-reflective individual linked to his fel- (\u201cWisdom is good in that it leads one to happiness. . . . low citizens not through a political faction but through There is no sin in riches, but in acquiring and using them thepolis or city itself (see Letter 14). In his canzone Ora evilly,\u201d Letter 25). The two polysemous foundations of parr\u00e0 s\u2019eo saver\u00f2 cantare (\u201cNow it will be evident if these ethics, often repeated in Guittone\u2019s poetry and I know how to write poetry,\u201d written after his conver- letters as onor e pro (\u201chonor and profit\u201d), are in fact sion), Guittone spells out the four essential elements of the classical concepts of honor and utilitas overlaid human existence: Natura, Dio, ragion scritta, e comune with the Christian ideals of goodness and service and adapted to contemporary mercantile notions of family honor and useful efficiency. To this groundwork of a 284","(\u201cNature, God, philosophy, and common sense\u201d). The GUITTONE D\u2019AREZZO cohesion of civilization depends on trust and the applica- tion of reason. The most basic transgression of that trust, humanity of all citizens, regardless of faction. self-deception, corrupts the entire fabric of civilization: Guittone\u2019s poetic trademark is severe rhetorical che mal l\u2019averebbe d\u2019altrui\/chi se medesimo decede (\u201cfor those who deceive themselves would certainly not artifice. In his early poems, this artifice is penetrable have mercy from others,\u201d in O dolce terra aretina). Thus only by \u201cthose who love\u201d: Scuro saccio che par lo\/mio when Guittone adddresses Finfo del Buono (Letter 20), detto, ma\u2019che parlo\/a chi s\u2019entend\u2019ed ame, \u201cI know my or an infirm brother (Letter 21), or any of his numerous writing may seem obscure, except that I speak to those verse and epistolary correspondents (his societas amico- who have understanding and love\u201d (in Tuttor, s\u2019eo veglio rum), he also addresses the citizenry at large, embracing o dormo, \u201cAlways if I lie awake or sleep\u201d). In his later the universal within the individual. poems it is penetrable by those who have forgone the constraints of love (\u201cwhere . . . madness reigns,\u201d in Ora However, Guittone was not exclusively a moral- parr\u00e0). This distinction seems to have been born natu- ist. His early poems treat primarily the theme of love. rally from a vital contrast in all his poetry between the Three of his five song cycles examine loyalty, joy, and past and the present. His remembrance of Arezzo\u2019s past unhappiness in love; the third cycle, partially, takes the glories (O dolce term aretina\/ . . . membrando ch\u2019eri. . . form of a feigned debate between a woman and her \/arca d\u2019onni divizia\u2014\u201cO sweet city of Arezzo . . . when lover. The sonnet sequence theorized to have been his I recall that you contained all wealth\u201d) is bitterly coun- fourth amounts to an ars amandi, dubbed by Avalle tered, in a bold display of rhetorical antithesis, by the a manual of seduction, which is retracted in the fifth city\u2019s present \u201cabundance of moral dearth\u201d (in Or \u00e8 di cycle (Trattato d\u2019amore). Yet even Guittone\u2019s love cavo piena l\u2019arca). Yet the symbolism of these tempo- lyrics have a rhetorical cast; their intellectual ardor ral terms is not static. In the collective conscience, the overwhelms the conventional necessities of tolerance past\u2014the benedetto tempo\u2014recognized the concepts of and torment with almost legalistic analyses of the pro- value and love as distinct from wealth and self-indulgent cess of love. Sentimental passion seems to be replaced solitude. But in the progress of the soul, the individual\u2019s by what Quaglio (1975) calls Guittone\u2019s \u201ccasuistry of past represents a worse state of moral ignorance. love,\u201d in which system dominates the lyric\u2019s focus on the moment. Consequently, Guittone\u2019s theory of love Guittone\u2019s poetics of formal obscurity is, by contrast, sometimes reflects moralistic symmetry and a strong the vehicle for themes often linked by the absolute moral sense of reciprocity in a process that helps refine the maxims of his political Christianity and the concrete lover\u2019s spirit and nobility. Nobility is no longer defined pragmatism of his traditional Guelf and mercantile as a matter of aristocratic lineage; it is now the educa- ethos. However, his political-moral writing forges not tion of the heart: Non ver lignaggio fa sangue, ma core, so much municipal realism, more germane to Monte\u2019s \u201cThe heart, not the blood, makes for true lineage\u201d (in poetry, as civic idealism. Nevertheless, he is prone to Comune perta fa comun dolore, \u201cA common loss makes express these ideals with stormy sarcasm and subtle for a common sorrow\u201d). irony reinforced by a syntax designed to persuade by its brilliantly articulated complexity. Perhaps the most significant feature of Guittone\u2019s production is its high level of contrast. Guittone startles The artistic refutation of Guittone was first voiced by his reader with unexpected technical and structural Guido Cavalcanti and Dante. Cavalcanti, in Da pi\u00f9 a uno revelations to support his repeated messages of peace face un sollegismo (\u201cFrom the many to the one makes a or\u2014earlier in his career\u2014conventional courtly themes, syllogism\u201d), condemned Guittone\u2019s literary language, now adapted to the municipal reader. Guittone\u2019s strategy excessively difficult rhymes, and lack of imagination. seems to be based on enigmas of faith, echoed in his Dante (who was, like Guittone, an exile) undertook his advice that spiritual richness can be found in only pov- own stylistic ventures\u2014especially in his rime petrose erty (Letter 3) and happiness only in strife: solamente and tenzoni with Dante da Maiano. Afterward, in his apresso travaglio \u00e8 poso (\u201ctranquillity is achieved only assessment of the new courtly-literary language of Italy after strife,\u201d Letter 25). Guittone\u2019s opus is itself divided (De vulgari eloquentia, l.xiii.l), Dante dismissed the between his early verses, described in a sonnet to Monte \u201cmunicipal\u201d elements in the poetic language of Guittone Andrea (A te, Montuccio\u2014\u201cTo you, Montuccio\u201d) as and Guittone\u2019s followers. Dante recognized Guittone\u2019s \u201cpoisonous fruits,\u201d and his \u201cconversion poems,\u201d which historical stature in Purgatorio 24, while deriding are assigned in the manuscripts to \u201cFra (Brother) Guit- his notoriety in Purgatorio 26. In spite of these early tone.\u201d This distinction reflects mostly Guittone\u2019s entry negative judgments, imprints of Guittone\u2019s harsh style, into the Gaudenti, a lay order known for its religious polemical and sarcastic logic, and moralistic themes dedication to pacification and antifactionalism.Yet even appear throughout the Commedia and are ingrained in Guittone\u2019s preconversion works declare the common the poetry of rectitude of the Italian Middle Ages. See also Bonagiunta Orbicciani degli Averardi; Dante Alighieri; Guinizzelli, Guido 285","GUITTONE D\u2019AREZZO Quaglio, Antonio Enzo. \u201cL\u2019esperimento di Guittone d\u2019Arezzo.\u201d In Le origini e la scuola siciliana, 2nd ed. Bari: Laterza, Further Reading 1975, pp. 259\u2013300. Texts Segre, Cesare. Lingua, stile, e societ\u00e0: Studi sulla storia della prosa italiana. Milan: Feltrinelli, 1963. Contini, Gianfranco, ed. Poeti del Duecento Milan and Naples: Ricciardi, 1960, Vol. 1, pp. 189\u2013255. Storey, H. Wayne. \u201cThe Missing Picture in the Text of Escorial e.III.23: Guittone\u2019s Trattato d\u2019amore.\u201d In Italiana: Selected Egidi, Francesco, ed. Rime Bari: Laterza, 1940. (See also review Papers from the Proceedings of the Third Annual Conference by Gianfranco Contini. Giornale Storico della Letteratura of the American Association of Teachers of Italian, December Italiana, 117, 1941, pp. 55\u201382.) 27\u201328, 1986, ed. Albert Mancini and Paolo Giordano, River Forest, Ill.: Rosary College, 1988, pp. 59\u201375. Leonardi, Lino, ed. Canzoniere: I sonetti d\u2019amore del Coicke Laurenziano. Turin: Einaudi, 1994. Tartaro, Achille. Il manifesto di Guittone e altri studi fra Due e Quattrocento. Rome: Bulzoni, 1974. Margueron, Claude, ed. Lettere. Bologna: Commissione per i Testi di Lingua, 1990. \u2014\u2014. \u201cCronologia guittoniana.\u201d In Letteratura e critica: Studi in onore di Natalino Sapegno. Rome: Bulzoni, 1975. pp. Meriano, Francesco, ed. Le lettere di Fra Guittone d\u2019Arezzo 34\u201348. Bologna: Commissione per i Testi di Lingua, 1923. H. Wayne Storey Segre, Cesare, and Mario Marti, eds. La prosa del Duecento Milan-Naples: Ricciardi, 1959, 25\u201393. GUTENBERG, JOHANN (ca. 1400\u2013February 3, 1468) Studies Credited with the invention of printing with movable Avalle, D\u2019Arco Silvio. Ai luoghi di delizia pieni. Milan and metal type, Johann Gutenberg probably learned metal- Naples: Ricciardi, 1977, pp. 17\u201368. working from his father\u2019s family who worked for the archbishop\u2019s mint. Gutenberg lived in Strasbourg from Baehr, Rudolf. \u201cStudien zur Rhetorik in den Rime Guittones von about 1428 to 1448, when he returned to Mainz where Arezzo.\u201d Zeitschrift f\u00fcr romanische Philologie, 73, 1957, pp. he had been born. There, he produced the Gutenberg 193\u2013258; and 74, 1958, pp. 163\u2013211. Bible, the first major printed book. He died in Mainz on February 3, 1468. Kleinhenz, Christopher. The Early Italian Sonnet: The First Cen- tury (1220\u20131321) Lecce: Milella, 1986, pp. 93\u2013109. Gutenberg\u2019s historical significance arises from his role in the development of printing. Records of lawsuits Leonardi, Lino. \u201cGuictone cortese?\u201d Medioevo Romanzo, 13, during his residence in Strasbourg point to his early ex- 1988, pp. 421\u2013455. periments with the craft. The heirs of one of his partners, for example, sued to be included in the partnership. Margueron, Claude. Recherches sur Guittone d\u2019Arezzo: Sa vie, son \u00e9poque, sa culture. Paris: Presses Universitaires de France, 1966. Minetti, Francesco F. Sondaggi guittoniani. Turin: Giappichelli, 1974. Moleta, Vincent. The Early Poetry of Guittone d\u2019Arezzo. London: Modern Humanities Research Association, 1976. Picone, Michelangelo. \u201cLettura guittoniana: La canzone \u2018Ora che la freddore.\u2019\u201d Yearbook of Italian Studies, 5, 1983, pp. 102\u2013116. The printing press invented by Johann Gutenberg. \u00a9 Erich Lessing\/Art Resource, New York. 286","Testimony mentions \u201cmaterials pertaining to printing,\u201d GUZM\u00c1N, DOMINGO DE including a press, Formen (a word for type), and a pur- chase of metal. These items suggest that Gutenberg was the ages of seven to fourteen he studied under the tute- working out the printing process, but no printed material lage of his uncle, the archpriest Gumiel de Iz\u00e1n. In 1184 has survived to support this theory. Domingo entered the University of Palencia, where he remained as a student for ten years. On one occasion he After Gutenberg returned to Mainz, his efforts at sold his books to help the poor and homeless of Palencia. printing continued. Another lawsuit, the so-called His biographer, Bartholomew of Trent, says that he twice Helmasperger Instrument of 1455, connects Gutenberg tried to sell himself into slavery to raise money to free with the Gutenberg Bible. Johann Fust, a Mainz busi- captives held by the Moors. nessman, sued Gutenberg to recover loans made in 1450 and 1452 for expenses incurred in making equipment, The date of Domingo\u2019s ordination to the priesthood paying wages, and purchasing parchment paper and ink is unknown. He was a student at Palencia when Mart\u00edn for \u201cthe work of the books.\u201d This document combined de Baz\u00e1n, bishop of Osma, called him to be a member with analysis of the paper and its watermarks, the ink, of the cathedral chapter and to assist in its reform. In and typography in the Gutenberg Bible lead to the recognition of his success, Domingo was appointed sub- conclusion that Gutenberg, aided by several assistants, prior of the reformed chapter. On the accession of Diego including future printers Peter Schoeffer, Berthold de Azevedo to the bishopric of Osma in 1201, Domingo Ruppel, and Heinrich Kefer, printed this Bible between became prior of the chapter. As a canon of Osma, he 1450 and 1455. spent nine years in contemplation, scarcely ever leaving the chapter house. In 1203 King Alfonso IX of Castile Attribution of other printed books to Gutenberg is deputized the bishop of Osma to ask for the hand of a more problematic. He probably continued printing in Danish princess on behalf of his son, Prince Fernando. Mainz. He has been connected with several works in The bishop chose Domingo to accompany him. Passing the so-called \u201cB36\u201d group that used a larger and less through Toulouse, they witnessed with consternation the refined Gothic font than the Gutenberg Bible. He has effects of the Albigensian heresy. As a result Domingo also been associated with a Mainz press that produced conceived the idea of founding an order for combat- a Latin dictionary known as the Catholicon in 1460. ing heresy and spreading the Gospel by preaching However, the aesthetic and technical quality of the throughout the world. After completing their mission Gutenberg Bible makes this book the high point of his in 1204, Diego and Domingo went to Rome, and from achievement. there they were sent by Pope Innocent III to join forces with the Cistercians, who had been entrusted with the Further Reading crusade against the Albigensians. The pair quickly saw that the failure of the Cistercians was due to the monks\u2019 Fuhrmann, Otto W. Gutenberg and the Strasbourg Documents of indulgent habits, and prevailed upon them to adopt a 1439. New York: Press of the Wooly Whale, 1940. more austere life. The result was a greatly increased number of converts. Theological disputations played Gutenberg, Aventur und Kunst: Vom Geheimunternehmen zur a prominent part in the preaching to the heretics, and ersten Medienrevolution. Das offizielle Buch der Stadt Mainz Domingo and his companion lost no time in engaging zum Gutenbergjahr. Mainz: Schmidt, 2000. in them. Unable to refute his arguments or counteract the influence of his preaching, the heretics often made Ing, Janet Thompson. Johann Gutenberg and His Bible: A His- Domingo the target of insults and threats. torical Study. New York: Typophiles, 1988. Domingo realized the need for an institution that Kapr, Albert. Johann Gutenberg: The Man and his Invention. would protect women from the influence of the heretics. trans. Douglas Martin. Aldershot, England: Scolar Press, Many of them had already embraced Albigensianism 1996. and were among its most active advocates. With the per- mission of Foulque, bishop of Toulouse, he established a McMurtrie, Douglas C., ed. and trans. The Gutenberg Documents: convent for women at Prouille in 1206. To this commu- With translations of the texts into English, based with authority nity he gave the rule and constitution that to the present on the compilation by Dr. Karl Schorbach. NewYork: Oxford day guide the nuns of the Second Order of Saint Domi- University Press, 1941. nic. On 15 January 1208 Pierre de Castelnau, a Cister- cian legate, was assassinated, an event that precipitated Ruppel, Aloys. Johannes Gutenberg: Sein Leben und sein Werk. the Albigensian Crusade under Simon de Montfort and 3d ed. Nieuwkoop: B. de Graaf, 1967. led to the temporary subjugation of the heretics. Dur- ing the crusade Domingo followed the Catholic army, Scholderer, Victor. Johann Gutenberg: The Inventor of Printing. seeking to revive religion and reconcile heretics in the 2d ed. London: British Museum, 1970. cities that capitulated to Montfort. In September 1209 he came into direct contact with Montfort and formed Karen Gould GUZM\u00c1N, DOMINGO DE (c. 1170-1221) Domingo\u2019s birth at Calaruega, Castile, about 1170 and his infancy were said to have been attended by marvels forecasting his sanctity and great achievements. From 287","GUZM\u00c1N, DOMINGO DE for his order. He was canonized on 13 July 1234 by Pope Gregory IX, who declared him to be as saintly as a close friendship that would last until Montfort\u2019s death Peter and Paul. at Toulouse in 1218. Montfort regarded his victory at Muret as a miracle attributable to Domingo\u2019s prayers. See also Innocent III, Pope; Simon de Montfort, Domingo\u2019s reputation for sanctity, apostolic zeal, and Earl of Leicester learning made him a much sought-after candidate for various bishoprics, all of which he refused, preferring Further Reading to preach. The foundation of the Inquisition, and his ap- pointment as the first inquisitor, is ascribed to Domingo Galm\u00e9s, L., and V.T. G\u00f3mez. (eds.) Santo Domingo de Guzm\u00e1n. during this period, although there is evidence to indicate Fuentes para su conocimiento. Madrid, 1987. that the Inquisition was functioning as early as 1198. Vicaire, M.-H. Saint Dominic and His Times. Trans. Kathleen By 1214 the influence of Domingo\u2019s preaching and Pond. New York, 1964. his reputation for holiness had drawn a group of disciples around him. The time was right for the realization of his E. Michael Gerli desire to found a religious order to propagate the faith and combat heresy. With the approval of Bishop Foul- GUZM\u00c1N, NU\u00d1O DE que of Toulouse, who made him chaplain of Fanjeaux (d. ca. 1467\/90) in July 1215, he organized and canonically established a community of followers as a religious congregation The youngest of the illegitimate children of Luis whose mission was the propagation of true doctrine Gonz\u00e1lez de Guzm\u00e1n, master of the military order of and good morals, and the eradication of heresy. Pierre Calatrava (1406\u20131407 and 1414\u20131443), by In\u00e9s de Tor- Seilan, a wealthy citizen of Toulouse, placed himself res, a wealthy heiress from Zamora, Nu\u00f1o de Guzm\u00e1n under Domingo\u2019s direction and put his large house at was educated by private tutor in the maternal home in Domingo\u2019s disposal. There the first convent of the future C\u00f3rdoba during a period of estrangement between his Order of Preachers (now known as the Dominicans) was parents (1416\u20131430). Under his mother\u2019s guidance he established on 25 April 1215. became deeply interested in literature, \u201cso that a day spent without reading seemed to me utterly wasted\u201d In November 1215 an ecumenical council convened (Apologia Nunnii), but he did not learn Latin. In 1430 he in Rome to deliberate on the improvement of morals, undertook a pilgrimage to Jerusalem and Sinai, return- the extinction of heresy, and the strengthening of the ing via Cairo, the Aegean islands, Venice, Rome, Siena, faith, an agenda identical to the mission of Domingo\u2019s Bologna, Genoa, Milan, Bohemia, Basle, Cologne, new order. Along with the bishop of Toulouse, Domingo Lyon, and Tours before arriving at the court of Duke went to Rome to petition that his new order carry out Philip the Good of Burgundy in Bruges (autumn 1432), the mandates of the council. His request, however, was where by his own account he was given an important not granted. Returning to Languedoc in December 1215, office (magistratus), probably in the household of the he informed his followers of the council\u2019s mandate that duke\u2019s wife, Isabel of Portugal. On his return to Spain there be no new rules for religious orders. As a result the (ca. 1435) Guzm\u00e1n found himself in the bad graces of community adopted the rule of St. Augustine, which, his father, despite the personal intervention of Juan II because of its generality, easily lent itself to any form and the support of his mother; consequently he set out they might wish. In August 1216 Domingo returned to for Burgundy again in 1439, but decided to visit Flor- Rome and appeared before Pope Honorius III to solicit ence first, where the ecumenical council called by Pope confirmation for his order. The bull of confirmation was Eugenius IV for reunion with the Eastern Church was issued on 22 December 1216. just beginning. Guzm\u00e1n was instantly dazzled by the intellectual ferment he encountered in Florence and, In 1218, to facilitate the spread of the order, Pope abandoning his Burgundian trip in favor of a vocation as Honorius III addressed a bull to all archbishops, bish- literary patron and book collector, he befriended the cel- ops, abbots, and priors, requesting them to show favor ebrated libralo Vespasiano da Bisticci, Leonardo Bruni, toward the Order of Preachers. Later Honorius bestowed Pier Candido Decembrio, and other humanists. He had the Church of Saint Sixtus in Rome upon the order. In Bruni\u2019s apologetic life of Cicero (Cicero Nouus) and February 1219 Domingo founded the first monastery his humanist version of Aristotle\u2019s Ethics translated into of the order in Spain at Segovia, followed by a convent Tuscan, and received the dedications of Decembrio\u2019s for women at Madrid. It is probable that on this journey Italian translations of Seneca\u2019s Apocolocyntosis diui he also presided over the establishment of a convent in Claudii and Quintus Curtius\u2019s Life of Alexander, while connection with the University of Palencia and, at the commissioning many superb lettera antica manuscripts invitation of the bishop of Barcelona, a house of the from Vespasiano\u2019s bottega. In later years, Vespasiano order was founded in that city. Shortly before his death tells us, Guzm\u00e1n continued to commission Tuscan on 6 August 1221, Domingo returned to Rome for the last time and received many new, valuable concessions 288","translations of classical and humanistic works, among GUZM\u00c1N, NU\u00d1O DE which we know of Quintilian\u2019s Declamationes maiores (1456), Cicero\u2019s Disputationes Tusculanae (1456) and attribution, or under false ascriptions to Alfonso de De oratore (date unknown), and Macrobius\u2019s Sanu- Cartagena and Alfonso de la Torre. It is highly probable, malia (1463 or later). The most important fruit of his however, that Guzm\u00e1n was instrumental in the Castilian Florentine visit, however, was his personal friendship translations of Bruni\u2019s Vita di Marco Tulio Cicerone with the humanist Giannozzo Manetti (1396\u20131459), and of Decembrio\u2019s versions of the works by Seneca who dedicated his De illustribus longaeuis (1439) to and Quintus Curtius mentioned above, as well as the Guzm\u00e1n\u2019s father and his pathfinding Plutarchan paral- dissemination of other classical texts. When Guzm\u00e1n lel lives of Socrates and Seneca to Guzm\u00e1n himself died in Seville at some date between 1467 and 1490, (1440, with notes on Seneca\u2019s C\u00f3rdoban connections Vespasiano tells us in his curious Vita di messer Nugno supplied by the addressee). In addition, Manetti cast di casa reale di Gusmano (our fullest contemporary two works into humanist Latin from notes prepared by source) that Guzm\u00e1n\u2019s splendid library came to a bad Guzm\u00e1n (1439); Apologia Nunnii, an autobiographical end. Nevertheless, Schiff\u2019s judgment that he was one of selfjustification addressed to his father, and Laudatio those to whom early Spanish humanism owed the most Agnetis Numantinae, an extended eulogy of his mother is fully justified. supposedly replacing a lost alabanza (works of praise) by Enrique de Villena. After returning to Seville in See also Philip the Good early 1440 Guzm\u00e1n corresponded on literary matters with Alfonso de Cartagena, Alfonso de Palencia, and Further Reading the Marquis of Santillana. The only works definitely attributable to Guzm\u00e1n\u2019s own hand are his translation Bisticci, V. da. Le vite. Vol. 1. Ed. A. Greco. Florence, 1970. of Manetti\u2019s epideictic Tuscan oration on the qualities 435\u201341. of the military commander, Orazione a Gismondo Pandolfo de\u2019 Malatesia (1453), made for the Marquis Lawrance, J. Un episodio del proto-humanismo espa\u00f1ol: tres of Santillana (c. 1455); a revision of the Alfonsine op\u00fasculos de Nu\u00f1o de Guzm\u00e1n y Giannozzo Manetti. Sala- translation of Seneca\u2019s De ira made (probably) for his manca, 1989. mother (1445); and a highly popular vernacular compen- dium of Aristotle\u2019s Ethics made for his brother Juan de Morel-Fatio, A. \u201cNotice au trois manuscrits de la biblioth\u00e8que Guzm\u00e1n, se\u00f1or of La Algaba, (1467) and subsequently d\u2019Osuna,\u201d Romania 14 (1885), 94\u2013108. copied and printed a number of times either without Russell, P.E., and A.R.D. Pagden. \u201cNueva luz sobre una versi\u00f3n de la \u00c9tica a Nic\u00f3maco: Bodleian Library MS Span. D. 1.\u201d In Homenaje a Guillenno Guastavino. Madrid, 1974. 125\u201346. Schiff M. La Biblioth\u00e8que du Marquis de Santillane. Paris, 1905. 449\u201359. Jeremy Lawrance 289","","H HADEWIJCH (fl. mid-13th c.) dieval Women Writers. Athens: University of Georgia Press, 1984 [English trans.]. In the final line of her twelfth vision, the thirteenth-cen- tury Brabant mystic Hadewijch writes: \u201cBy that abyss Amanda Athey I saw myself swallowed. And there I received certainty about my being received, in this form, in my beloved, HADRIAN I, POPE and my beloved also in me.\u201d The line not only provides (d. 795, r. 772\u2013795) a glimpse into the ecstatic experience of the author, but also suggests the aesthetic sense which imbues all of The pontificate of Hadrian I (Adrian I) was notable Hadewijch\u2019s writings. Indeed, her letters, visions, and for the establishment of the long-hallowed contours of poems have recently been praised as eminent in the the papal patrimony, for the development of relations literature of the minnemystiek (love mystic) tradition between the papacy and the Franks, and for the final for their description of an unmediated experience of emancipation of the papacy from Byzantine authority. the divine, which is perfected in minne, or love, and Hadrian was born into a noble Roman family and was not in ecclesiastical worship. During her lifetime as a raised by an uncle who was influential in papal govern- Beguine, however, Hadewijch was forced into exile and ment. Before 767, at the behest of Pope Paul I, Hadrian her literary reputation into obscurity. entered an ecclesiastical career. He was an impressive figure, and his effective preaching, wide learning, and Although there is a paucity of biographical informa- diligence as a papal notary made him popular in Rome. tion about Hadewijch, her writings in the vernacular His election to the pontificate in February 772 began an Middle Dutch convey the imaginative force with which anti-Lombard reaction in the city; exiles were recalled, she appropriated the courtly love tradition to reveal and the pro-Lombard leader Afiarta was prosecuted for her desire for union with love. Addressed variously murder, though Hadrian was apparently disappointed as a persona and as an abstraction, love represents for when Afiarta was summarily executed in Ravenna. Hadewijch both the experience of the divine and the achievement of perfection offered by that experience. Hadrian was involved in a dispute with the Lombard Her letters and poems encourage her readers to devote king Desiderius over the application of treaties of 754 themselves to love as a principle of engagement in both and 756, by which the Lombards ceded much terri- spiritual and mundane matters, while the visions record tory to the papacy; consequently, the pope appealed to the account of her progression into love as a sublime Charlemagne (in the spring of 773). After that, Hadrian experience. The three manuscripts of her writings illus- became embroiled in an extended, courteous debate with trate the skill with which Hadewijch crafted enthralling the Frankish king over the promissio donationis, an oath examples of the language of love. Charlemagne took at Rome, shortly after Easter 774, by which he granted most of Italy south of the Luni-Monse- Further Reading lice line to Saint Peter. After Charlemagne became king of the Lombards (in June 774), he was disinclined to Fraeters, Veerle, \u201cHadewijch.\u201d In Women Writing in Dutch, ed. dissolve his kingdom, and in the end Hadrian obtained Kristiaan Aercke. (New York, 1994), pp. 18\u201360. only a fraction of what had been promised. However, Vanderauwera, Ria. \u201cThe Brabant Mystic: Hadewijch.\u201d In Me- 291","HADRIAN I, POPE Mansi, J. Concilia, 12, cols. 850\u20131153. Migne, J. Patrologia Latina, 96, cols. 1203\u20131242. Charlemagne did lead an army south of Rome against Monumenta Germaniae Historica Epistularum, 5, ed. K. Hampe. Hadrian\u2019s hostile Lombard neighbors. Berlin, 1889, pp. 3\u201357. Monumenta Germaniea Historica Hadrian\u2019s relations with Charlemagne were strained Poetarum Latinorum, 1. Berlin 1880, pp. 90\u201391. by their different understanding of the privileges and duties of bishops in important Italian sees and were Studies further complicated by Hadrian\u2019s involvement in Byz- antine affairs. Although his papal documents were the Bertolini, O. Roma di fronte a Bisanzio e ai Longobardi. Rome, first to abandon Byzantine dating systems, Hadrian 1941. did not neglect the Byzantine world. He participated vigorously in the dispute over icons in the Byzantine Classen, P. Karl der Grosse, das Papstum, und Byzanz. D\u00fcs- empire; he corresponded with the Byzantine emperor seldorf, 1968. and empress; and papal envoys were prominent at the second Nicaean council, which discussed the worship Drabeck, A. Die Vertrage der frankischen und deutschen of icons. This openness to Byzantium irritated Char- Herrscher mit dem Papstum von 754 bis 1020. Vienna, lemagne, who was scandalized by the Nicaean canons; 1974. the Latin translation of these canons, prepared in Rome, was garbled (exchanging proskinesis for adoratio) and Engels, O. \u201cZum Papstlich-frankischen Bundnis im VIII. Jahr- elicited a strong response from Charlemagne\u2019s court in hundert: Ecclesia und Regnum.\u201d In Festschrift F. Schmale, ed. the form of the Libri Carolini. Though Hadrian defended D. Bergu. Bochum, 1989, pp. 21\u201338. the second Nicaean Council in a letter to Charlemagne, he was unable to avert the condemnation of its decrees Gero, S. \u201cThe Libri Carolini and the Image Controversy.\u201d Greek by the Council of Frankfurt (794). Orthodox Theological Review, 18, 1973, pp. 7\u201334. Hadrian was a lover of churches, and he built ex- Hallenbeck, J. \u201cThe Election of Pope Hadrian I.\u201d Church History, tensively in Rome. His building program included not 37, 1968, pp. 261\u2013270. only churches but also refurbished aqueducts, restored walls, and a portico joining Saint Peter\u2019s to the Tiber. Herrin, J. The Formation of Christendom. Princeton, N.J.: Princ- He also founded four new domuscultae, partly on his eton University Press, 1988. family\u2019s property north of Rome, to furnish the church with victuals and to nourish the poor. Hadrian was the Hodgkin, T. Italy and Her Invaders, Vol. 7. Oxford 1899. first pope to mint coins and one of very few popes to Mann, H. Lives of the Popes of the Early Middle Ages, Vol. 1, put a portrait bust on his coinage. part 2. London, 1903, pp. 394\u2013497. Hadrian died on Christmas day, or the day after, in Noble, Thomas F. X. The Republic of Saint Peter. Philadelphia: 795. Charlemagne, whose ascendancy had influenced Hadrian\u2019s pontificate deeply, is reported to have wept University of Pennsylvania Press, 1984. on learning of his death. The metrical epitaph the king Stevens Sefton, D. \u201cPope Hadrian I and the Fall of the Kingdom sent to Rome for the tomb of his \u201cfather\u201d can be seen today in the portico of Saint Peter\u2019s. of the Lombards.\u201d Catholic Historical Review, 65, 1979, pp. 206\u2013220. Some of Hadrian\u2019s letters (forty-eight) are in Codex Carolinus; two other letters are in Monumenta Ger- Paolo Squatriti maniae Historica Epistularum, 5; still others (some spurious) are in Migne. A poem by Hadrian is in Monu- HADRIAN IV, POPE menta Germaniae Historica Poetarum Latinorum, 1. For (c. 1100\u20131159, r. 1154\u20131159) synods and councils held during Hadrian\u2019s pontificate, see Mansi. A translation of his epitaph is in Gregorovius Almost nothing is known about the birth, parentage, (1903). or childhood of Pope Hadrian IV (Adrian IV; Nicholas Breakspear or Brekespear). Most of our information See also Charlemagne derives from two sources: Cardinal Boso and John of Salisbury. Further Reading Boso wrote a vita (life) of Hadrian, which is in the Primary Sources collection of Nicolas Roselli, cardinal of Aragon, in 1356. According Boso, Hadrian was born in England Codex Carolinus, ed. W. Gundlach. Monumenta Germaniae near Saint Albans and went to Aries in France to study Historica Epistularum, 3. Berlin, 1892, pp. 469\u2013657. early in his boyhood. At the monastery of Saint Rufus near Avignon, it is recorded that he took the vows and Gregorovius, F. The Tombs of the Popes, trans. R. Seton-Watson. habit of an Augustinian. After a short time, he was Westminster, 1903. pp. 20\u201323. Liber Pontificate, ed. L. Duch- elected abbot of Saint Rufus. On a trip to Rome on esne. Paris, 1886, Vol. I, pp. 486\u2013514. business for the monastery, he endeared himself to Pope Eugenius III, who made him cardinal bishop of Albano in 1146. John of Salisbury adds to our knowledge of Hadrian\u2019s life at this point, and mentions that Hadrian\u2019s father was Robert Brekespear and that Hadrian\u2019s original name was Nicholas Brekespear. Another source corroborating this information is in Norway, where Hadrian established an independent archiepiscopal see at Trondheim and made Saint Olaf its patron saint. As a papal legate in 1152, Hadrian also tried to establish an archiepiscopal 292","see in Sweden, but Gothland opposed Sweden regarding H. AFS.A BINT AL-HAYY AR-RAKUNIYYA where it should be located. Hadrian did, however, reform abuses and establish Peter\u2019s pence in Sweden before By 1154, William I had captured important Italian returning to Rome. In Rome, Hadrian was apparently cities and had even confiscated 5,000 pounds of gold at the right place at the right time: he was hailed as the meant for the pope from his ally Manuel I. Eventually, apostle of the north; and when Pope Anastasius IV died Hadrian IV sued for peace. Under the peace agreement, on 2 December 1154, Hadrian was elected pope on the William was invested with the territories of Naples, very next day. He is the only English pope. Amalfi, Salerno, and the March of Ancona; for his part, he pledged to be the pope\u2019s liegeman and pay a yearly Hadrian IV\u2019s tenure as pope was fraught with political tribute. Soon after this, Hadrian made peace with the intrigue and conflict. King William of Sicily and Hadrian Romans and returned to Rome. However, continued were openly hostile to each other; Frederick Barbarossa tension between the emperor, William I, and the papacy merely professed friendship; the barons of Campania challenged Hadrian until his death on 1 September raided and robbed each other and also robbed pilgrims 1159. on their way to Rome; and the populace of Rome, under the leadership of Arnold of Brescia, was in open revolt See also Arnold of Brescia; Frederick I Barbarossa against Hadrian. Hadrian, after determining his situation in Rome, placed the city under interdict and retired to Further Reading Viterbo. The Roman populace, unable to observe any sacred services until after Lent, eventually made its \u201cPope Adrian IV.\u201d Catholic Encyclopedia. Internet ed., 1998. submission to Hadrian and banished Arnold of Brescia, Tarleton, Alfred. Nicholas Breakspear (Hadrian IV), Englishman who was ultimately executed. As Hadrian returned to Rome, Frederick Barbarossa was advancing through and Pope. London, 1906. Lombardy. Frederick, having received the Iron Crown in Pavia, was intent on receiving the imperial crown in Bradford Lee Eden Rome from the hands of Hadrian. A famous meeting be- tween the two rulers, temporal and spiritual, took place H. AFS.A BINT AL-HAYY AR-RAKUNIYYA north of Rome at Sutri on 9 June 1155. Frederick, omit- (12th c.) ting a part of the customary ceremony of homage, did not hold Hadrian\u2019s stirrup when the pope dismounted. A poet who lived in Granada in the twelfth century, Because of this insolence, Hadrian withheld his kiss of H. afs.a belonged to a noble family and received a superior peace and refused to crown Frederick until full homage education, which enabled her to become a teacher later was performed. Frederick submitted, performing the in life. Like Wall\u00afadah, she was the lover of a poet, Abu\u00af necessary act of homage on 11 June 1155 at Nepi; he Yafar, and many of her poems take the form of a dialogue was subsequently crowned in Saint Peter\u2019s on 18 June. with him. For example: Immediately afterward, fighting broke out between the imperial army and the Roman army; during this fight- Shall I go to your house, or will you come to mine? ing, more than 1,000 Romans were killed. Without so My heart always goes where you desire. much as an acknowledgment of the deaths, Frederick You may be sure you will not be thirsty or hot when left Rome and went northward; on his way, he proceeded to burn the city of Spoleto to the ground. you meet me. A fountain fresh and sweet are my lips, and the William I of Sicily and Hadrian IV never established cordial relations. Hadrian called William lord rather than branches of my braids cast a thick shadow. king; William took offense, ravaging and ransacking Answer me quickly, for it would be wrong to make southern Campania, whereupon Hadrian excommuni- cated him. John of Salisbury spent three months with your Butaynah wait, oh, my Yamil. Hadrian in Benevento during this period and obtained from him the famous Donation of Ireland. The authen- No less loving than the famous poet Yamil to his ticity of the Laudabiliter, the document containing this beloved Butaynah, Abu\u00af Yafar replied to H. afs.a: grant, is in doubt; but in any case the basic assumption that the pope was overlord of Ireland and could therefore If I can \ufb01nd a way, I will go to you. grant the entire island itself to whomever he pleased\u2014in You are too important to come to me. this case King Henry II of England\u2014was an interesting The garden does not move, but receives the soft puff of legal labyrinth. For more than four centuries the popes maintained their right as overlords of Ireland. the breeze. H. afs.a also was being courted by the governor, Ab\u00fb Sa\u2019\u00af\u0131d, whose great passion for her she did not dare reject, and probably enjoyed to some extent. Mutual jealousy caused the relationship between Abu\u00af Sa\u2019\u00af\u0131d and Abu\u00af Yafar, who was his secretary, to deteriorate. Eventu- ally the former had the latter killed. Despite the danger, H. afs.a did not hide her grief, and wrote the following lines: 293","H. AFS.A BINT AL-HAYY AR-RAKUNIYYA wholly accurate, for the Guia\u00feing, at least, had probably been established in the 930s. It is more likely that H\u00e1kon They threaten me for mourning a lover they killed by reorganized existing law federations (the Gula\u00feing in sword. western Norway, Frosta\u00feing in northern Norway, and Ei\u00f0siva\u00deing around the southeastern Lake Mj\u00f8sa area) May God be merciful to one generous with her tears by extending their reach into neighboring districts and or to her who cries for one killed by his rivals, changing them into representative and consultive bodies. and may the afternoon clouds so generously drench the Each district was required to send a certain number of delegates (nefndarmenn) to the \u00feing. The integration of land wherever she may go. fylkir into larger regions and the reorganization of the law federations on a more representative basis enabled After Abu\u00af Yafar\u2019s death H. afs.a went to Marrakech, the monarchy to consult more easily with the several where she became tutor to the princesses. regions and thereby seek both legal and popular approval for national as well as local matters. Thus, H\u00e1kon can All seventeen of H. afs.a known poems were written in probably be credited with introducing the principle of the earlier part of her life. Although she produced some representation into the Norwegian social order. satirical and panegyrical poems, most of her works are love poems, at which she excelled. Of the almost forty According to Heimskringla and Fagrskinna, H\u00e1kon women poets of al-Andalus, H. afs.a is the most repre- also reorganized the military defense set up by his father, sentative and the best known. Haraldr H\u00e1lfdanarson, into a levy system (lei\u00f0angr), by which the king could summon on a proportional basis a See also Wall\u00afadah Bint Al-Mustafki levy of ships, warriors, weapons, and equipment. H\u00e1kon divided all the coastal lands into skiprei\u00f0ur (\u201cship-pro- Further Reading viding [districts]\u201d) and stipulated by law the number of warships and men to be supplied by each district. He Garulo, T. Diwan de las poetisas de al-Andalus. Madrid, 1986. also instituted a system of war signal fires along the Sobh, M. (comp.) Poetisas ar\u00e1bigo-andaluzas. Granada, 1985. mountaintops to warn of approaching enemies. Cristina Gonz\u00e1lez Although H\u00e1kon had been raised a Christian, his attempts to introduce Christianity into Norway did not H\u00c1KON G\u00d3\u00d0I (\u201cTHE GOOD\u201d) succeed. According to Heimskringla, H\u00e1kon invited HARALDSSON (ca. 920\u2013960) priests from England and built churches in western Norway. Further evidence of English mission activity in H\u00e1kon g\u00f3\u00f0i Haraldsson was a younger son and succes- mid-10th-century Norway may be provided by the list- sor of Haraldr h\u00e1rfagri (\u201cfair-hair\u201d) H\u00e1lfdanarson, who ing of a \u201cSigefridus norwegensis\u201d among the names of first brought Norway under a single kingship. H\u00e1kon Glastonbury monks who were bishops during the reign was also called \u201c\u00c6thelstan\u2019s foster-son,\u201d because he of King Edgar (d. 975). When H\u00e1kon proposed at the was fostered in England at the Christian court of King Frosta\u00feing that the people accept Christianity, however, \u00c6thelstan of Wessex. Around 935, H\u00e1kon learned in he reportedly met with great resistance and was forced England of his father\u2019s death, and returned to Norway to abandon his attempt. H\u00e1kon presumably left the faith to regain the throne from his haif-brother, Eirikr bl\u00f3\u00f0\u00f8x himself, for the memorial poem H\u00e1konarm\u00e1l (ca. 961) (\u201cblood-axe\u201d) Haraldsson. H\u00e1kon sought the support of commemorates him as a staunch upholder of pagan Earl Sigur\u00f0r H\u00e1konarson in Trondheim, and was named sanctuaries, although this poem may reflect the poet\u2019s king in Tr\u00f8ndelag after promising the farmers that he sentiment more than the historical accuracy of H\u00e1kon\u2019s would restore their patrimonial rights (\u00f3\u00f0al). When return to paganism. H\u00e1kon moved south and seized power in Oppland and V\u00edk, Eir\u00edkr, without further resistance, fled from Norway Around 955, H\u00e1kon repelled the first of many attacks toYork. H\u00e1kon became king over Norway, but in reality on Norway by his nephews, the Eir\u00edkssons, who had his power lay in the southwest; he allowed Earl Sigur\u00f0r taken refuge in Denmark with their uncle, King Harald to retain sovereignty in Tr\u00f8ndelag, and he gave his neph- Gormsson. H\u00e1kon retaliated with raids on Denmark, but ews, Tryggvi \u00d3l\u00e1fsson and Gu\u00f0r\u00f8\u00f0r Bjarnarson, virtual when the Eir\u00edkssons (ca. 960) renewed attacks at Fitje autonomy over parts of southeastern Norway. (Fitjar) on the island of Stord (Stor\u00f0) off western Nor- way, H\u00e1kon was mortally wounded. Heimskringla re- H\u00e1kon\u2019s popularity has been traditionally ascribed to ports that he was given a pagan burial, and lauds H\u00e1kon his achievements as a lawgiver and organizer of military as a king who brought peace and good seasons. His defense. The poet Sighvatr \u00de\u00f3\u00f0arson\u2019s Berso\u02dbglisv\u00edsur famous eulogy H\u00e1konarm\u00e1l states: \u201cUnbound against (\u201cPlain-speaking Verses,\u201d ca. 1038) extol H\u00e1kon for his the dwellings of men\/the Fenris-wolf shall go\/before a justice and his laws. The histories \u00c1grip, Fagrskinna, king as good as he \/ walks on that empty path.\u201d and Heimskringla variously credit him with establishing the Gula\u00deing Law for the fylkir (\u201cdistricts\u201d) of Rogaland, Hordaland, Sogn, and the Fjords, and the Frostu\u00feing Law for the fylkir of Tr\u00f8ndelag together with Nordm\u00f8re, Namdal, and later Romsdal. But these histories are not 294","See also Eyvindr Finsson sk\u00e1ldaspillir; H\u00c1KON H\u00c1KONARSON Sighvatr \u00deor\u00f0arson validated the principles concerning ecclesiastical influ- Further Reading ence on the succession; this influence had its roots in the Law of Succession to the Throne from 1163. In 1240, Literature allegiance was sworn to H\u00e1kon\u2019s eldest legitimate son, H\u00e1kon, which proved a clear victory for the hereditary Andersen, Per Sveaas. Samlingen av Norge og kristningen av throne. At the same time, the principle of legitimacy landet 800\u20131130. Handbok i Norges historie 2. Bergen: Uni- was strengthened, since the son H\u00e1kon was preferred versiteisforlaget, 1977, pp. 84\u201399, 247\u201373. to an older, illegitimate half-brother. Papal assent that H\u00e1kon H\u00e1konarson\u2019s successors were to rule Norway Birkeli, Fridtjov. \u201cHadde H\u00e1kon Adalsteinsfostre likevel en came in 1247, when H\u00e1kon was crowned by Cardinal Biskop Sigfrid hos seg?\u201d Historisk tidsskrift (Norway) 40 William of Sabina. (1960\u201361), 113\u201336. In H\u00e1kon H\u00e1konarson\u2019s time, European chivalric lit- Birkeli, Fridtjov. \u201cThe Earliest Missionary Activity from England erature began its influence in Norway. H\u00e1kon H\u00e1konar- to Norway.\u201d Nottingham Mediaeval Studies 15 (1971), 27\u201337; son, and later his son Magn\u00fas, wanted the Norwegian Holmsen, Andreas. Norges historie fra de eldste tider til court to be comparable with those in Europe. H\u00e1kon 1660.3rd ed. Oslo: Universitetsforlaget, 1971, pp. 141\u201351. had a number of European Latin works translated into Old Norse. The oldest of these translations is Tristrams Foote, Peter G., and David M. Wilson. The Viking Achievement: saga from 1226. Five MSS containing riddaras\u00f6gur The Society and Culture of Early Medieval Scandinavia. Lon- expressly state that the works were translated at H\u00e1kon\u2019s don: Sidgwick & Jackson, 1970, pp. 36\u201342, 46\u20137, 280\u20132. request, and it is likely that H\u00e1kon also had Konungs skuggsj\u00e1 written, modeled on the European specula. Jones, Gwyn. A History of the Vikings. 2nd ed. Oxford and New These translations were significant for the Norse cultural York: Oxford University Press, 1984, pp. 92\u20136, 118\u201323. milieu, and among other things influenced a number of \u00cdslendingas\u00f6gur, among them Laxdoela saga. The rid- Koht, Halvdan. \u201cHaakon Adalsteinsfostre.\u201d Norsk biografisk daras\u00f6gur became popular especially in Iceland, where leksikon 5. Oslo: Aschehoug, 1931, pp. 152\u20137. as early as 1300 people began composing their own. Daphne L. Davidson During H\u00e1kon\u2019s reign, the people of L\u00fcbeck began trading with Norway. The importance of this trade H\u00c1KON H\u00c1KONARSON (1204-1263) increased, and in 1250, H\u00e1kon signed a treaty with the city. The following year, an agreement was entered into H\u00e1kon H\u00e1konarson, king of Norway 1217\u20131263, was with Novgorod concerning peace in the northern tribu- born in 1204, the son of King H\u00e1kon Sverrisson, and tary countries. H\u00e1kon was also active in Scandinavian grandson of Sverrir Sigur\u00f0arson. politics after 1248, when trouble arose in Denmark and Sweden. He married his son H\u00e1kon to Earl Birgir\u2019s After King Ingi B\u00e1r\u00f0\u00e1rson\u2019s death in 1217, the daughter in Sweden, and his other son, Magn\u00fas, to King Birkibeinar (\u201cbirch-legs\u201d) disagreed on his successor. Erik\u2019s daughter in Denmark. The choice was among H\u00e1kon H\u00e1konarson, Ingi\u2019s son Guttormr, and Ingi\u2019s brother Earl Sk\u00fali. H\u00e1kon was From 1220, H\u00e1kon H\u00e1konarson had tried to subjugate elected king but Sk\u00fali continued as earl and adviser to the Norse islands in the west, but this conquest was the young king, responsible for the rule of a third of impossible as long as there were conflicts in Norway. Norway. In 1219, H\u00e1kon was engaged to Earl Sk\u00fali\u2019s After Sk\u00fali\u2019s death, however, H\u00e1kon attempted to secure daughter Margr\u00e9t, and they were married in 1225. control over Iceland. Through the chieftains in Iceland, who were also his retainers, he succeeded in gaining During the 1220s, H\u00e1kon and Sk\u00fali had to fight a control of the go\u00f0or\u00f0 little by little. Thereafter, he could group of rebels, the Ribbungar from Viken. The fight distribute the go\u00f0or\u00f0 among the chieftains he found best lasted until 1227 and became a major reason why the suited to advancing his policies. In addition, he received king and Sk\u00fali supported each other. But gradually support from the Norwegian bishops in Iceland; and in H\u00e1kon began to act increasingly independently, and 1262\u20131264, he subjected Iceland and Greenland to the during the 1230s open conflict broke out between H\u00e1kon kingdom of Norway. and Sk\u00fali over the administration of the kingdom. In 1239, Sk\u00fali rebelled against H\u00e1kon, and assumed the In the Hebrides and on the Isle of Man, there had title of king at Eyra\u00feing in Ni\u00f0ar\u00f3ss (Trondheim). H\u00e1kon been trouble throughout H\u00e1kon\u2019s reign, and-in 1262 the crushed the resistance, and in 1240 Sk\u00fali was killed by Scots attacked the islands. H\u00e1kon gathered a mercenary the Birkibeinar. After that, H\u00e1kon was the uncontested army and attacked Scotland in 1263. The result was king of Norway. meager, and he did not secure Norwegian control over the islands. H\u00e1kon then went to the Orkney Islands, Practical cooperation between the archbishop and where he died in the winter of 1263. the kingdom characterized the greater part of H\u00e1kon H\u00e1konarson\u2019s reign. In collaboration with the Church, hereditary succession to the throne was established. H\u00e1kon was recognized as the lawful successor to the kingdom of Norway at a meeting in Bergen in 1223. The archbishop confirmed the decision, and this act 295","H\u00c1KON H\u00c1KONARSON with one eyebrow higher than the other . . . ruthless with his enemies, and given to harsh punishment of all who Further Reading opposed him . . . inordinately covetous of power and of valuable possessions of all kinds\u201d (ch. 99). He succeeded Literature to sole possession of the Norwegian throne in 1047. Bagge, Sverre. \u201cKirkens jurisdiksjon i kristenrettssaker f\u00f8r 1277.\u201d Haraldr\u2019s career is recounted mainly in his saga in Historisk tidsskrift (Norway) 60 (1981), 133\u201359. Snorri Sturluson\u2019s Heimskringla. At the age of fifteen, he fought alongside his half-brother in the battle of Bagge, Sverre. \u201cThe Formation of the State and Concepts of Stiklasta\u00f0ir (Stiklestad), where \u00d3l\u00e1fr was killed. He Society in 13th Century Norway.\u201d In Continuity and Change: then spent fifteen years away from Norway in the service Political Institutions and Literary Monuments in the Middle of the Kievan prince Jaroslav, whose daughter he later Ages. A Symposium. Ed. Elisabeth Vestergard. Odense: Odense married, and in the imperial service in Byzantium. The University Press, 1986, pp. 43\u201361. saga describes his years as leader of the Varangian Guard there in exaggerated terms: the empress Z\u00f3e falls in love Bagge, Sverre. \u201cBorgerkrig og statsutvikling i Norge i middelal- with him; he captures cities using stratagems that are deren.\u201d Historisk tidsskrift (Norway) 65 (1986), 145\u201397. common folktale motifs. A Greek work written in the 1070s, Logos nuthetikos, also refers to his campaigns. Bagge, Sverre. The Political Thought of the King\u2019s Mirror. Haraldr was also imprisoned in Byzantium for a time. Mediaeval Scandinavia Supplements, 3. Odense: Odense University Press, 1987. In 1045, Haraldr returned to Norway and made a treaty to share the rule with \u00d3l\u00e1fr\u2019s son Magn\u00fas inn g\u00f3\u00f0i Bj\u00f8rgo, Narve. \u201cOm skriftlege kjelder for H\u00e1konar saga.\u201d Histo- (\u201cthe good\u201d) until the tetter\u2019s death without male issue, risk tidsskrift (Norway) 46 (1967), 185\u2013229. when Haraldr became sole ruler. The years of Haraldr\u2019s rule in Norway are characterized by his repeated cam- Crawford, Barbara E \u201cThe Earls of Orkney-Caithness and paigns against Sven Estridsen in Denmark, including the Their Relations with the Kings of Norway and Scotland: burning of Hedeby in 1049. The two finally reached a 1150\u20131470.\u201d Diss. Si. Andrews University, 1971. treaty in 1064. Haraldr\u2019s mobilization against Denmark was made possible by his consolidation of control over Crawford, Barbara E. \u201cWeland of Stiklaw: A Scottish Royal Norway itself, in what Icelandic authors, at least, per- Servant at the Norwegian Court.\u201d Historiskodsskrift (Norway) ceived as a harsh and overbearing manner. He was also 52 (1973), 329\u201339. known for his influence over the Norwegian Church, building churches and handpicking bishops and other Gunnes, Erik. \u201cKirkelig jurisdiksjon i Norge 1153\u20131277.\u201d His- officials. According to the sources, he founded Oslo torisk tidsskrift (Norway) 49 (1970), 109\u201360. and introduced coins as a common means of payment, although other rulers had struck coins previously. His Helle, Knut. \u201cTendenser i nyere norsk h\u00f8ymiddelalderforskning.\u201d reputation, which has come down to us mainly through Historisk tidsskrift (Norway) 40 (1960\u201361), 337\u201370. Icelandic literature, is generally favorable, since he is credited with saving Iceland from famine. But some of Helle, Knut. \u201cTrade and Shipping Between Norway and England the \u00fe\u00e6ttir included in the Morkinskinna version of his in the Reign of H\u00e5kon H\u00e5konsson (1217\u20131263).\u201d Sj\u00f8fartshis- saga depict his personality rather unsympathetically. torisk \u00e5rbok (Bergen) (1967), 7\u201333. His nickname reflects the harshness many authors at- tributed to him. Helle, Knut. \u201cAnglo-Norwegian Relations in the Reign of H\u00e5kon H\u00e5konsson (1217\u201363).\u201d Mediaeval Scandinavia 1 (1968), Haraldr had a claim to the English throne by virtue of 101\u201314. a treaty between his nephew Magn\u00fas and Hardacnut, son of Knud (Cnut) the Great. Upon the death of Edward the Helle, Knut. Konge og gode menn i norsk riksstyring ca. 1150\u2013 Confessor in January 1066, Haraldr saw an opportunity 1319. Bergen: Universitetsforlaget, 1972. to make that claim. He landed in Yorkshire, and was eventually defeated by Harold Godwinsson at the battle Helle, Knut. Norge blir en stat, 1130\u20131319. Handbok i Norges of Stamford Bridge. But the English army\u2019s desperate historie, 3. 2nd ed. Bergen: Universitetsforlaget, 1974. ride north, losses sustained at Stamford Bridge, and rapid return south weakened it greatly just before Harold Helle, Knut. \u201cNorway in the High Middle Ages: Recent Views Godwinsson had to meet William the Conquerer at the on the Structure of Society.\u201d Scandinavian Journal of History battle of Hastings. Haraldr har\u00f0r\u00e1\u00f0i\u2019s invasion was thus 6 (1981), 161\u201389. the determining factor in Harald Godwinsson\u2019s loss to William, which changed the political face of Europe. Koht, Halvdan. \u201cThe Scandinavian Kingdoms Until the End of the Thirteenth Century.\u201d In The Cambridge Medieval History Haraldr\u2019s death at Stamford Bridge is often taken as 6. Ed. J. R. Tanner et al. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1929, pp. 362\u201392. Lunden, Kar\u00e5. Norge under Sverre\u00e6tten 1177\u20131319. Norges Historie, 3. Oslo: Cappelen, 1976. J\u00f3n Vi\u00f0ar Sigur\u00f0sson HARALDR HAR\u00d0R\u00c1\u00d0I (\u201cHARD-RULER\u201d) SIGUR\u00d0ARSON (1046\u20131066) Haraldr har\u00f0ra\u00f0i (\u201chard-ruler\u201d) was the half-brother of St. \u00d3l\u00e1fr, the son of \u00d3l\u00e1fr\u2019s mother, \u00c1sta, and her hus- band, Sigur\u00f0r s\u00fdr (\u201csow\u201d) H\u00e1lfdanarson. His hereditary claim to the Norwegian throne was thus dubious, but he lived in an age when hereditary rights were not para- mount. According to Heimskringla, Haraldr \u201cexcelled other men in shrewdness and resourcefulness. . . . He was exceedingly skilled in arms, and victorious in his under- takings . . . a handsome man of stately, appearance. He was light blond, with a blond beard and long mustaches, 296","symbolizing the end of the Viking Age in Scandinavia. HARALDR H\u00c1RFAGRI H\u00c1LFDANARSON His was not the last major overseas Viking campaign but it was the last, perhaps, with some chance of success, detail, he descended from theYngling dynasty and came and the sagas of subsequent kings do not paint the same to the throne of his father\u2019s kingdom of Vestfold at the sort of pictures of Viking heroes. age of ten (scholars estimate the date of this accession at ca. 860\u2013880). Haraldr desired to become king over See also Cnut; Harold Godwinson; William I all of Norway, and swore a vow not to cut or comb his hair until he had achieved this goal, hence his nickname. Further Reading The story is legendary, and it is doubtful anyone had a concept of Norway as a unity before his conquest of the Editions different regions. Bjami A\u00f0albjarnarson, ed. \u201cHaralds saga Sigur\u00f0arsonar.\u201d In The Heimskringla version is based on a lost * Haralds Heimskringla. 3 vols. \u00cdslenzk fomrit, 26\u20138. Reykjavik: Hi\u00f0 saga, as is a \u00fe\u00e1ttr about him in Flateyjarb\u00f3k. Haraldr\u2019s \u00edslenzka fomritaf\u00e9lag, 1941\u201351, vol. 3, pp. 68\u2013202. saga recounts a series of campaigns against various petty kings and his alliance with the powerful northern Earl Finnur Jonsson, ed. Fagrskinna: N\u00f3regs konunga tal. Samfund H\u00e1kon Grj\u00f3tgar\u00f0arson, as well as his conflicts with the til udgiveke af gammd nordisk litteratur, 30. Copenhagen: Swedish king who was his rival for the eastern districts [s.n.], 1902\u201303. of Norway. At the battle of Hafrsfjr\u00f0r (Havsfjord), now dated between 885 and 890, Haraldr defeated a coalition Finnur J\u00f3nsson, ed. Morkinskinna. Samfund til udgivelse af gam- of kings and earls and established his hegemony. mel nordisk litteratur, 80. Copenhagen: [s.n.], 1932. The political significance of Haraldr\u2019s unification of Translations Norway was not as great as the Icelandic saga litera- ture implies. Haraldr\u2019s hold upon northern and eastern Hollander, Lee M., trans. Heimskringla: History of the Kings Norway was never firm. Traditionally, the settlement of Norway. Austin: University of Texas Press, 1964, pp. of Iceland by Ing\u00f3lfr Arnarson and others around 870 577\u2013663. was attributed to their desire to escape from Haraldr\u2019s tyranny. However, the battle of Hafrsfjro\u02db\u00f0r cannot Magnus Magnusson and Hermann P\u00e1lsson, trans. King Harald\u2019s have been fought that early, and the settlers must have Saga: Harald Hardradi of Norway. Hammondsworth: Pen- had motives other than fleeing the unified kingdom. guin, 1966. Many leading Norwegians did flee after Hafrsfjro\u02db\u00f0r, to Shetland, Orkney, and the Hebrides, if not Iceland. Ac- Literature cording to Snorri, they continued to conduct raids upon Norway from there until Haraldr strengthened his navy Andersen, Per Sveaas. Samlingen av Norge og kristningen av and put a stop to this Viking activity. But scholars now landet 800\u20131130. Handbok i Norges historie, 2. Bergen: doubt whether Haraldr actually made any expedition to Universitetsforlaget, 1977. Britain. Many of the original settlers of Iceland came not from Norway directly, but from the British Isles. To Andersson, Theodore M. \u201cKings\u2019 Sagas (Konungas\u00f6gur).\u201d In support the myth of Haraldr\u2019s tyranny as the cause of Old Norse-Icelandic Literature: A Critical Guide. Ed, Carol settlement, Icelanders probably invented an extension J. Clover and John Lindow. Islandica, 45. Ithaca and London: of Haraldr\u2019s power over the islands. Cornell University Press, 1985, pp. 197\u2013238. Snorri\u2019s account of Haraldr\u2019s establishment of a Bl\u00f3ndal, Sigf\u00fas. \u201cThe Last Exploits of Harald Sigurdsson in Norwegian state is most likely anachronistic. Haraldr Greek Service: A Chapter from the History of the Varangians.\u201d was accused of having appropriated the \u00f3\u00f0al land of all Classica et Mediaevalia 1.2 (1939), 1\u201326. the farmers, making them his tenants, and of imposing heavy taxation. The system of taxation and military Ellis Davidson, H. R. The Viking Road to Byzantium. London: organization Snorri describes, however, is probably a re- Allen & Unwin, 1976. flection of Snorri\u2019s own time. The accusations of tyranny may be due to an Icelandic tradition of hostility toward Bjarni A\u00f0albjamarson. \u201cForm\u00e1li.\u201d Heimskringla, vol. 3, pp. Haraldr, which allowed Icelanders to hearken back to v-cxv. a Golden Age of freedom. But society before Haraldr was dominated by chieftains, earls, or petty kings, and Indreb\u00f8, Gustav. \u201cHarald haardraade i Morkinskinna.\u201d In Fest- was not as egalitarian as Snorri indicates. skrift til FinnurJ\u00f3nsson 29. maj 1928. Ed. Johs. Br\u00f8ndum- Nielsen et al. Copenhagen: Levin & Munksgaard, 1928, pp. Haraldr\u2019s unified Norway did not survive his death 173\u201380. (between 930 and 940), largely because he left so many sons, as many as twenty according to some sources. Jones, Gwyn. A History of the Vikings. 2nd ed. Oxford and New Snorri recounts his division of the realm among his York: Oxford University Press, 1984. sons and the sharing of his revenue with them before Turville-Petre, G. Haraldr the Hard-Ruler and His Poets. Doro- thea Coke Memorial Lecture in Northern Studies. London: University College; Lewis, 1968. Ruth Mazo Karras HARALDR H\u00c1RFAGRI (\u201cFAIR-HAIR\u201d) H\u00c1LFDANARSON (d. ca. 930\/40) Haraldr h\u00e1rfagri H\u00e1lfdanarson is the king credited with unifying Norway. According to his saga in Snorri Stur- luson\u2019s Heimskringla, the fullest account of Haraldr\u2019s life although not to be taken as accurate in historical 297","HARALDR H\u00c1RFAGRI H\u00c1LFDANARSON king of England, lay dead on the field of Battle, near Hastings in Kent. The hopes of his family to create a his death, assigning Eir\u00edkr bl\u00f3\u00f0\u00f8x (\u201cblood-axe\u201d) to be royal dynasty were dashed, the fortunes and lives of his high king. While this account is not likely to be accurate, supporters wasted in what may have been as audacious a the sons certainly all believed themselves entitled to the bid for royal power as that of William the Conqueror. dignity of king. Upon Haraldr\u2019s death, his sons sought power in various of the petty kingdoms their father had Harold had been opposed by several contenders for controlled. Any governmental reforms he made col- the throne after the death of Edward the Confessor in lapsed with the end of his personal rule. January 1066 and had defeated them all, including his brother Tostig and Tostig\u2019s ally, King Harald of Nor- Further Reading way, at the Battle of Stamford Bridge in late September 1066. The decision to undertake a forced march from Editions Stamford, nearYork, to Hastings, where William waited with his continental army, is often seen as a move made Bjarni A\u00f0albjamarson, ed. \u201cHaralds saga insh\u00e1rfagra.\u201d In Heim- in desperation; it is likely that Harold was confident of skringla. 3 vols. \u00cdslenzk fornrit, 26\u20138. Reykjavik: Hi\u00f0 \u00edslenzka victory or, at the very least, of a temporary repulse of fornritaf\u00e9lag, 1941\u201351, vol. 1, pp. 94\u2013149. William. Gu\u00f0brandr Vigf\u00fasson and C.R. Unger, eds. \u201cHaralds \u00de\u00e1ttr h\u00e1rf- William\u2019s success has dominated the history of late agra.\u201d In Flatelyarbok. En Samling af norske Konge-Sagaer Anglo-Saxon times. It is often forgotten that Harold, med indskudte mindre Fort\u00e6llinger om Begivenheder i og formerly earl of Wessex, had been king for nearly a undenfor Norge samt Annaler. 3 vols. Christiania [Oslo]: year. The short duration of his reign means that little Malling, 1860\u201368, vol. 1. pp. 567\u201376. was written about it, or about Harold\u2019s character, by the historians of the day. William of Poitiers, who wrote his Sigur\u00f0ur Nordal, ed. Egils saga Skalla-Gr\u00edmssonar. \u00cdslenzk Gesta Guillelmi ducis Normannorum et regis Anglorum fornrit, 2. Reykavik: Hi\u00f0 \u00edslenzka fornritaf\u00e9lag, 1933. in the 1070s, describes Harold as brave, ambitious, and clever, but an unwise dispenser of patronage. The Eng- Storm, Gustav, ed. Monumenta historiae norvegiae: latinske lish author of the Vita Aedwardi regis is more enthusi- kildeskrifter til Noregs historie i middelalderen. Christiania astic; Harold \u201cwas a true friend of his race and country, [Oslo]: Br\u00f6gger, 1880. he wielded his father\u2019s powers even more actively, and walked in his ways, that is, in patience and mercy, and Translations with kindness to men of good will.\u201d It is not entirely surprising that legends of Harold\u2019s survival after Hast- Hermann Palsson and Paul Edwards, trans. Egil\u2019s Saga. Har- ings circulated for some years after the battle. mondsworth: Penguin, 1976. Harold was 27 when he inherited the earldom of Wes- Hollander, Lee M., trans., Heimskringla: History of the Kings of sex on Godwin\u2019s death in 1053. Harold and his brothers Norway. Austin: University of Texas Press, 1964, pp. 59\u201395. Leofwine, Gyrth, and Tostig controlled, as earls, all of southern England, including East Anglia and even a part Literature of Northumbria. Harold and Tostig were successful in England\u2019s defense against Welsh and Scottish forces, Andersen, Per Sveaas. Samlingen av Norge og kristningen av and both won Edward\u2019s gratitude. But it was to Harold landet 800\u20131130. Handbok i Norges historie, 2. Bergen: that the dying king commended his wife (Harold\u2019s sister Universitetsforlaget, 1977. Edith) and kingdom in January 1066. Andersson, Theodore M. \u201cKings\u2019 Sagas (Konungas\u00f6gur).\u201d In Harold had held a special position at court, referred Old Norse\u2013Icelandic Literature: A Critical Guide. Ed. Carol to as Edward\u2019s governor by the Vita Aedwardi regis, and J. Clover and John Lindow. Islandica, 45. Ithaca and London: in 1064 or 1065 royal ambassador to Normandy. This Cornell University Press, 1985. visit, at which Harold presumably promised to sup- port William\u2019s claim to the English throne, is recorded Berman, Melissa A. \u201cEgils saga and Heimskringla.\u201d Scandina- mainly in pro-Norman sources; the story is difficult to vian Studies 54 (1982), 21\u201350. reconcile with the silence of Anglo-Saxon writers on the subject. The Vita Aedwardi hints of the visit, but Bjami A\u00f0albjarnarson. \u201cForm\u00e1li.\u201d In Heimskringla, vol. 1 the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle does not refer to it. Harold Campbell, Alistair. \u201cThe Opponents of Haraldr H\u00e1rfagri at clearly believed, at Stamford Bridge and Hastings, that he was defending England from its enemies, not that he Hafrsfjro\u02db\u00f0r.\u201d Saga-Book of the Viking Socacy 12.4(1942), was asserting a doubtful claim. 232\u20137. Gunnes, Erik. Rikssamling og kristning 800\u20131177. Oslo: Cap- It is possible that the Confessor may have fed the pelen, 1976. hopes of several contenders with hints of a future be- Holmsen, Andreas. Nye studier i gammel historie Oslo: Univer- sitetsforlaget, 1976. Jones, Gwyn. A History of the Vikings. 2nd ed. Oxford and New York: Oxford University Press, 1984. \u00d3laf\u00eda Einarsd\u00f3ttir. \u201cDateringen af Harald h\u00e5rfagers d\u00f8d.\u201d His- torisk tidsskrift (Norway) 47 (1968). 15\u201334. Sawyer, P. H. \u201cHarald Fairhair and the British Isles.\u201d In Les Vi- kings et leur civilisation: probl\u00e8mes actuels. Ed. R\u00e9gis Boyer. \u00c9cole des hautes \u00e9tudes en sciences sociales, Biblioth\u00e8que Arctique et Antarctique, 5. Paris and La Haye: Mouton, 1976, pp. 105\u20139. Ruth Mazo Karras HAROLD GODWINSON (ca. 1020\u20131066) On 14 October 1066 Harold Godwinson, the last Saxon 298","quest. Such a ploy would have been useful in prevent- HARPESTRENG, HENRIK ing invasions from Scandinavia and France during his lifetime. As a prominent royal adviser, Harold may have stones, and by a Kogebog (\u201cCookbook\u201d), the oldest one been cognizant of the double dealing and thus unlikely with \u201cFrench cuisine.\u201d The Urtebog is translated from to take seriously foreign claims to the throne. a Latin poem in hexameters written under the French pseudonym Macer, De viribus herbarum (ca. 1090), It is impossible to know what kind of king Harold and from Constantinus Africanus\u2019s De gradibus liber, would have made or what tone he would have estab- a major work from the Salerno school (1050). lished had he repelled the Normans. The combination of lands inherited from Edward and his own earldom An astrological-prognostic work, which also contains made him extraordinarily powerful, and the successful the doctor\u2019s instructions for the bloodletting of King exploitation of these resources gave him the means to Erik Plovpenning, is still unedited (GkS 3656 8vo, finance important projects. His founding of a college of from ca. 1500). Harpestreng also wrote about hygiene, canons at Waltham suggests that patronage of religious bloodletting, and cupping, and may have collected his houses would have been one aspect of his policies. His comprehensive knowledge in a leechbook. A Swedish efforts to extend English influence in Wales would no leechbook (AM 45 4to, from ca. 1450) names Harp- doubt have continued after 1066, and he might have built estreng as author, but his name had such a reputation his own retinue of loyal, powerful nobles. in all of Scandinavia that it recommended any work. The provenance is thus uncertain, and more detailed See also Edward the Confessor; Haraldr har\u00f0ra\u00f0i examination of the authorship is lacking. (\u201chard-ruler\u201d) Sigur\u00f0arson; Henry I Harpestreng\u2019s works reveal him as a pupil of the Further Reading international medical school in Salerno, Italy, which pursued Greek traditions (e.g., Galen, 2nd century a.d.) Primary Sources and Arabic ones (e.g., Avicenna\u2019s Canon, 1030). This antique system was based on a theory that the body Barlow, Frank, ed. and trans. The Life of King Edward Who was influenced by four cardinal liquids or humors, cor- Rests at Westminster [Vita Aedwardi Regis]. 2d ed. Oxford: responding to the four elements and temperaments: air Clarendon, 1992. corresponding to blood (sanguis); fire to red or yellow gall (cholera rubea); soil to black gall (melancholia); Secondary Sources and water to phlegm (flegma). Illnesses were caused by a lack of balance among these liquids, and medi- Barlow, Frank. Edward the Confessor. Berkeley: University of cine prescribed natural plants and minerals to restore California Press, 1970. the balance by a contrasting principle. Phlegm has, for example, the attributes of cold and moistness, and Williams, Ann. \u201cLand and Power in the Eleventh Century: The one gets pains if there is too much of it in the stomach, Estates of Harold Godwineson.\u201d Anglo-Norman Studies 3 Harpestreng therefore suggests peas against stomach (1981): 171\u201387, 230\u201334. pains, because the attributes of peas are dryness and warmth like the yellow gall: \u201cPea is dry and warm; Stephanie Christelow boiled and eaten it causes a good digestion and warms the stomach, but be careful not to eat it if you have an HARPESTRENG, HENRIK (d. 1244) ulcer or abcess, because it increases the pain, and do not eat it during bloodletting nor when you suffer from A large body of medical work has been preserved from pains in your eyes, because it brings about and increases the Danish doctor Master Henrik Harpestreng, who died warmth and infection and causes bad stitches and does April 2, 1244, as a canon in Rosktlde and physician-in- not allow the unclean liquid to flow from one\u2019s eyes\u201d ordinary of King Erik Plovpenning (\u201cplow-penny\u201d). Two (from Liber herbarum). Latin works by a certain Henricus Dacus, presumably the same man, are known: a book about laxatives, De sim- Further Reading plicibus medicinis laxativis, and a book about herbs, Liber herbarum, extant in several MSS from the 15th century. Editions His other works are written in older Middle Danish, Konr\u00e1\u00f0r G\u00edslason, ed. Fire og fyrretyve for en stor deel forhen according to the late MS Thott 710 4to (A, 1450), by the utrykte pr\u00f8ver af oldnordisk sprog og literatur. Copenhagen: author\u2019s own efforts: \u201cHere a medical book in Danish Gyldendal, 1860. is begun, the one that Master Henrik Harpestreng com- posed from his great mastership.\u201d This is the prologue to Klemming, G. E., ed. L\u00e4ke-och \u00f6rteb\u00f6ker fr\u00e5n Sveriges Medeltid. Harpestreng\u2019s best-known work, Urtebogen (\u201cThe Book Samlingar utgivna av Svenska fomskrift-s\u00e4llskapet, 82, 84, of Herbs\u201d), which is known from late MSS and two 90. Stockholm: Norstedt, 1883\u201386. MSS from around 1300. In one of these MSS (NkS 66 8vo by Brother Khud Juul, attorney of the monastery of H\u00e6gstad, M. Gamalnorsk fragment av Henrik Harpestreng. Sor\u00f8), two books about herbs are followed by a Stenbog Videnskabs-selskabets skrifter. II, Hist.-filos. Klasse 1906. (\u201cBook of Stones\u201d) about the curative properties of gem- Christiania [Oslo]: Dybwad, 1906. 299","HARPESTRENG, HENRIK rassed way to the class of ministeriales, an important, emerging, diverse class of court functionaries dependent Harpestreng, H. Gamle danske Urteb\u00f8ger, Stenb\u00f8ger og Koge- for their living on the largesse of the nobility. Whether b\u00f8ger. Ed. Marius Kristensen. Copenhagen: Thiele, 1908\u201320 Hartmann came from a family that was in the ascendant [originally issued in 7 parts as Universitets-Jubil\u00e6ets danske or one that had fallen from free indentured status, is Samfund, Skrifter Nr. 182, 192, 200, 215,226,236, and 253 uncertain. By designating himself a r\u00eeter (knight) in edits Stock. K 48 (S, ca. 1300), Knud Juul MS, NkS 66,8 the prologues to Poor Heinrich and Iwein, Hartmann (K, ca. 1300), a fragment of Link\u00f6ping T67 (L, ca. 1350), reveals his knowledge of country life, the backdrop NkS 7OR, 8vo (Q, after 1350), Stenbogh from Stockholm nor only of his Arthurian romances, but also his verse K4 (S,ca. 1450)] tales and poetry. Henricus Dacus. De simplicibus medicinis laxativis. Ed. J. W. S. Where Hartmann obtained the education he speaks of Johnson. Copenhagen: Hofboghandel, 1914. in Poor Heinrich, and whose traces are evident through- out his writings, is not known. Such an education could Hauberg, P., ed. \u201cEn middelalderlig dansk l\u00e6gebog.\u201d Copenha- only have been obtained at a cathedral school or in a gen: Koppel, 1927. monastery; the setting of the monastery in Gregorius and discussions of the life and education there would favor Harpestreng, Henrik, Liber Herbarum. Ed. Poul Hauberg. Co- the latter supposition. It appears that, in addition to penhagen: Kretzschmer, 1936. Latin, Hartmann knew Old French, the language of Literature Chr\u00e9tien de Troyes and the influential French courtly culture. His allusions to classical works and to church Hauberg, Poul. \u201cLidt om Henrik Harpestr\u00e6ngs L\u00e6gebog.\u201d Danske philosophers confirm that Hartmann was one of the most Studier 19 (1919), 111\u201328. learned poets of the age. Otto, Alfred. Liber Daticus Roskildensis. Till\u00e6g 4. Copenhagen: Hartmann must have had a wealthy, and thus pow- Levin & Munksgaard, 1933. erful, patron, for writers of Hartmann\u2019s ministerial- knightly class were dependent on the court not only for M\u00f8ller-Christensen, Vilhelm. Middelalderens L\u00e6gekunst i Dan- the expensive outfitting of a knight, but also for costly mark Copenhagen: Munksgaard, 1944 [English summary] writing resources, access to a courtly audience, and the availability of precious manuscripts of the French Skov, Sigv. \u201cHenrik Harpestreng og middelalderens medicin.\u201d sources that Hartmann must have read. Numerous at- Danske Studier 45 (1945), 125\u201339. tempts made to pinpoint Hartmann\u2019s homeland have been inconclusive. His Alemannic language\u2014a dialect Gotfredsen, Edvard. Medicinens historie. 3rd ed. Copenhagen: covering a swath from northern Switzerland, southwest- Nyt Nordisk Forlag, 1973. ern Germany, and southeastern France, that is, modern Alsace\u2014and a few scant descriptions in his works Sigurd Kv\u00e6rndrup point to modern southern or southwestern Germany as his home. Two powerful families, the Z\u00e4hringer and HARTMANN VON AUE the Hohenstaufen, have been posited as Hartmann\u2019s (ca. 1160\u2013after 1210) patrons, and the Z\u00e4hringer, with their seat near Freiburg at the crossroads of French and German culture, seem Of the four major writers of the High Middle Ages more likely. Finally, it should be no surprise that even during the Hohenstaufen dynasty\u2014Hartmann von Aue, the dates of Hartmann\u2019s life are disputed, but the period Walther von der Vogelweide, Wolfram von Eschenbach, from around 1160 to shortly after 1210 would seem to and Gottfried von Stra\u00dfburg\u2014Hartmann von Aue stands have encompassed most of his years. out as the most prolific and diverse. His works include a verse treatise on love, Diu Klage (The Lament, ca. The chronology of Hartmann\u2019s writings is also dis- 1180), two Arthurian epics, Erec (ca. 1180) and Iwen puted. However, some consensus has been reached: the (ca. 1200), two verse tales, Gregorius (ca. 1190) and Lament and some of the lyric poetry belong to an early Armer Heinrich (Poor Heinrich, ca. 1195), and eighteen phase, followed by the Arthurian romance Erec. Most poems\u2014some spurious\u2014spread out over much of his critics agree that a dramatic metamorphosis then took writing career. place in Hartmann\u2019s life, something that shaped the themes of his next two works, Gregorius and Poor Hein- Both Gottfried von Strasbourg, author of Tristan, and rich, and some of his later poetry. Finally, toward the Wolfram von Eschenbach, author of Parzival, mention end of his life, Hartmann again turned to the Arthurian Hartmann in their works, and their comments reveal the epic, this time to Iwein. (The beginning of Iwein may, esteem in which he was held by contemporary writers. however, have been written earlier and set aside, pos- As the poet who introduced the Arthurian romance into sibly during the presumed upheaval in the poet\u2019s life.) German-language literature, Hartmann influenced not only his literary generation but those who followed, well into the thirteenth century. Like all of the major writers of the period, very little is known about Hartmann\u2019s life, and what is known must be gleaned from comments in his works, as noth- ing has come down to us in contemporary documents. Setting aside the question of whether Hartmann speaks in his works in an autobiographical or a literary voice, current thinking generally agrees on a rough sketch of Hartmann\u2019s life. In Poor Heinrich Hartmann calls himself a dienstman, consigning himself in an unembar- 300","The Lament may trace its heritage to the contempo- HARTMANN VON AUE rary scholastic disputatio, a learned argument between two university professors, or to legal cases or classical of large parts of western France through his marriage models of disputation. The stichomythic (rapid dia- to Eleanor of Aquitaine, this nationalism gave way logue exchange) give-and-take between the heart and to the trappings of courtly society and chivalry when body in the third part of the work points ahead to the Hartmann introduced the large-scale Arthurian romance debate between the abbot and the young knight-to-be in Germany. in Gregorius, and to alternating dialogue in Erec and Iwein. Whatever the origin of the work, this early writing Though he may have also used other sources, written bears the imprint of Hartmann\u2019s education, whether in and oral, Hartmann based Erec largely on Chr\u00e9tien de a monastery or a church school. Troye\u2019s Erec et Enide and acknowledged that fact in line 4629. It would be more appropriate to call Erec a After the body and the heart exchange reproaches reworking, or an adaptation, rather than a translation, and offer their defenses in the Lament, and after the however, for Hartmann took great liberties with his stichomythic exchange between the two, the body, hav- French model and expanded Chr\u00e9tien\u2019s version by over ing seen the wisdom of the heatt\u2019s arguments, redirects 3,000 lines: 10,192 versus 6,958. its attention in the final exchange to the courtly lady in question. A striking feature of the Lament is the heart\u2019s The differences between the two Erecs illuminate the paradigmatic explanation of what makes up courtly disparate intentions of the two authors and highlight the love. Ethical attributes that form the underpinnings of similarities and dissimilarities of the two courtly societ- Minnesang find echoes in some of Hartmann\u2019s poetry, ies. What strikes the reader of both works is Hartmann\u2019s and, coupled with a Christian ethic, resonate throughout focus on courtly society, and its concomitant etiquette Hartmann\u2019s works in the striving of the heroes toward of chivalry, and on the relationship between Erec and betterment and self-fulfillment. Enite. One can justifiably call Hartmann didactic, moralistic, and possibly even preachy, for, behind the Of all of Hartmann\u2019s writings, his lyric poetry has Arthurian fa\u00e7ade, he had a point to make. Both Erec and raised the most contention among critics. The nine- Enite are guilty of failing to understand their roles in teenth-century Romantic\/positivist viewpoint held a courtly society. It is their perilous journey that leads that the lyrics mirrored Hartmann\u2019s life and could them to the awareness that courtly love is more than thus be grouped in chronological fashion, tracing first just physical attraction; it entails a mutually supportive Hartmann\u2019s obeisance to the concepts of minne (courtly relationship integrated into and supportive of a courtly love), then, his disillusionment with and subsequent society. While Erec is not a F\u00fcrstenspiegel (a sort of rejection of it in poetry praising common women, and, primer for the education of a prince), Hartmann would finally, to an ethical-spiritual substitution for minne, as probably not have been disappointed had all knights represented in his Kreuzlieder (crusading songs). turned out like his hero. What can be said is that Hartmann\u2019s poems\u2014eigh- Hartmann also modeled Gregorius after a French teen in the canon, but some of these are spurious\u2014can prototype, the popular La Vie du Pape Saint Gr\u00e9goire. be divided thematically: (1) traditional Minnesang; (2) Gregorius shows similarities with varying versions, complaints, whether by a man or a woman\u2014the latter leading to the conjecture that an Ur-Gregorius existed at being called a Frauenklage; (3) songs of anti-minne, some point. Whatever the exemplar of Gregorius, Hart- comprising a rejection of the high ideals of minne and a mann\u2019s use of it, as with Erec and Iwein, amounts more turn to more worldly love for fulfillment; and (4) crusad- to a reworking or adaptation than a strict translation. ing songs. Taken as a whole, much of Hartmann\u2019s lyrical Compared to the extant Old French versions, Gregorius poetry reads like the poetry of his age, and influences is between one-third and one-half again as long, show- from earlier Minnes\u00e4nger are apparent. At times he uses ing once more that, for Hartmann, the French original some stunning imagery, and his anti-minne songs and served mainly as a foundation on which he could use his crusading songs strike the reader as honest and bold; poetic skill to erect a vastly different structure. they certainly must have influenced his contemporaries, including Walther von der Vogelweide. But Hartmann Gregorius followed Erec and the Lament, perhaps is a more conventional, conservative poet than others of toward the end of the 1180s, and this positioning of the his time, disdaining the erotic and the comical. work has led to one aspect of its interpretation, i.e., that Gregorius is \u201canti-Erec,\u201d or anti-chivalric, a rejection by Hartmann most likely composed his Erec sometime a more mature author of his earlier work, namely Erec. in the 1180s, when he was in his twenties, shortly after The thread of individual self-realization, a kind of rite de the Lament, and contemporaneously with some of his passage, ties Hartmann\u2019s major works together. Grego- lyric poetry. Although the legend of King Arthur had rius, moving from infancy through boyhood to manhood nationalistic overtones in England and France, mirroring and finally to a precocious middle age of insight and the court of Henry II Plantagenet, king of England and wisdom, comes closest among Hartmann\u2019s characters to the Bildungsfigur (character undergoing formative changes) of Wolfram von Eschenbach\u2019s Parzival. 301","HARTMANN VON AUE The fairy-tale ending of the story (his healing), in ad- dition to the girl\u2019s virtual disappearance from the action, Perhaps the interpretive focus should not, as some and the couple\u2019s ultimate salvation leave some readers scholarship suggests, rest so heavily on the incest of dissatisfied. Has Heinrich actually earned his happiness? Gregorius\u2019 parents, and on his own incest with his Do his actions at the end reveal a real change of heart? mother\u2014for these acts, due to mitigating circumstances, Not for this reason alone does Poor Heinrich remain the seem pardonable to both medieval and modern think- most controversial of Hartmann\u2019s major works. Where ing\u2014or even on his own superbia (pride) at leaving the it fits in the chronology of Hartmann\u2019s work is also monastic world, but rather on the journey that Gregorius uncertain. It seems to mitigate, with its happy ending, undertakes, both physically and spiritually, on the path the somberness of Gregorius, and point ahead to Iwein, that is mentioned both in the prologue and toward the Hartmann\u2019s return to the Arthurian theme. end of the tale, when Gregorius seeks to do penance in the wilderness. This path may be seen as the path we The large number of manuscripts and fragments of all take in life. Iwein, its being most often mentioned among Hartmann\u2019s work by contemporary writers, and the many depictions (Like Erec early on,) the knightly Gregorius leads an of scenes from it in frescoes and tapestries, all point to exemplary life, an indication that Gregorius is not an its popularity. As with Erec, Hartmann based Iwein on anti-chivalric work. He falls, as Erec does, but differ- a work by Chr\u00e9tien de Troyes, Yvain: Le Chevalier au ently, and, like Erec, he must come to an understanding lion, and, as in Erec, Hartmann greatly expanded upon of what has happened to him. He takes the initiative, the French original, by about twenty percent; 8,166 lines directs his mother\u2019s actions, and sets out to do penance, versus 6,818. Nevertheless, in Iwein, Hartmann followed for, after all, as the prologue and ending make clear, Chr\u00e9tien\u2019s plot line more closely adding mainly dialogue none is so stricken with sin that he cannot rise again, and authorial reflection. cleansed, and attain grace. The theme in Iwein, as in Erec, is the reconciliation Heinrich von Aue, the protagonist in Poor Heinrich, of individual actions and individual love with chival- like Erec and Gregorius, has reached what appears to ric ideals and a higher, ethical love. Like Erec, Iwein be the pinnacle of success and happiness, only to fall. undergoes a series of adventures before and after his In his case, leprosy, which must be seen as a curse from marriage to Laudine. Some critics have questioned God, strikes him down. Unlike Erec and Gregorius, Iwein\u2019s behavior when he kills Ascalon, Laudine\u2019s Heinrich, at the beginning of the story, does not have husband; others have criticized the later adventures as to set out on a path to attain his goal; he has already being too inconsequential to fit in the overall structure reached it. Because of the narrator\u2019s praise of Heinrich, of the epic. But even more than with Erec, Hartmann readers may wonder initially what brought about the juxtaposes courtly society with one man\u2019s actions, and knight\u2019s fall, but the narrator\u2019s comparison of Heinrich what is a more requisite component of chivalric society with Absalom and the many repetitions of the adjective than adventures and quests? \u201cworldly\u201d reveal that hubris and the pursuit of worldly things bring about Heinrich\u2019s predicament. From the Hartmann treats the court of King Arthur in Iwein onset of Heinrich\u2019s leprosy till the change \u201cin his old differently than he presented it in Erec. In the earlier way of thinking,\u201d he takes a number of positive steps, work he toned down or eliminated much of Chr\u00e9tien\u2019s but he also missteps, and readers must determine if or criticism of the court, but in Iwein the court not only why Heinrich deserves the salvation granted to him at plays a more essential role, but the reader gets glimpses the end of the story. of a courtly society where all is not well. This change in tone could be due to an older Hartmann\u2019s lifelong When Heinrich disposes of much of his wordly goods experience at court, but whatever the reason, the court\u2019s and moves in with the family of one of his tenants, flaws underline the ethical and moral perfectibility of Hartmann introduces his most controversial character, the individual. From Erec via Gregorius and Heinrich a girl of eight who, for three years, rarely departs from and finally to Iwein, this is the thread that connects her afflicted master\u2019s side. Heinrich ends up calling her Hartmann\u2019s major works, for, as with many great writ- his \u201cbride,\u201d and she ultimately agrees to sacrifice herself ers, Hartmann had an ethical ideal and set out to show for him, for she has learned that only the blood of a how it might be attained. willing virgin can save him. The controversy revolves around her motivations: is she selfless or selfish? Is her See also Chr\u00e9tien de Troyes; willingness to sacrifice herself only an arrogant pursuit Gottfried von Stra\u00dfburg of salvation? Or is she motivated out of love for her parents and for Heinrich? After all, since the pursuit of Further Reading salvation recurs in Hartmann\u2019s works, and, since salva- tion was a teaching of the Church, can she be faulted B\u00fchne, Sheema Zeeban, trans. Gregorius. New York: Ungar, for pursuing what appears to her, a girl without means, 1966. as the only road to salvation? 302","Clark, Susan L. Hartmann von Aue: Landscapes of Mind. Hous- HAWKWOOD, SIR JOHN ton: Rice University Press, 1989. for more then thirty years in Italy, where he was known Fisher, R. W., trans. Narrative Works of Hartmann von Aue. as Giovanni Acuto. G\u00f6ppingen: K\u00fcmmerle, 1983. John Hawkwood served in the army of Edward III, Gibbs, Marion E., and Sidney M. Johnson. Medieval German in France, and is said to have fought in the famous Literature: A Companion. New York and London: Garland, battles of Cr\u00e9cy (1346) and Poitiers (1356), gaining a 1997, pp. 132\u2013156. knighthood. After the peace of Bretigny (1360), a great number of the troops were dismissed and many soldiers Hasty, Will. Adventures in Interpretation: The Works of Hart- formed companies of free lances. Hawkwood became mann von Aue and Their Critical Reception. Columbia, S.C.: the chief of one such band. In 1362, he crossed the Alps Camden House, 1996. and went south, into the service of the republic of Pisa, which was then at war with Florence. In 1364, he was \u2014\u2014. Adventure as Social Performance. A Study of the German elected captain general of a company of Englishmen Court Epic. T\u00fcbingen: Niemeyer, 1990. called the White Company because of their shining arms and their splendid armor. With other mercenaries Jackson, William Henry. Chivalry in Twelfth-Century Ger- at the service of Pisa, Hawkwood attacked Florence many: The Works of Hartmann von Aue. Cambridge: Brewer, and came near enough to the city to burn some suburbs. 1994. But the gold of Florence produced its effect, and all the other mercenaries, as well as a number of soldiers of Keller, Thomas L., trans. Hartmann von Aue. Erec. New York & the White Company itself, deserted him. He retired to London: Garland, 1987. Pisa with only 800 men. \u2014\u2014. Hartmann von Aue. Klageb\u00fcchlein. G\u00f6ppingen: K\u00fcm- In 1368, Hawkwood went north to Milan, where he merle, 1986. was hired by Barnab\u00f2 Visconti to fight against the pope and Florence. Hawkwood was sent again to central Italy McConeghy, Patrick M., trans. Iwein. New York: Garland, to support Perugia in its revolt against the pope; there, he 1984. was surprised near Arezzo by German mercenaries who had been hired by the pope, was defeated, and was taken McFarland, Timothy, and Silvia Ranawake, ed. Hartmann von prisoner. However, he was ransomed by the Visconti, and Aue. Changing Perspectives: London Hartmann Symposium. he enjoyed such fame and prestige that he was able, in a G\u00f6ppingen: K\u00fcmmerle, 1988. short time, to put together another company, consisting of his formerly scattered forces and hundreds of other Resler, Michael, trans. Erec by Hartmann von Aue. Philadelphia: mercenaries willing to serve under him. His army was University of Pennsylvania Press, 1987. so strong that it menaced the pope in Montefiascone and in Viterbo. Then, at Cascina, Hawkwood intercepted and Thomas, John Wesley, trans. Erec. Lincoln: University of Ne- defeated a force of Florentines with more then 4,000 braska Press, 1982. men. Back in northern Italy, he defeated the forces of the marquis of Montferrat at Rubiera, in 1372, and laid \u2014\u2014. Iwein. Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1979. siege to Asti. But he then left the service of Barnab\u00f2 \u2014\u2014. Medieval German Lyric Verse in English Translation. Visconti when Barnab\u00f2 decided to reduce his pay. Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1968. Within a few weeks, Hawkwood entered the service \u2014\u2014. Poor Heinrich. In: The Best Novellas of Medieval Germany. of the most determined of the current enemies of the Visconti, Pope Gregorius XI, who also had other lead- Columbia, S.C.: Camden House, 1984. ers of mercenary troops at his service. One of the other Tobin, Frank, trans. Der arme Heinrich [Medieval text with fac- leaders, the French mercenary de Coucy, used a strategy that was based on attacking enemies at any cost, whereas ing literal English translation]. In: McGraw-Hill Anthology Hawkwood thought that intimidation and threats could of German Literature, vol. I: Early Middle Ages to Storm and be more efficient and immensely less costly then open Stress, ed. Kim Vivian, Frank Tobin, and Richard H. Lawson. attack. For this reason, Hawkwood\u2019s contemporaries New York: McGraw-Hill, 1993; rpt. Anthology of German called him cautissimus. De Coucy caused Hawkwood Literature: Vom fr\u00fchen Mittelalter bis zum Sturm und Drang. to suffer an unmerited defeat at Montechiaro; but a Chicago: Waveland, 1998, pp. 69\u2013104. few days after this, Hawkwood was able to turn on the \u2014\u2014. The Unfortunate Lord Henry. In: German Medieval pursuing Milanese and rout them. Tales, ed. Francis G. Gentry. New York: Continuum, 1983, pp. 1\u201321. In 1375, Hawkwood had to move against the free Tobin, Frank, Kim Vivian, and Richard H. Lawson. Hartmann cities of Tuscany as commander of the papal army, von Aue. The Complete Arthurian Romances, Tales, and which was strong enough to devastate the country but Lyric Poetry. University Park: Pennsylvania State University not to conquer the city-states of the region. When the Press, 2000. Tobin, Frank. \u201cHigh Middle Ages.\u201d In A Concise History of German Literature, ed. Kim Vivian. Columbia, S.C.: Camden House, 1992, pp. 30\u201334, 45\u201348. Zeydel, Edwin H., trans. (with Bayard Quincy Morgan). Gre- gorius: A Medieval Oedipus Legend by Hartmann von Aue. Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1955. Kim Vivian HAWKWOOD, SIR JOHN (c. 1320\u20131394) Sir John Hawkwood (Sir John de Hawkwood, Giovanni Acuto) was born in Sible Hedingham, Essex, the second son of a landowner and tanner named Gilbert Hawkwood, and died in Florence. John Hawkwood, a soldier and leader of mercenary troops, started his mili- tary career m France at the beginning of the Hundred Years\u2019 War and then became chief of mercenary bands 303","HAWKWOOD, SIR JOHN of the best-known leaders of mercenary troops of his time. He served the most important and mightiest states Florentines offered a large sum of money in exchange of Italy\u2014Florence, Milan, and the pope. His military for a solemn promise not to damage Florence and the ability was universally recognized. He is said to have other allied cities, Hawkwood persuaded the papal introduced into Italy a strategy of the English army representative to accept the offer. that involved dismounted knights wielding long lances and mobile archery squads with longbows. As a con- The pope was a bad paymaster and habitually an- dottiere employed by different states, he could rarely swered Hawkwood\u2019s requests with vague promises develop autonomous strategies, but whenever possible and apostolic blessings. However, as payment for his he avoided the risk of fighting for targets that could be services Hawkwood obtained the papal territories of obtained by other means. Bagnacavallo, Cotignola, and Conselice in Romagna in 1376. In Italy, most of the cities in the papal territories See also Edward III were in rebellion against tyrannical exploitation by the papal legates, and Hawkwood was often asked to fight Further Reading not against other armies but against the rebels\u2014and to slaughter civilians, as he did in Cesena early in 1377. Chalmers, Alexander. The General Biographical Dictionary. Chronicles report that 4,000 people were killed at Ces- London: J. Nichols, 1812\u20131817. (See \u201cJohn Hawkwood.\u201d) ena. To avoid being used for the punishment of innocent people, Hawkwood decided to abandon the service of Gaupp, Fritz. \u201cThe Condottiere John Hawkwood.\u201d History, 23, the pope in 1377 and joined the antipapal league, where 1938\u20131939, pp. 305\u2013321. he found his earlier enemies Barnab\u00f2 Visconti and the Florentines. Machiavelli, Niccol\u00f2. Istorie fiorentine, ed. Franco Gaeta. Milan: Feltrinelli, 1962. Hawkwood, who was apparently a widower, married an illegitimate daughter of Barnab\u00f2, Donnina, in 1377. R[igg], J[ames] M[cMullen]. \u201cHawkwood, Sir John.\u201d The Dic- He moved to Romagna in order to establish himself in tionary of National Biography. Oxford: Oxford University his possessions there, but soon the small dimensions of Press, 1886\u20131887, Vol. 9, pp. 236\u2013242. his land and the unfriendliness of his neighbors led him to change his mind. He decided instead to accept an offer Tabanelli, Mario. Giovanni Acuto, capitano di ventura. Faenza: from the republic of Florence, thus beginning a period Stab. Grafico Fratelli Lega, 1975. of almost permanent service to the Florentine signoria. During the following fifteen years he fought against Temple-Leader, John, and Giuseppe Marcotti. Sir John Hawk- the pope and then against Gian Galeazzo Visconti, wood (L\u2019Acuto): Story of a Condottiere. London: T. F. Unwin, Barnab\u00f2\u2019s nephew, who had risen to power in Milan after 1889. ousting Barnab\u00f2. Hawkwood guided an army against Gian Galeazzo Visconti in northern Italy, with some Winstanley, William. \u201cThe Life of Sir J. Hawkwood.\u201d In Eng- success, and was able to retreat without losses when land\u2019s Worthies. London: Printed for Nath. Brooke, at the Sign a disagreement with the allied forces made the course of the Angel in Cornhill, 1660. of the campaign unfavorable. Contemporary sources regarded this retreat as a victory. When Hawkwood went Giulio Maffii again to northern Italy to fight against Verona, which was allied with the Visconti, he achieved a significant victory HEINRIC (fl. ca. 1300) over the Milanese and Veronese forces at Castagnaro on 11 March 1387. In 1391, he bravely and efficaciously This Middle Dutch poet, also known as Hein van Aken, defended Florentine positions in Tuscany against the is mentioned as an author in a number of Middle Dutch army of the Visconti, which eventually retreated. texts. Hawkwood received honors and consideration from One, Van den coninc Saladijn ende van Tabaryen the Florentine signoria and had a palace neat Florence. (Of King Saladijn and of Tabaryen), is an adaptation He lived at this palace until his death, which occurred of the French courtesy book l\u2019Ordene de chevalerie during the night of 16\u201317 March 1394. Solemn funerals (The Chivalric Order). The text has been shortened by were provided by the signoria, and his widow received a over two hundred verses and its metrical form has been life pension. In 1430, the republic commissioned the fa- altered as well. The Old French source is continuous mous artist Paolo Uccello to paint an equestrian portrait text in paired rhyme, but the Middle Dutch adaptation of John Hawkwood in the cathedral of Florence. The is stanzaic, with the rhyme scheme ABABABAB. The large fresco is still there, as well as the inscription, which contents of the two are similar. Hughe van Tabaryen, begins: Ioannis Acutus Eques Britannicus, Dux Aetatis who is a prisoner of war, makes Sultan Saladijn a knight suae Cautis-simus et Rei Militaris Peritissimus. and talks to him about the essence of knighthood. In the final line of the poem, the author\u2019s name is revealed: John Hawkwood was a typical condottiere and one Hein van Aken. This text is the only one to mention Heinric\u2019s surname. In the past, scholars have attributed other works to this author, but their evidence is weak. The translator of Die Rose (\u201cThe Rose\u201d), for example, calls himself van Brusele Henrecke (Henrecke from Brussels, 1. 9901). In 304","Der leken spieghel, Jan van Boendale mentions a certain HEINRICH DER GL\u00ceCHEZ\u00c2RE \u201cVan Bruesele Heyne van Aken\u201d (Book III, cap. 17, 1. 91). This line has been used to argue that the translator Meesters, Rob, ed. Roman van Heinric ende Margriete van Lim- of Die Rose is Hein van Aken, but the argument is not borch. Amsterdam\/Antwerpen: Wereldbibliotheek, 1951. convincing. van Uytven, Raymond. \u201cHistorische knipoogjes naar \u2018Heinric Two other Middle Dutch texts have wrongly been ende Margriete van Limborch.\u2019\u201d Bijdragen tot de geschiedenis attributed to Hein van Aken: the second part of an ad- 66 (1983): 3\u201311. aptation of Li miserere by the Renclus de Moiliens (in which the Christian name Heinrec is mentioned), and the Verwijs, Eelco, ed. Heinric van Aken, Die Rose. 1868; rpt. Utre- Vierde Martijn, a stanzaic poem following the Martijns cht: HES, 1976. by Jacob van Maerlant, which a modern editor supposed contained a reference to Saladijn. Dieuwke van der Poel The Roman van Heinric ende Margriete van Lim- HEINRICH DER GL\u00ceCHEZ\u00c2RE borch (Tale of Heinric and Margriete of Limborch) (fl. late 12th c.) is very colorful and long epic text (ca. 22,000 lines in twelve books). The entire text has come down to us in Heinrich, the Alsatian author of Reinhart Fuchs (Rey- two codices, presently in Brussels and Leyden. The lat- nard the Fox, last decade of the twelfth century), was the ter codex contains an epilogue in which the poet calls first to utilize myriad tales about the adventures of the himself Heinric. The notion that Heinric is identical clever fox and his opponents already treated satirically with the translator of Die Rose, is a proposition that has in the Latin poem Ysengrimus and the various branches never been proven. Margriete van Limborch was prob- of the French episodic narrative Roman de Renart, ably written between 1291 and 1318 and was meant for several of which were his principal sources, to form an the Brabantine court. The work is an original Middle extended animal epic. The appellation often attached Dutch composition into which a large number of well- to his name in scholarship, Gl\u00eechez\u00e2re (hypocrite), was known medieval literary motifs have been incorporated. surely intended by him to refer to Reinhart, as a fragment Margriete, the daughter of Duke van Limburg, gets lost of the work from the beginning of the thirteenth century during a hunt and eventually finds herself at the court makes clear, but in the two very similar manuscripts, in Athens where the count\u2019s son, Echites, falls in love both written between 1320 and 1330, that preserve the with her. After many adventures, the couple marries. A whole work (with a small lacuna, or gap) it seems to number of subplots are interwoven into this basic story, be part of his own name. Several brief German didactic including one which deals with Margriete\u2019s brother poems witness that Heinrich\u2019s version continued to be Heinric, who travels around from place to place looking read to some extent in later centuries, but the French for his sister. A tale about Evax, who seeks Echites, and branches were independently shaped into a longer nar- descriptions of entire sieges and wars are also included rative in French and in Dutch, and the Dutch version(s) in the epic. became the basis for the Low German Reynke de Vos and the Middle English Reynard the Fox. See also Jacob van Maerlant; Jan van Boendale The lacuna in Reinhart Fuchs is intentional; the nar- Further Reading rative breaks off (in one manuscript with the words et cetera) just before Ysengrin the wolf is castrated, and Asselbergs, Willem J. A. \u201cHet landschap van de Vierde Martijn,\u201d picks up again with his laments. Heinrich, however, was in Asselbergs, Willem J. A. Nijmeegse colleges. Zwolle: not as prudish as a later medieval editor. His explicit Tjeenk Willink, 1967, pp. 43\u201391. account can be reconstructed from a didactic song at- tacking false oaths by Der Marner that clearly utilizes de Keyser, P., ed. Hein van Aken, Van den coninc Saladijn ende it. In a way, such explicitness is unusual; such details van Hughen van Tabaryen. Leyden: Brill, 1950. are generally hinted at rather than stated. Nevertheless, it was apparently his own invention\u2014his known sources De Wachter, Lieve, \u201cEen literair-historisch onderzoek naar de do not contain the episode, though Reynke de Vos has a effecten van ontleningen op de compositie en de zingeving distant parallel, as does its source. van de Roman van Heinric en Margriete van Limborch.\u201d Dis- sertation University of Brussels, 1998. All versions of the material utilize beasts in two ways: essentially, in that animals behave according to Hegman, Willy A., ed. Hein van Aken, Vierde Martijn. Zwolle: their nature (as understood in the Middle Ages), and Tjeenk-Willink, 1958. allegorically, in that the animals portray human vices. Even where allusions to human institutions and actions Janssens, Jozef D. \u2018Brabantse knipoogjes\u2019 in de Roman van are clear, the animals are never totally anthropomor- Heinric ende Margriete van Limborch, Eigen schoon en de phized. But, they all can speak, and they interact as Brabander 60 (1977): 1\u201316. if their differences were less consequential than their similarities. Almost all the versions, although perhaps Leendertz, Pieter, ed. Het Middelnederlandsche leerdicht Rinclus. not all branches of the Roman de Renart, criticize the Amsterdam: Jan Leendertz en Zoon, 1893. Lievens, Robrecht. \u201cDe dichter Hein van Aken.\u201d Spiegel der Letteren 4 (1960): 57\u201374. 305","HEINRICH DER GL\u00ceCHEZ\u00c2RE unprecedented venture into the medium of the fantastic; in its theme, because of its new emphasis on Fortuna misuse of office, be it secular or clerical. Heinrich dem- (fortune); and in its structure, by departing from the onstrates, through the implications of the episodes he standard two-part scheme of Chr\u00e9tien\u2019s classic form adds to those he adapts from his sources, an intimate of romance. knowledge of local politics in the late twelfth century; the position discernible in his work is opposed to the The work is also unique in making Gawein the central Hohenstaufen, imperial one. He also is knowledgeable hero. In a plot that synthesizes the exploits of a great in the intricacies of Germanic law, adjusting his French many Arthurian heroes, Gawein turns into an almost sources where necessary to make the trial scene at the operatic superhero and savior figure who makes their end of the work accord with audience\u2019s understanding adventures part of his own mission. In essentially three of legal procedure. narrative sequences, he rescues Arthur\u2019s court from the threat of losing Ginover, undergoes a sequence of Further Reading adventures structured around his own role in the Grail romance, and finally\u2013like a second Parzival\u2013reaches a D\u00fcwel, Klaus, ed. Der Reinhart Fuchs des Els\u00e4ssers Heinrich. somewhat anticlimactic zenith in delivering the living T\u00fcbingen: Niemeyer, 1984. dead at the Grail castle. G\u00f6ttert, Karl-Heinz, ed. and trans. Heinrich der Gl\u00eechez\u00e2re: As a prot\u00e9g\u00e9 of Lady Fortune (Salde), Gawein\u2019s rai- Reinhart Fuchs. Stuttgart: Reclam: 1978. son d\u2019\u00eatre is the preservation of Arthur\u2019s court. Instead of pursuing a search for spiritual perfection, Heinrich\u2019s new Hubert Heinen type of hero operates in the secular context of a model court. Arthurian romance, as redefined by Heinrich, HEINRICH VON DEM T\u00dcRLIN turns into a romance of society, stressing the stability (fl. first half of the 13th c.) of a central court as an indispensable basis of chivalrous existence. Heinrich\u2019s view of Arthur\u2019s court, no longer The author of Diu Cr\u00f4ne (The Crown), a 30,000-line Utopian, rather aims at a mythic model whose basis is Middle High German Arthurian romance in rhymed fragile and ultimately doomed. couplets, with triplets marking the end of each sec- tion, may also have written Der Mantel (The Cloak), a See also Rudolph von Ems fragment of 994 lines, the authorship of which is rather uncertain. Further Reading Heinrich lived in the first half of the 13th century. Cormeau, Christoph. \u2018Wigalois\u2019 und \u2018Diu Cr\u00f4ne\u2019: Zwei Kapitel The Cr\u00f4ne must have been completed by ca. 1230. zur Gattungsgeschichte des nachklassischen Aventiureromans. The date is linked to Rudolf von Ems\u2019s Alexander, Munich: Artemis, 1977. where Heinrich\u2019s work receives favorable mention as Allr Aventiure Kr\u00f4ne (\u201cCrown of all Adventures\u201d). Of Dick, Ernst S. \u201cTradition and Emancipation: The Generic Aspect Heinrich\u2019s biographical background, virtually nothing of Heinrich\u2019s Cr\u00f4ne.\u201d In Genres in Medieval German Litera- is known with certainty. The previously accepted con- ture, ed. Hubert Heinen and Ingeborg Henderson. G\u00f6ppingen: nection with the family name von dem T\u00fcrlin (meaning K\u00fcmmerle, 1986, pp. 74\u201392. \u201cof the doorway\u201d) in the Carinthian town of St. Veit seems untenable. From his work we can identify only Jillings, Lewis. Diu Crone of Heinrich von dem T\u00fcrlein: The his name, his language (Bavarian-Austrian), the degree Attempted Emancipation of Secular Narrative. G\u00f6ppingen: of his education (extensive knowledge of French and K\u00fcmmerle, 1980. Latin, and some Italian), and possibly his social status (hardly a knight). Internal evidence also suggests strong Kratz, Bernd. \u201cZur Biographie Heinrichs von dem T\u00fcrlin.\u201d ties with the area of the Eastern Alps. Since his work Amsterdamer Beitr\u00e4ge zur \u00e4lteren Germanistik 11 (1976): has been shown to be uniquely syncretistic and thus 123\u2013167. dependent on numerous French and German literary sources, only a major court with strong dynastic con- Scholl, G. H. F. Diu Cr\u00f4ne von Heinr\u00eech von dem T\u00fcrl\u00een, 1852; nections to France could have enabled him to embark rpt. Amsterdam: Rodopi, 1966. on a project of such scope. As potential patrons, recent research has considered the Counts of G\u00f6rz and Otto Thomas, J. W. The Crown: A Tale of Sir Gawein and King Arthur\u2019s of Andechs-Meran. Court by Heinrich von dem T\u00fcrlin. Lincoln, Neb.: University of Neberaska Press, 1989. Diu Cr\u00f4ne belongs to a later group of Arthurian ro- mances often referred to as \u201cpostclassical.\u201d Apart from Ernst S. Dick recasting much of the mati\u00e8re de Bretagne (Breton, i.e., French, material), it takes a new and innovative HEINRICH VON MELK (d. after 1150) approach to the aesthetics of romance: in its form, as an Heinrich is believed to be the author of Vom Priester- leben (On the Life of Priests) and Von des todes gehugde (On the Remembrance of Death), both written after 1150. Although the virtual identity of lines 397\u2013402 in Vom Priesterleben with lines 181\u2013186 in Von des todes 306"]